Chapter 15 Volume 1, Chapter 11, Hitler Started

1936 The new atmosphere in Britain, Hitler can do whatever he wants Ratification of the Franco-Soviet agreement Rhineland and Versailles peace treaty and Locarno treaty March 7 Hitler regained the Rhineland French hesitation Frandin visits London British pacifism Frandin and Pact of Locarno Baldwin Wigram's Concerns Hitler Confirmed and Victorious Defense Coordinator Sir Inskeep's Choice Is Not a Blessing My Hope for the League of Nations Aiden Advocates a Two-Staff Conference with France Germany Fortifies the Rhineland I Raise a Warning in Parliament Mr. Bullitt's postwar revelations of Hitler's assurances to Austria on 11 July.

When I returned to my own country at the end of January 1936, I felt a new atmosphere in England.Mussolini's conquest of Abyssinia and his barbaric methods, the shock of the Hall-Laval negotiations, the failure of the League of Nations, the apparent collapse of collective security, all these not only transformed the Labor and Liberal parties Attitudes have changed, and so has the well-meaning but hitherto ineffective public opinion represented by eleven million people who voted peacefully just seven months ago.All these forces are now ready to seriously consider the question of waging war against fascism and Nazi tyranny.The use of force is no longer considered an illegitimate idea, but is gradually becoming recognized as a decisive decision in the minds of millions of peace-loving masses, even of many who were formerly proud of being pacifists. means, but according to the principles they profess, force may be used only at the initiative and sanction of the League of Nations.The two opposition parties, while continuing to oppose the rearmament measure, have largely opened the door to consensus.If the British government can adapt to the current situation, I am afraid that it will be able to lead a united nation and advance the entire war preparation work with the spirit of facing difficulties together.

The government sticks to their policy of moderation and only adopts some half-hearted measures, just to keep things safe.It strikes me as strange that they do not take advantage of the present spirit of growing harmony within the country.They could have used this method to greatly enhance their own status and gain the power to expand the power of the country.Mr. Baldwin had no such intentions.He ages fast.He has a huge electoral majority and the Conservative Party is quietly in his hands, so he can rest easy. Once Hitler's Germany was allowed to rearm without active interference from the Entente and other powers involved, World War II was almost certain.The further the date for the duel of strength is postponed, the less likely we will be able to stop Hitler in the first stage without a hard war, and in the second stage, to win after a terrible test.In the summer of 1935, Germany broke the peace treaty and resumed conscription.Britain had acquiesced to this, and under another agreement Germany was allowed to rebuild its navy and, if it pleased, to build submarines on British scale.Nazi Germany had built up an air force secretly and illegally, and by the spring of 1935 was publicly declaring that its air power was equal to that of Great Britain.After a long period of secret preparations, it has been actively manufacturing ordnance, and it is now the second year.England and all of Europe, and America, which at that time seemed distant, were confronted with the organized force and will to fight of Europe's most efficient people of seventy million people; When they hesitated, a brutal regime, military, social, and party, drove them forward.

Hitler could now strike at will.The series of steps he took met with no effective resistance in the two liberal democracies of Europe; on the American side, apart from a far-sighted president, it was only gradually attracting attention.Peaceful efforts that had hoped to succeed in 1935 have now almost completely failed. Mussolini had already won in Abyssinia, and he defied the League of Nations, especially against England, and succeeded.He now hates us, alienates us, and joins hands with Hitler.Berlin | The Roman axis has been formed.Now, as the facts show, there is little hope of success in preventing war, or in delaying it by probing forces resembling it.For Britain and France, besides waiting for the challenge to come, they can only prepare as much as possible.

There may still be time to establish a collective security based on the apparent determination of the States concerned to use force to implement the resolutions of the League of Nations.The democracies and their dependents are vastly stronger than the dictatorships in terms of present strength and potentiality, but their position vis-à-vis their enemies is more than half what it was twelve months ago.Good motives, bound by inertia and cowardice, are no match for armed and determined evil.A genuine devotion to peace in no way justifies the foolish involvement of millions of civilians in all-out war.The cheers of the well-meaning but feeble assembly were soon silenced, and their votes were soon nullified.The catastrophe loomed.

