Chapter 43 Volume 2, Chapter 1, National Union

The beginning and the end The weight of Britain's work for the common cause The number of divisions that fought against the enemy throughout the war The number of honorable deaths of the Royal Navy The bombs dropped by Britain and the United States The arms aid of the United States strengthened our fighting forces The new cabinet Formation of the Conservative Party Loyal to Chamberlain's leadership of the House of Commons The persecution of heresy was stopped in time My letter to Mr. Chamberlain on May 11 Strange experience and experience Forming the government when the war was in full swing New colleague: Clement Eder Leigh, Arthur Greenwood, Archibald Sinclair, Ernest Bevin, Max Beaverbrook, a small war cabinet, May 11th to May 15th, organized the government Several stages of gossip about powers The reality and form of the new operational command structure Changes in the responsibility of the ministers of the armed forces Concentration of operational command in very few hands My personal approach Written instructions to General Ismay My relationship with the Chiefs of Staff Committee Edward Bridge The graciousness and trust shown by Sir Stephen's war cabinet The Office of the Secretary of State for Defense The staff in this office: Ismay, Hollis and Jacobs have not changed for five years The stability of the Chiefs of Staff Committee from 1941 to 1945 In 2000, apart from one death, there was no change in the highest institutions. Politicians and soldiers were intimate. Personal correspondence. My relationship with President Roosevelt. My May 15th telegram to the President. Blood, toil, tears, and sweat.

The storm that had been gathering and smoldering for a long time now finally hit us violently.Four or five million men were pitted against each other in the first confrontation in the bloodiest war ever fought.During the difficult years of the last war and the beginning of this war, we were accustomed to live behind the French line, which was destroyed in a week.In less than three weeks, the prestigious French army collapsed and collapsed, the British army was driven into the sea, and all equipment was lost.Within six weeks we found ourselves alone and nearly disarmed, with victorious Germany and Italy at our throats, all of Europe in Hitler's clutches, and Japan halfway around the globe Side eyeing.It was in the face of these facts and the bleak outlook that I assumed the office of Prime Minister and Secretary of Defense, with the task of first forming a government of all parties to deal with His Majesty's domestic and foreign affairs.

It was almost exactly five years before we were able to take a more optimistic view of our situation.Italy was conquered and Mussolini was killed. The mighty German army surrendered unconditionally.Hitler committed suicide.In addition to General Eisenhower's mass captures, nearly three million German soldiers were captured in twenty-four hours by Field Marshal Alexander in Italy and Field Marshal Montgomery in Germany.France was liberated, rallied, cheered up.We marched hand in hand with our allies, the two mightiest empires in the world, and swiftly crushed Japanese resistance.The contrast is truly astonishing.The road experienced in these five years has been long, difficult and dangerous.Those who fell on this path did not sacrifice their lives in vain.Those who make it to the end with their heads held high will be forever proud of having walked this path with honor.

In explaining the work I did and the formation of the famous National Coalition Government, it is my duty first to explain the contribution of a more difficult and more closely united Great Britain and its Empire to what ultimately became the common cause of so many nations and peoples How big it is and what it does.I do not do this to draw unflattering comparisons or to draw meaningless comparisons with our greatest ally, the United States, for whom our gratitude is immeasurable and will never be forgotten, but let everyone know and It is in the common interest of the English-speaking world to understand the great British war effort.I have therefore made a table which covers the entire period of the war.The table shows that until July 1944 Great Britain and the British Empire had far more divisions in contact with the enemy than the United States.This total figure includes not only the European and African theaters, but also all areas in Asia where Japan was fought.Until the arrival of large numbers of American troops in Normandy in the autumn of 1944, we had the right to speak at least as an equal partner and often as the leading partner in every theater of theater except the Pacific and Oceania; The same is true for the assembly of all divisions in each theater in any given month.Beginning in July 1944, the American front became more and more prominent in terms of the number of divisions in contact with the enemy, and it continued to do so, expanding, with frequent successes, until the final victory was achieved ten months later.

Another comparison I have made shows that the sacrifice of personnel in Great Britain and the British Empire is even greater than that of our heroic allies.The total number of dead, missing, or presumed dead in the British Armed Forces amounts to 300,3240, plus 109,000 in the Dominions, India, and the Colonies, making a total of four One hundred and twelve thousand two hundred and forty people.This figure does not include the 60,500 civilians killed in air strikes in the United Kingdom, nor the approximately 30,000 merchant mariners and fishermen who died.Compared with these figures, the US Army, Air Force, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard lost 322,188 [1].I enumerate these sad and honorable numbers in the conviction that the equal comradeship forged by so much precious blood will continue to command the admiration and inspire action of the English-speaking world.

[1] Eisenhower: The European Crusades, p. On the seas, of course, the United States carried almost all the burden of the Pacific War, and their decisive battles near Midway, at Guadalcanal, and in the Coral Sea in 1942 put them on the frontlines of that vast ocean. The full initiative was gained on the seas, opening the way for them to attack all Japanese-occupied lands and finally the Japanese mainland.The U.S. Navy cannot simultaneously undertake heavy responsibilities in the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea.It is my duty here to state the facts.Of the 781 German submarines and 85 Italian submarines sunk in the European theater, Atlantic and Indian Oceans, 594 were sunk by the British Navy and Air Force; In addition to capturing the entire Italian fleet, all German battleships, cruisers, and destroyers were also destroyed.

In the air, the United States, from the earliest moments after Pearl Harbor, put into battle the greatest and greatest effort, especially with their Daytime Sky Fortress bombers; their air forces were used both against Japan and with Come strike Germany from the British Isles.But it is true that not a single American bomber dropped a single bomb on Germany in daylight when we arrived in Casablanca in January 1943.It was not long before their prodigious efforts came to fruition; but, by the end of 1943, the total British bombs dropped on Germany, day or night, amounted to more than eight tons to a ton. bombs dropped by American planes, and it was only in the spring of 1944 that American bombing surpassed ours.In this, as on land and sea, we were involved in the process from the beginning, and it was only in 1944 that the enormous American war effort caught up and surpassed us.

It must be remembered that since the introduction of the Lend-Lease Act in January 1941, our military supplies have increased by more than one-fifth due to the largesse of the United States. With the supplies and arms they gave us, we could actually fight with 5,800 men instead of 48,000,000.At the same time, in terms of shipping, the construction of a large number of free ships has enabled the supply of materials to flow through the Atlantic Ocean.On the other hand, an analysis should also be made of the losses suffered by the shipping of each country as a result of the enemy's military operations throughout the war, and it should be kept in mind. The figures are as follows:

Britain lost tens of gross tons, three hundred and fifty-seven, fifty-four percent U.S. lost gross tonnage of 3,334,16% (not controlled by the enemy) other countries 6, 503, 30% A total of twenty-one, one hundred and ninety-four, one hundred percent Eighty per cent of these losses were in the Atlantic Ocean, which includes UK coastal waters and the North Sea, and just five per cent were in the Pacific Ocean. Listing the above facts is not to get undue credit, but to show that at a critical juncture in world history, the people of this small island, who bear the brunt, did what they did in various forms of war activities on the basis of winning the respect of impartial people. What an arduous effort.

It is probably easier to form a Cabinet, especially a coalition, in the heat of war than in peace.Responsibility prevails, and personal intentions take a backseat.Having finalized the main arrangements with the leaders of the other parties under the formal authority of their respective organisations, all those I invited, like soldiers in battle, expressed without objection their immediate intention to go to the posts assigned to them.Having formalized the basis of the party, it seemed to me that no one in the large number of persons with whom I was to meet had selfish motives.Even if a few people hesitate, it is still for the sake of the public.This noble act was especially marked by the many ministers of the Conservative and National Liberal Party, who had to leave their positions, their careers, and at such a critical and exciting time from public office, some Many even leave for life.