In 1935, Germany rejected and undermined Western efforts to negotiate the Locarno Pact in Eastern Europe.Now the new Germany says it is a bulwark against Bolshevism; they say they can never cooperate with the Soviet Union.On December 18, Hitler told the Polish ambassador in Berlin: He firmly opposed the cooperation between the West and Russia.In this mood, he sought to hinder and undermine French efforts to reach a direct agreement with Moscow. The Franco-Soviet treaty was signed in May but not ratified by either party.Preventing the ratification of the treaty became Germany's main goal.Laval received a warning from Berlin that if France ratified the treaty, no further Franco-German approaches could be expected in the future.Laval later stated that his reluctance to insist on ratification had become apparent, but this had no effect on the facts.

In January 1936, the new French foreign minister, Frandin, came to London to attend the funeral of George V.On the evening of his arrival, he dined with Mr Baldwin and Mr Eden in Downing Street.They talked about the attitude that Britain and France would take if Germany violated the Treaty of Locarno.At this time the French government was preparing to ratify the Franco-Soviet Pact, so Hitler was likely to take this step.Frantin consulted the French cabinet and staff for formal advice.According to his records, he informed Mr. Eden in Geneva in February that if Germany violated the treaty, the French armed forces would be put under the command of the League of Nations.He proposed to Eden that Britain would provide aid in accordance with the terms of the Locarno Convention.

On February 28, the French Congress ratified the Franco-Soviet Treaty. The next day, the French ambassador to Berlin was ordered to call on the German government to ask on what basis general negotiations on the Franco-German understanding could be held.Hitler replied that he would have to think about it for a few days.At ten o'clock in the morning on March 7, German Foreign Minister Mr. Neureit invited the ambassadors of Britain, France, Belgium, and Italy to Wilhelm Street to announce to them Germany's proposal: to conclude a 25-year treaty, and to set up non-military war stations on both sides of the Rhine River border. zone, concluding treaties limiting air power, and negotiating non-aggression pacts with neighbors to the east and west.

The demilitarized zone in the Rhineland was established in accordance with Articles 42, 43, and 44 of the Treaty of Versailles.These articles declare that Germany shall not fortify the west bank of the Rhine or the east bank within fifty kilometers.Germany shall also not have any military power in this zone, conduct military maneuvers at any time, or maintain any equipment for military mobilization.On top of these provisions was the Locarno Convention, which had been freely negotiated between the two parties.In this treaty, the parties individually and collectively guarantee the permanence of Derby and the German-French border.In Article II of the Covenant, Germany, France and Belgium undertake not to commit violations or attacks across these borders.If Article 42 or 43 of the Treaty of Versailles is violated, the breach of the treaty constitutes an unprovoked act of aggression, and the violated State party may demand immediate action because of the concentration of troops by other countries in the demilitarized zone .Such acts of sabotage should be brought forthwith to the League of Nations, which, having ascertained the acts of sabotage, must advise the Contracting States that they must render military assistance to the aggressed country.

At noon on the same day on March 7, 1936, two hours after Hitler proposed the 25-year pact, he announced in the Reichstag that he was ready to reoccupy the Rhineland. While he was speaking, German troops continuously crossed the border , into all important German towns in the area.They were welcomed everywhere, but they also feared the actions of the Entente.At the same time, in order to confuse British and American public opinion, Hitler declared that the occupation was purely symbolic.The German ambassador in London sent Mr. Eden a proposal identical to that which Neurait had given to the ambassadors of the Contracting States at Locarno that morning in Berlin.This suggestion reassured anyone on both sides of the Atlantic who would be fooled.Mr. Eden gave a serious reply to the German ambassador.Of course, we now know that Hitler's conciliatory overtures were part of a conspiracy to cover up his breach of contract.The success of this breach was crucial to his prestige and thus to the second step of his plan.