The Conservative Party holds more than 120 seats in the House of Commons than all other parties combined.Mr. Chamberlain was their elected leader.I cannot fail to realize that, after years of criticizing and often harshly condemning them, my replacement of Chamberlain must have been very unpleasant to many of them, and besides, they Most people must understand that my life has been spent in friction or actual struggle with the Conservatives; I parted ways with them on free trade and then came back to work with them as Chancellor of the Exchequer.For many years thereafter I was their main adversary on issues of India, foreign policy and lack of war readiness.It was very difficult for them to accept me as prime minister.Many respectable people suffer, and loyalty to the leader chosen by the party is the first characteristic of a Conservative.If in the years before the war they failed in some matters to fulfill their duty to the country, it was also because of their loyalty to their chosen leaders.These considerations do not worry me in the slightest.I know that the sound of the cannon is overwhelming. First, I asked Mr. Chamberlain to be Leader and Privy Master of the House of Commons, which he accepted.The event was not announced.Mr Attlee told me that it was not easy for Labor to work under such an arrangement.In a coalition government, the leader of the House of Commons must be someone everyone accepts.I told this to Mr. Chamberlain, and with his readily assent, I myself became Leader of the House of Commons until February 1942. During this period, Mr. Attlee acted as my deputy, handling the day-to-day work.His long experience in opposition parties will be of great value.I only show up for the most serious things.Such situations are common.Many Conservative Party members feel that their party leader is being overlooked.Everyone admires him as a person.When he entered the House of Commons for the first time in his new capacity (May 13th), a majority of all the members of his party rose in unison to pay him warm sympathy and respect.In the first few weeks, I was greeted mainly from Labor seats.However, Mr. Chamberlain's loyalty and support to me are unswerving, and I have full confidence in myself. Considerable pressure was exerted by members of the Labor Party and by certain capable and active persons who had not been included in the new government, to purge those guilty, those ministers who were responsible for the Munich Agreement or who were to be criticized for their poor preparations for war.Among them were Lord Halifax, Lord Simon and Sir Samuel Hall, but this was not the time to exclude talented patriots who had long held important positions.If these critics had their way, at least a third of the Tory ministers would have to resign.As Mr. Chamberlain is the leader of the Conservative Party, it is easy to see that such a movement would be injurious to the unity of the country, and I have no need to inquire whether all the guilt lies with one side.The formal responsibility should be borne by the government at that time, but the moral responsibility is far more involved.There are many, many statements and votes that Labor ministers and Liberal ministers, no exception, can be quoted, all of which turned out to be very stupid, are all in my mind and can be enumerated in detail. .I am more entitled than anyone not to dwell on the past, so I resist these divisive tendencies. I said a few weeks later: If you try to judge the past by the present, you will lose the future.This argument, together with the seriousness of the situation, stopped those who were supposed to persecute heretics. In the early morning of May 11th, I wrote a letter to Mr. Chamberlain, saying that no one would change his residence within a month.This avoided some small troubles at the critical moment of the war.I continued to live in the Admiralty Building, and made the map room and the good rooms downstairs my temporary headquarters.I reported to him my conversation with Mr. Attlee and the progress of forming the new government.I hope to complete the war cabinet and war apparatus for the Emperor tonight.The war compelled us to hurry up and as we (the two) had to work so closely together, I hope you will move again to your old home at number 11 which we are all familiar with, and I hope you will not feel anything about it inconvenient.I then wrote: I don't see any need for a cabinet meeting today, as the Army and other forces are fighting as planned, but I would still like you and Edward (Halifax) to be at the Navy at 12.30pm Come to the War Room so that we can look at the map and negotiate together. [1] This house in Downing Street is usually the residence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The British and French vanguard had reached the Antwerp-Namur line; this line looked promising to be firmly held by the Allies before it was attacked.This must be done within approximately forty-eight hours, and it is very important