Not only was this a breach of the treaty obligation imposed on Germany by force in war, and a violation of the Locarno Pact, signed entirely voluntarily by both parties in peacetime, but it also took advantage of the amicable withdrawal of the Entente from the Rhine years earlier than the stipulated date. Lan's actions.The news caused a shock all over the world.The French government, with Saro as prime minister and Frandin as foreign minister, condemned it impassionedly and indignantly, and appealed to all its allies and the League of Nations.By this time, France had won the allegiance of the Small Entente, namely Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania. The Baltic states and Poland were also linked to the French system.In view of the fact that Britain had offered guarantees to protect French borders and resist German aggression, and had exerted pressure on France to withdraw from the Rhineland in advance, France was especially entitled to ask for British assistance.If there is such a thing as a breach of a treaty in the world, then Germany's behavior is a breach of the treaty, not only breaking the Treaty of Versailles, but also breaking the Locarno Convention, so the contracting parties also have binding treaty obligations. For France, it was an ominous shock.Salo and Flandan immediately wanted to implement a national mobilization.If they could, they would mobilize, and that would force everyone else to go with them.It was a matter of life and death for France, but they seemed unable to act without the consent of Britain.This is only an explanation, but it cannot be excused.This is a matter of life and death for France, and any French government worthy of the name should have made up its mind long ago to rely on treaty obligations.In these years of rapid change, with its ever-changing French government, its ministers more than once justified their own pacifism on the pretext of British pacifism.This may have been the case, the British never encouraged them to resist German aggression.On the contrary, if they hesitated to act, their British allies did not hesitate to try to dissuade them.Throughout the Sunday there were frequent telephone calls between London and Paris, and the conversations were intense.The British government advised the French to wait for the time being, so that the two countries can fully consider before taking joint action.What a shield to retreat! The unofficial response in London has also been lukewarm.Lloyd George said hastily: According to my judgment, Mr. Hitler's greatest crime was not breaking the treaty, because there were stimulating reasons beforehand.He continued: "I hope we keep our heads down.The reason for the so-called stimulus obviously means that the disarmament of the Allies has not been enough.Lord Snowdon pinned his hopes on the non-aggression pact proposed by Hitler. He said that Hitler's peace proposals in the past were ignored, but the people of all countries will not allow this peace proposal to be ignored again.Such remarks may reflect the wrong tendency of British public opinion at that time, but those who made such remarks may not be honorable.The British Cabinet always wanted to take the line of least resistance, and felt that the most convenient way out was to urge France to appeal to the League of Nations again. There are also major divisions within France.In general, the politicians wanted the mobilization of the army to deliver an ultimatum to Hitler, while the generals, like their German counterparts, demanded calm, patience and delay.We now know of the clash of opinions that took place between Hitler and the highest German military authorities at this time.Had the French government really mobilized nearly a hundred divisions of the French Army (at the time, it was mistakenly believed to be the strongest army in Europe), the German General Staff would have forced Hitler to withdraw the troops stationed there.This would act as a check on his aspirations, and thus might deal a fatal blow to his rule.Here it must be remembered that at this time, even with the strength of France alone, without other assistance, the Germans can be expelled from the Rhineland, and as long as France starts to act and invokes the Locarno Convention, it will definitely be able to obtain British aid.But in reality, France was so slow and paralyzed that it lost forever its last chance to stop Hitler's ambitions without a major war.On the contrary, the French government, instigated by Great Britain, placed the burden on the shoulders of the League of Nations, which had already been weakened and lost its vigor due to the failure of the previous year's sanctions and the Anglo-German naval agreement. On Monday, March 9, Mr. Eden left for Paris with Lord Halifax and Ralph Wigram.The original plan was to hold the meeting of the League of Nations in Paris, but soon Wigram was ordered by Eden to go to France to invite Frandin to London, and to change the meeting of the League of Nations to England, so that France would receive British power. Stronger support.It was an unwelcome mission for the loyal official.He came to see me immediately after his return to London, March 11th, and told me all about it.Frandin himself arrived in London late at night, and on Thursday morning about half-past eight he came to see me where I was staying at Morpeth House.He told me that he asked the British government to agree to the simultaneous mobilization of the land, sea, and air forces of both countries, and that he had the support of the Little Entente and other countries.He read me a long list of replies he had received from various countries.There is no problem, the Allied Powers in the last war still have great strength, as long as they take action, they will surely win.We didn't know what was going on between Hitler and his generals at the time, but the great power was clearly on our side.I was then an outsider, and in my personal position I could do nothing, but I wished my guest of honor every success in bringing the matter to a showdown, and I promised to help as far as I could.That night, I invited my key colleagues to dinner to get Frandin's advice. Mr. Chamberlain was then Chancellor of the Exchequer, the most powerful member of the government. His biographer, the able Mr. Keith Feiling, quotes from his diary: On March 12th, speaking with Frandin, we emphasized that public opinion will not support us in imposing sanctions of any nature.He thought that if we kept our front strong, Germany would surrender without a fight.We don't think that's a reliable estimate for a deranged dictator.Later, when Frandin demanded at least an economic boycott, Chamberlain responded by proposing an international army at the time of the negotiations, agreeing to a treaty of mutual assistance, and declaring that if the abandonment of a colony would result in permanent peace, he would Willing to give consideration. 【１】 [1] Fayling: The Biography of Neville Chamberlain. Meanwhile, most of the British newspapers, led by The Times and the Daily Herald, expressed confidence in Hitler's sincerity in proposing a non-aggression pact.In his speech at Cambridge University, Austin Chamberlain put forward the opposite view.Wigram saw it as his duty to get Frandin approached by British finance, the press, the government, Lord Lothian, and whomever Wigram could think of.At the Wigram house, Frandin put forward the following statement to everyone he met: Today the eyes of the whole world, especially the small countries, are on England.If Britain is willing to act now, it can lead Europe.You should have a policy so that the world will follow you so you can prevent war.This is your last chance.If you don't stop Germany now, it's all over.France could no longer guarantee Czechoslovakia, as this became geographically impossible.If you do not uphold the Locarno Convention, you will have to watch Germany rearm, a matter of which France is helpless.If you do not use force to stop Germany today, even if you have established a temporary friendly relationship with Germany, war will still be inevitable.For my part, I do not believe that there can be any friendship between Germany and France; relations between the two countries are always in a state of tension.However, if you abandon the Locarno Convention, I will change my policy, because there is no other way.These are brave words; if acted upon, they will be louder. Lord Lothian made a point: after all, they were only going to their back garden.This is an opinion that