to realize that.On the other hand, the Germans had not yet forced the Albert Canal, and the Belgians were reported to have fought well.The Dutch are also putting up stubborn resistance. My experience in those first days was peculiar.A person is immersed in the war, and all his thoughts are concentrated on the war, but he can't do anything about the war.How those moments were spent during the whole time, between organizing the government, meeting with guests, and adjusting the balance between the parties, I do not recall now, nor do my records.At that time, a British government had 60 to 70 ministers appointed by the emperor, and they had to be put together like puzzle pieces, and at the time, the requirements of the three political parties had to be taken into account.Not only do I need to meet all the main people, but I have to spare at least a few minutes to meet with a large number of talented people who have been elected to important positions.When forming a coalition government, the Prime Minister must fully respect the wishes of the party leaders when considering who in each party will fill the positions assigned to the party.I mainly act on this principle.If anyone should have gotten a better job, but was not elected because of the opinion of their party chiefs, or even despite that opinion, I can only express my regret.However, on the whole, such difficult things are rare. In the case of Clement Attlee, he was a colleague of mine who had experience in the war and was well versed in the work of the House of Commons.We differed only in our views on socialism, but these differences were quickly put aside by the war, which demanded the complete subordination of the individual to the state.Throughout the Coalition Government, we have worked very well and trusted each other.Mr. Arthur Greenwood was a courageous and knowledgeable advisor and a helpful friend. Sir Archibald Sinclair, the official leader of the Liberal Party, found it difficult to accept the Air Secretaryship because his followers felt he should have a seat in the War Cabinet.But this is against the principles of a small war cabinet. I therefore recommend that he be called to the War Cabinet whenever there is a matter of great political importance or party solidarity.He was my friend, and was my second-in-command when I commanded the Royal 6th Scottish Fusiliers at Parksteet (Plage Street) in 1916, and he himself was eager to conduct my A wide range of activities is reserved for him.After repeated consultations, the issue was resolved amicably.As for Mr. Bevin, whom I met early in the war when he was trying to meet the urgent needs of the Admiralty for trawlers, he had to consult with the Transport and General Workers' Unions before he could join the cabinet in the all-important post of Secretary of Labor , because he is the secretary of the association.It took two or three days of work, but it was worth it.The UK's largest trade union unanimously agreed with Bevan and stood by him for five years until we won. The greatest difficulty arose with Lord Beaverbrook.I believe he can make a very outstanding contribution.On the basis of my experience in the last war, I have decided to separate the supply and design of aircraft from the Air Force, and I would like him to be Minister of Aircraft Production.He seemed at first reluctant to take up the position, and the Air Ministry certainly did not want to carve out their supply department.There are other obstacles to his appointment to the post.However, I am convinced that our survival depends on the continuous production of new aircraft; I need his lively exuberance, so I stand by my opinion. According to the general opinion expressed in Parliament and in the press, the War Cabinet must be small.I therefore started with five members, only one of whom, the Foreign Secretary, headed a department.These people were, of course, politicians from the major parties of the day. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Leader of the Liberal Party were regularly present for the convenience of business; the regularity increased over time, but the full responsibility rested with the five War Cabinet Ministers.If we fail to win this war, these five are the only ones who should be sent to Tower Hill to be beheaded.The rest will be punished only for the failure of the department they run, not for making government policy.Anyone but the War Cabinet can say: I am not responsible for this or that. The policy burden is borne by a higher level.This reassures many people of their concerns in the coming days. 