can be typical of the British. When I heard the bad news and had a conversation with Wigram, I persuaded Mr. Frandin to request a meeting with Mr. Baldwin before returning home.The meeting took place in Downing Street.The Prime Minister received Mr. Frandin with great civility and courtesy.Mr. Baldwin said that, though he knew little of foreign affairs, he had a good estimate of the sentiments of the English people.What the people need is peace.Mr. Frandin later stated in his book that he replied to Mr. Baldwin that the only way to ensure peace was to stop Hitler's aggression while it was still possible.France was not willing to drag England into the war, it did not ask for substantial assistance; it could itself carry out this purely police operation, so to speak, since, according to French information, the German troops in the Rhineland received Order to retreat in case of armed resistance.Frandin emphasized at the time that all France asked of its allies was freedom of movement.This statement is of course false. How can Britain limit the legal actions that France is entitled to take under the Locarno Convention?The British Prime Minister has repeatedly said that Britain cannot accept the risk of war.He asked again what the French government planned to do.On this point, there is no clear answer.According to Frandin,[1] at this time Mr. Baldwin said: Your opinion may be right, but if your police action has only one percent chance of causing war, I have no right to bring Britain into war. .After a short pause, he added: Britain is not in a state of war.This has not been confirmed yet.When M. Frandin returned to France, he was convinced that: first, unless Britain showed a strong will, otherwise it would be difficult for his internally divided country to unite; second, that Britain would never have There is not even a strong desire to act.In this way he erroneously drew the lamentable conclusion that France's only hope was a compromise with an increasingly aggressive Germany. [1] Frandin: The Politics of France.1919 | 1940, 207 | 208 pages. Nevertheless, in view of the attitude of Flandan I have seen these days, I feel it is my duty to help him as much as I can in the years to come, whatever his subsequent faults.I used my powers to protect him when the de Gaulle government arrested him in Algiers in the winter of 1943-44.I have asked and received the help of President Roosevelt in this matter.After the war, Frandin was brought before the court.My son Randolph was called to testify because he had met Frandin several times during the war in Africa.I am very pleased to know that his defense, and a letter I wrote in his defense for Flandin, had some influence on the subsequent acquittal of Flandin by the court.Although weakness can also cause disaster, it is not treason after all.However, the French government cannot shirk its main responsibility in any case.Had Clemenceau or Poincaré been there, Mr. Baldwin would have been denied free choice long ago. The surrender of Britain and France to Germany's violation of the Treaty of Versailles and the Locarno Pact, which allowed Hitler to occupy the Rhineland, was a fatal blow to Wigram.His wife later wrote to me that after the French delegation had left, Wigram returned.He sat in a corner of the room where he had never sat before, and he said to me: war is now inevitable, and must be the most terrible war ever seen.I guess I can't see it, but you'll see it.Just wait for the bombs to drop on this little house. 【1】I was terrified when I heard his words, and he continued: All these years, my work has been useless, I have failed.I have no means of making the people of England see this moment of life and death.Maybe I'm not strong enough, I can't make them understand.Winston Churchill has always understood that he is a strong man and he will continue to fight to the end. 【1】The little house was blown up as expected. My friend never seemed to recover from the shock.He took it too seriously.After all, if a man decides what his duty is, he can always fight on, risk increasing danger, and die.Wigram's deep understanding overreacted to his sensitive nature. He passed away unfortunately in December 1936. His death was an irreparable loss to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also affected the fate of our country. Our country finally fell into a tragic situation. When Hitler met with his generals after he had successfully retaken the Rhineland, he was able to demonstrate to them that their fears were unfounded, and how his judgment or intuition was superior to that of the average soldier.The generals bowed to him.They were good Germans, and they naturally enjoyed seeing their country so quickly gain ground in Europe, and see their former enemies so divided and subdued.This scene must have greatly increased Hitler's prestige and authority in the highest power circles in Germany, and also encouraged him to go further and make greater attempts.He said to the world: Germany's territorial ambitions have been fully satisfied. France is now caught in a state of contradiction. The fear of war and the sense of relief that war has been avoided are very strong.The simple-minded British newspapers comforted the simple-minded Englishman with the following words: After all, it was only Germany returning to their own soil.How would we feel, for example, if Yorkshire had been cut off from our country for ten or fifteen years?No one thought much about it. If the German army invaded France in the future, their disembarkation point would have moved a hundred miles forward.No one worried that this incident would prove to the small Allies in Europe that France was unwilling to fight, and even if it wanted to, Britain would hold it back.This scene strengthened Hitler's power to rule Germany, but it disgracefully hurt the patriotism of the generals who had tried to restrain him before, and made them look ridiculous. I now know that during this tense period, those senior figures have discussed my personal fate.The Prime Minister was under constant pressure and finally decided to form a new ministry not the Ministry of Defence, but the Ministry of Defense Coordination.Neville Chamberlain's biographer has made some accounts of the event.Austin Chamberlain, who had great influence on the government, once thought so, and said that it would be a great mistake to exclude me from the government.Sir Hall had by this time recovered from his illness.Given the deference with which he accepted his dismissal in the Hall-Laval crisis, calls for his reinstatement were strong.The Prime Minister thought it best for Neville Chamberlain to take up the new post, leaving his brother Austin Chamberlain back as Chancellor of the Exchequer.Neville Chamberlain saw that he would soon succeed Baldwin as prime minister, a suggestion he rejected. Mr Fayling wrote: "The Conservatives may be reluctant to reinstate Hall immediately.Had this new department been filled by Churchill, it would have alarmed the Liberals and the Center who took Churchill's absence from the government as a pledge against militarism,[1] and would amount to disobedience to those responsible for interpreting the general will of the party. opinion; and, once Baldwin retires, wouldn't that lead to another dispute over who should succeed him? We are told that for a full month these very delicate and momentous questions were carefully weighed. [1] This is exactly the opposite of the facts at the time.Peace ballot signers agree with me about armed collective security. Naturally I know these things are going on.In the debate on March 9, I was careful not to soften in the slightest my harsh but well-meaning criticism of government policy.Everyone thought my speech was a success.I am not happy with the establishment of the new department and its powers, but I will gladly accept this position as I believe it will draw on my knowledge and experience.Evidently (according to Feiling), the German advance on the Rhineland on March 7 had a decisive adverse effect on my appointment.Hitler obviously would not have liked me in this position.On the 9th, Mr. Baldwin selected Sir Thomas Inskeep for this new post.He was an able lawyer, with the advantage that he was unknown and completely ignorant of military matters.The choice of prime minister surprised the newspapers and the public alike.It was a blow to me to have this definitive and seemingly final exclusion from our defense efforts. I have to be careful, I have to keep my equanimity amidst this barrage