【1】Tower Hill in London was the place where prisoners were imprisoned and executed in medieval England.translator Below are the stages in which the National Coalition Government was built day by day during the Great War. War Cabinet 11th May 1940 Mr Winston Churchill Prime Minister, First Chancellor of the Exchequer, Secretary of Defense and Leader of the House of Commons* Conservative Party Privy President Mr Neville Chamberlain* Conservative Party Keeper of the High Seal Mr. C. Lee Attlee Labor Party Lord Halifax* Conservative Party Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Mr Arthur Greenwood Labor Party cabinet level minister Mr A‧V‧Alexander, Lord of the Admiralty Labor Party Mr Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for War* Conservative Party Air Secretary Sir Archibald Sinclair Liberal Party May 12 Lord Chancellor Sir John Simon* (later Lord Simon) National Liberal Party Sir Kingsley Wood* Conservative Party Home Secretary and Home Security Secretary Sir John Anderson* Independent secretary of state for the colonies lord lloyd tory Trade Secretary Sir Andrew Duncan is independent Minister of Munitions Mr Herbert Morrison Labor Party Information Secretary Mr Alfred Duff Cooper Conservative Party May 13 Mr. L. S. Ahmed, Minister of India and Myanmar Affairs Conservative Party Health Secretary Malcolm McDonald National Labor Party Labor and Service Secretary Ernest Bevan Labor Party Food Secretary Lord Woolton B Independent May 14 Secretary of State for the Dominions and Leader of the House of Lords Viscount Caldercote* Conservative Party Mr Ernest Brown, Secretary of State for Scotland National Liberal Party aircraft production minister lord beaverbrook tory Mr H. Ramsbotham, Chairman of the Education Committee* Conservative Party Agriculture Secretary Mr Robert Hudson* Conservative Party Transport Secretary Sir John Lees* Independent Mr Ronald Cross, Secretary of State for Shipping* Conservative Party Mr Hugh Dalton Labor Secretary of State for Economic Warfare Lord Hankey, Lord Chancellor, Duke of Lancaster* Independent May 15 Pensions Secretary Sir W.J. Walmersley* Conservative Party Post Secretary Mr W. S. Morrison* Conservative Party Lord Cranbourne Conservative Party Attorney-General Donald Somerville* (royal adviser) Conservative Party Scottish Attorney-General Mr T‧M‧Cooper* (Royal Advisor) Conservative Party Solicitor General Sir William Jowett* (Crown Adviser) Labor Party Mr J‧S‧C‧Reid, Solicitor General of Scotland* (Royal Advisor) Conservative Party *Member of the previous administration. In my long political career I have held most of the important offices of the country, but I do not hesitate to admit that the one I am currently holding is my favorite.Power, when used to lord over one's fellow men, or to increase one's vanity, should be considered base, but when a nation is at stake, when a man believes he knows what orders to , holding power is a blessing.In any sphere of activity, a No. 1 position is incomparable with a No. 2, 3, or 4 position.The responsibilities and problems of all but number one are very different and in many ways more difficult.When No. 2 or No. 3 has to come up with a major plan or policy, that's often an unfortunate event.He has to consider not only the pros and cons of the policy, but also the intention of the leader; not only what opinions to offer, but also what opinions are appropriate in his position; not only what to do, but also how to get the consent of others , how can it be put into practice.Moreover, No. 2 or No. 3 had to take into account No. 4, No. 5, and No. 6, and perhaps No. 20, some prominent figure outside the Cabinet.Everyone is ambitious, not necessarily for vulgarity but for fame. Often some points of view may also be correct, and many points of view are quite reasonable.In 1915, I suffered a big loss in the Dardanelles. At that time, I was a subordinate, but I tried to launch a major combat operation. As a result, my grand plan was completely defeated. .It is unwise for people to take such risks.This lesson deeply affected my character. At the top, the situation is much simpler.A recognized leader can do what he is sure is best, that is, as long as he decides to do it.Loyalty to number one is huge.If he falls, pick him up.If he makes a mistake, cover up his mistake.If he's asleep, don't bother him casually.If he is incompetent, he will be removed from office, but this last extreme measure cannot be resorted to every day, and certainly not in the days immediately after his election. The fundamental change of the combat command organization focuses on reality rather than superficiality.The Constitution, said Napoleon, should be short and vague.The existing organization remains unchanged, and not a single person is changed.At first the War Cabinet and the Chiefs of Staff met daily, as in the past.I am Secretary of State for Defense myself, with the sanction of the Crown, and in so doing I have made no change to the law or the constitution.I am careful not to state clearly what my rights and obligations are.I claim no special powers from the King or Parliament.It is, however, understood and accepted by all, that, with the support of the War Cabinet and the House of Commons, I shall be in overall command of the war.The key change after I took over was, of course, the oversight and chairing of the Chiefs of Staff by a Defense Secretary with no clear mandate.As the Secretary of Defense is also the Prime Minister, he enjoys all the rights inherent in the office, including an extremely wide power of appointing and dismissing all professional and political personnel.Thus, for the first time, the Committee of the Chiefs of Staff, in its daily direct contact with the executive head of the government, acquired its proper place and, in agreement with him, overall control of the war and the command of the armed forces. The positions of the Secretary of the Navy, the Ministers of the War and the Air Force, although formally unchanged, were greatly affected in practice.They were not members of the War Cabinet and did not sit on the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services Committee.They still had full responsibility for their respective departments, but they were quickly and almost imperceptibly relieved of strategic planning and day-to-day operational command.These plans and work were carried out by the Chiefs of Staff Committee under the direct leadership of the Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Defence, and thus were endorsed by the War Cabinet.The Ministers of the Armed Forces, whom I have chosen for the Armed Forces, are very able and reliable friends of mine, who are free from formality.They organized and managed the growing army, and helped them as much as they could, in the brisk, pragmatic way of the British.Since they are members of the Defense Committee and have regular contact with me, they have the full picture. Their full-time subordinates, the chiefs of staff of the armies, discussed all issues with them and treated them with great respect.However, operations must have a general command, and they will faithfully obey this command.There was never any violation of power, and in this circle anyone could speak freely; but the actual command of the war was soon in the hands of a few; what had seemed so difficult was now much easier Of course, the matter was different with Hitler. Despite the turmoil, despite the many disasters we have to endure, the institution works almost automatically, and our ideas are coherent and can be executed very quickly. Notwithstanding the vicious battle going on on the other side of the Channel, and the reader's no doubt eager to know what was going on there, let me at this moment describe the system and manner of conducting military and other affairs which I have drawn up and carried out since the day I assumed power, is beneficial.I firmly advocate that official business should be handled in writing.Doubtless, in hindsight, much of what is written down at any time in a pressing situation will inevitably be inconsistent or impossible, but I am willing to take the risk.Apart from matters concerning military discipline, I feel that it is always better to express opinions and wishes than to issue orders.However, the written instructions issued by the statutory head of the government and the minister responsible for national defense have played such a role: they are not orders in form, but they are often carried out. In order to ensure that my name is not used lightly, I sent the following memo during the emergency period in July: Prime Minister to General Ismay, Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Sir Edward Bridges July 19, 1940 All instructions issued by me shall be in writing, or shall be confirmed in written form immediately after the event. In matters of national defense, I shall not be responsible for any matters that are considered to be decided by me, except for those that have written records. I hope you understand understand this. When I woke up around eight o'clock in the morning, I read all the telegrams and dictated in bed the bulk of memorandums and instructions to the Departments and the Chiefs of Staff Committee. As soon as these memorandums and instructions were dictated, they were typed out one after another and immediately handed over to General Ismay, Under-Secretary to the War Cabinet (Military) and my representative on the Chiefs of Staff Committee, who came to see me every morning.Thus, when the Chiefs of Staff met at ten-thirty, he had a good deal in writing to bring to them.While discussing the general situation, they gave full consideration to my opinion.Thus, between three and five o'clock in the afternoon, unless there is some disagreement between us that requires further consultation, a whole batch of orders and telegrams issued by me or by the Chiefs of Staff and agreed upon by all of us will be ready, Things that need to be decided right now can be resolved. In total warfare, it is difficult to draw any clear line between military and non-military issues.The absence of such friction between the Military Staff and the War Cabinet was largely due to the personality of the War Cabinet Secretary, Sir Edward Bridges.The son of the ex-Poet Laureate [1] was not only a tireless and competent worker, but a man of