of great discussions and debates, in which I am often prominent.I had to control my emotions, to be calm, unbiased, and detached.In this process of self-restraint, always thinking about national security issues is the best simple principle.In order to calm my emotions and concentrate my spirit, I wrote an outline of the whole history from the Treaty of Versailles to our present.I've even written the first chapter, parts of which can be moved into this book without modification.However, the busyness of things since then, and the daily writing which I have used to maintain my pleasant life in Chartwell, have kept my plans from going very far.Furthermore, at the end of 1936 I devoted myself to my History of the English Nations, which was actually completed before the outbreak of the war and which was to be published at a later date. To write a large and substantial book is to have a friend and companion at your side, from whom you can always draw comfort and joy.With him, a new and vast field of interest can appear in the mind, and it is also more fascinating. Of course Mr. Baldwin had every reason to use all his powers against a man who had been relentlessly exposing his mistakes.Not only that, but he is a very astute party leader, obsessed with the party majority, with an eye on enabling him to live a peaceful life between elections.He didn't need my disturbing help.He had no doubt that he had dealt me ​​a fatal blow politically, and I felt that he might have succeeded.How unpredictable are the consequences of actions, wise or foolish, good or malicious!But without this incalculable and endless change, the drama of life would be dull.Mr. Baldwin was no more aware than I was that he had done me a great favor.He kept me out of all the compromises and failures of the Cabinet for the next three years; and if I had been Minister, I would have been directly responsible for a defense which would have proved to be wretchedly inadequate in the event of a war. responsibility. It was not the first and perhaps not the last time that I was confronted with what appeared to be an unfortunate incident which turned out to be in my favour. I still hope that the appeal of France to the League of Nations will result in an international pressure on Germany to implement the resolutions of the League of Nations. France (I wrote on March 13, 1936) has lodged a complaint with the International Tribunal, asking the Tribunal to administer justice.If the International Tribunal finds that France has won the case, but fails to provide any measure to its satisfaction, it will prove that the League of Nations treaty is a lie and collective security is a sham.If no legal redress is available to the injured party, the entire doctrine of international law and international cooperation on which future hopes rest is disgracefully nullified.It will be superseded at once by a system of alliances and blocs of nations, relying on nothing but their own force.On the other hand, if the League of Nations were able to enforce its laws against one of the world's most powerful nations, now an aggressor state, the League's prestige would be greatly enhanced, and it would henceforth be recognized as the supreme authority , can decide and restrain the disputes of various nationalities.In this way, we may be able to take this opportunity to realize the ideals we have dreamed of all at once. But what an adventure!No one should ignore it.How can the risk be reduced?Here is a simple solution: it is to form a moral and powerful enough to subdue all forces to support international law.If the strengths of the two sides were evenly matched, war could break out within weeks, and no one could predict how it would play out, who would be drawn into it, or how it would end.However, if the power at the disposal of the League of Nations is four or five times greater than the current power of the aggressors, then there is an excellent chance for a peaceful and friendly solution. Therefore, every country, big or small, should play its role in accordance with the Covenant of the League of Nations. What strength can the League of Nations rely on at this critical juncture?Does it have marshals or police officers to enforce its sentences?Or is it isolated and incompetent, a meaningless laughing stock for unresolved or cynical believers when they sing high-pitched words?As far as the fate of the world is concerned, it is strange to say that the League of Nations has never been able to use such overwhelming power.Now, the world police is at your fingertips.The great powers assembled in Geneva were armed and on standby.It is the interest and the duty of these states not only to defend the public laws, but also to enforce them, if necessary.Now or never.Are we entering a new age, or returning to an old age?Where to go, it should be decisive now. All of these words sounded quite pleasing to some of the Liberals and Labours who were working with me and a few Conservative friends of mine at this time.It unites Conservatives who fear for national security with the unionists, Liberals, and peace-loving men and women who voted peacefully a year ago.Had His Majesty's Government acted resolutely and decisively through the League of Nations, they would have been able to lead a united British nation in their last quest to avoid war. The debate on the German reoccupation of the Rhineland did not begin until March 26.Part of the time in between was taken up by the London meeting of the Council of the League of Nations.As a result of the meeting, Germany was asked to bring the case of the Franco-Soviet agreement, which Hitler accused, to the International Tribunal in The Hague, but during the negotiations, no additional troops were allowed in the Rhineland. If Germany rejects the latter section, the Governments of Great Britain and Italy will take the necessary steps in accordance with their obligations under the Locarno Convention.But Italy's promise was of little value, because Mussolini had already had close contact with Hitler.And Germany already felt strong enough to refuse any conditions that would limit her forces in the Rhineland.Therefore, Mr. Eden firmly advocated that Britain, France and Belgium hold a staff meeting in order to study and prepare in advance for future joint actions in accordance with the Locarno Convention if necessary. The young Foreign Secretary made a bold speech, which was applauded by the House of Commons.Lord Austin Chamberlain and I both gave long speeches in his support.But the cabinet was not very enthusiastic, so even Eden's request for permission to hold a staff meeting was not easy to do.Usually such talks do not serve as diplomatic leverage and are held in secret, or even informally.現在經過了三個星期的談判和抗議，唯一的實際結果就是舉行參謀會談，而這就是協約國對希特勒破壞條約和確實佔領萊茵蘭的唯一答覆。 我在演說中說： 在回顧我們前五年的外交政策的時候，我們是不大愉快的。這五年肯定是多災多難的年分。我絕對不是要把這時期內世界發生的一切壞事的責任都推到我國政府身上，不過我們確實看到人類的前途出現了最黯淡、最使人震驚的變化。在這麼短短的幾年內就出現這樣的變化，真是亙古未有的。五年以前，大家都感覺到很安全；五年以前，大家都對和平滿懷希望，矚望將來有朝一日，和平與正義盛行於世，那時人類就可以享受科學為一切階層所能提供的寶貴成果。五年以前，如果談到戰爭，不但被人看作傻子，看作罪人，而且幾乎被看作是發瘋了 侵犯萊茵蘭一事之所以具有嚴重性，是因為荷蘭、比利時和法國都因此受到威脅。國務大臣提到德國甚至拒絕在談判進行中停止建築防禦工事，我聽了非常不安。我猜想在一個極短的時間內，他們一定會在那裡築成一道防線，而有了這道有防禦工事的防線以後，對歐洲的局勢就會產生很大影響。這道防線形成一道橫過德國大門口的障壁，同時又使它可以從另外的門口任意地向東面和南面衝出去。 英美兩國對德國在萊茵蘭設防的嚴重後果，並不是一開始就認識到的。四月六日，當政府要求對外交政策作信任投票時，我就再次提到這個問題： 希特勒已撕毀各種條約，在萊茵蘭駐了兵。現在他有軍隊在那邊，而且準備永久駐下去。所有這些事實表明，在德國國內和所有鄰近的國家，納粹政權獲得了新的威望。但是，事實還不止於此，德國現時正在或者即將在萊茵地區設防。設防當然需要若干時日的。首先，我們聽說，德國最初築的不過是普通野戰工事。但是，有人知道，德國可以把野戰工事逐步加強，使之十分完備，直至築成為像興登堡防線那樣完美，包括有許多鋼筋水泥堡壘和地下室的一道防線。知道這種情況的人就會知道野戰工事同永久性防禦工事，只是在程度上稍有差別而已，從挖掉第一塊草皮起可以一直幹下去，直到最後築成極其完備的防線。 我完全相信，德國與法國接壤的全部邊境，都將在盡可能短的時期內築成盡可能堅固的防線。經過三個月、四個月或六個月，一定可以看到一道十分強固的壁壘。這在外交上和戰略上會發生些什麼後果呢？面對法國邊境有一條堡壘防線出現，這就可以使德國在這條戰線上節省兵力，使它的主力轉而突破比利時和荷蘭現在我們來看看東線，萊茵蘭設防的後果，在東線可能來得更為直接。它對於我們固然不是一個直接的危險，但卻是一個更迫在眉睫的危險。一旦這些防禦工事完成，隨著工程日趨完備，中歐的整個形勢也就跟著發生變化。波羅的海各國、波蘭、捷克斯洛伐克，還必須‧加上南斯拉夫、羅馬尼亞、奧地利和其他一些國家，在這個巨大的軍事建築工程完工的時候，一定會受到決定性的影響。 我這篇警告，一言一語，都已陸續地和迅速地得到證實。 德國在佔領萊茵蘭和建立對法的防禦工事以後，第二步顯然是把奧地利並入德帝國了。以一九三四年七月暗殺奧地利總理多爾富斯為開端的這一段事情，即將在下面的一章裡寫到。 我們現在知道，德國外交部長紐賴特在一九三六年五月十八日，曾經非常坦白地對美國駐莫斯科大使布利特先生說，德國政府的政策，非等到把萊茵蘭消化了以後，在外交上不做任何積極的活動。他解釋說：在德國把接著法國和比利時邊界的國防線建設好以前，德國政府不但不會鼓勵，而且會阻止奧地利境內納粹黨人的暴動。他們對於捷克斯洛伐克，將採取平靜無事的方針。他說：一旦我國的防禦工事建成，中歐各國就會認識到法國已不能進入德國領土。這時所有這些國家就會對他們的外交政策有不同的看法，一個新的集團就會興起。紐賴特又對布利特先生說，奧地利的青年已逐漸轉向納粹，納粹黨統治奧地利已不可避免，這不過是時間問題罷了。 但關鍵在於完成接鄰法國邊境的防線，不然的話，如果德國和意大利發生爭端，就會引起法國進攻德國。 一九三六年五月二十一日，希特勒在德國國會演說中宣稱：德國並不想也不希望干涉奧地利內政，或吞併奧地利，或造成一個德奧合併的局面。一九三六年七月十一日，他和奧地利政府簽訂了一個條約，同意不採用任何方法來影響奧地利內政，特別是對奧地利國家社會主義運動不給予任何積極支持。這個諾言發表後不到五天，德國就有秘密訓令傳達到奧地利境內的國社黨，叫他們擴大並加強他們的活動。同時，德國的參謀部也奉希特勒的命令，草擬了佔領奧地利的軍事計劃，準備時機一到就立刻動手。