extraordinary stamina, talent, and grace, without an iota of jealousy in his character.His primary concern was that the War Cabinet Secretariat as a whole should serve the Prime Minister and the War Cabinet to the best of its ability.He never considered his own personal position, and there was never any discord between the administrative and military personnel of the Secretariat. In case of greater problems or differences of opinion, I convened a meeting of the Defense Committee of the War Cabinet; this committee was originally composed of Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Attlee and the Ministers of the Armed Forces, and the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces attended the meeting .These formal meetings became less and less common after 1941. [2] As the work of the government apparatus began more smoothly, I came to the conclusion that the daily meetings of the War Cabinet, attended by the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services, were no longer necessary.So one last thing I thought of was to hold what came to be called the Monday Cabinet Review among us.Every Monday, a fairly large meeting is held during the war. All the cabinet members, the ministers of the armed forces, the ministers of home security, the ministers of the exchequer, the ministers of the dominions, the ministers of Indian affairs, the ministers of information, the chiefs of staff of the armed forces and the chiefs of the foreign ministry all participated. .At these meetings, each Chief of Staff took turns reporting on all that had happened during the past seven days; the Foreign Secretary then gave an account of the important developments in foreign affairs.On other days of the week, the War Cabinet met alone, and all major matters to be decided were brought up for discussion.The other ministers are present mainly when discussing issues pertaining to the matters in their charge.The war cabinet ministers circulated all documents concerning the war and read all the important telegrams sent by me.As a result of the growing degree of trust, the War Cabinet did not intervene any more in the operations of the war, although they were closely watching and fully aware of the war.The war cabinet ministers carried almost all the burden of domestic and party affairs for me, thereby freeing me from other matters to concentrate on the main issues.I always consulted them in good time with regard to all major future military operations; and although they thought carefully about the war, they often asked me not to give them dates and details, and indeed there were several times when I was about to tell them. They stopped me when I asked for dates and details. 【1】Refers to Poet Laureate Robert Bridges (1844|1930).translator [2] The National Defense Committee held forty meetings in 1940, seventy-six meetings in 1941, twenty meetings in 1942, fourteen meetings in 1943, and ten meetings in 1944. Second-rate. It was never my intention that the office of Secretary of State for Defense be embodied in one ministry.If I were to do that, legislative procedures would be required, and all the subtle adjustments I have spoken of are mostly self-determined by individual goodwill and would have to be resolved after an untimely free discussion of the constitution.However, under the personal leadership of the prime minister, the military group of the wartime cabinet secretariat was established to carry out the work. This group was the secretariat of the Imperial Defense Committee before the war. The military group was led by General Ismay, with Colonels Hollis and Colonel Jacobs as the main assistants, and a group of young officers specially selected from the three armed forces.This military group became the staff of the Office of the Secretary of State for Defense.I cannot thank the members of this group enough.隨著戰事的進展，伊斯梅將軍、霍利斯上校和雅各布上校的軍階和聲望不斷提高，但是他們當中沒有一個人調換過工作。在這樣一個與機要事務如此密切相關的圈子裡，調職換人是不利於連續地和有效地處理事務的。 參謀長委員會議經過初期的一些人事變動後，幾乎保持了同樣的穩定。一九四○年九月，空軍參謀長紐沃爾空軍元帥任期屆滿後，調任新西蘭總督，他的職務由大家公認的空軍名將空軍元帥波特爾接替。波特爾在整個戰爭期間始終同我共事。於一九四○年五月接替艾恩賽德將軍職務的約翰‧迪爾爵士，在一九四一年十二月隨我前往華盛頓之前，一直擔任帝國總參謀長。其後，我派他擔任我和美國總統聯繫的私人軍事代表兼我國駐美英聯合參謀長委員會代表團團長。他同美國陸軍參謀長馬歇爾將軍的關係，在我們的一切工作中成了寶貴的紐帶，當他兩年之後殉職時，他享受了無比的榮譽，安葬在阿林頓公墓這個烈士紀念堂在此之前是專門用來安葬美國戰士的。艾倫‧布魯克爵士繼迪爾爵士之後擔任帝國參謀總長，並和我共事一直到大戰結束。 從一九四一年起，在大約四年的時間裡其中最初的一段時期是在許多不幸和挫折中渡過的在三軍參謀長和國防部參謀人員這一小部分人中，只是由於海軍上將龐德的殉職，才有過一次變動。這在英國軍事史上可以說是一件從未有過的事情。羅斯福總統在他自己的圈子裡也達到了同樣程度的穩定性。美國三軍參謀長馬歇爾將軍、金海軍上將和阿諾德將軍，後來又加上李海【１】海軍上將從美國參戰之日起便開始在一起工作，並且從來沒有變動過。由於英國人和美國人當時建立了聯合參謀長委員會，因而這對大家都有難以估計的好處。同盟國之間類似這樣的事情還是前所未聞的。 【１】原文為Leahy，發音應為萊希，這裡從舊的定譯。translator 我不能說在我們內部從來沒有發生過意見分歧，但我和英國參謀長委員會之間滋長了一種諒解，那就是：我們要彼此說服，而不是壓服。其所以能夠作到這一點，當然是得助於我們講的是同一的術語，擁有一大套共同的軍事理論和戰爭經驗。在這個變化無常的局面中，我們的行動就像一個人一樣，戰時內閣授予我們更多的自行處置之權，並且始終如一地堅決支持我們。大禮服和黃銅帽【１】（會把事情弄糟的討厭字眼），也如同上次大戰時的政治家和軍人一樣，他們之間沒有發生過不和。我們的確是親密相處，而且建立了友誼，我相信大家是非常珍惜這種友誼的。 【１】大禮服指高級文官，黃銅帽指高級軍官。translator 戰時政府的效率，主要是取決於最高當局批發的決定是否真正得到嚴格地、忠實地和及時地遵照執行。由於戰時內閣對於我們所致力的基本目標抱有巨大的誠意、理解和堅定的決心，所以在這危急存亡的關頭我們在英國做到了這一點。 按照給與的指示，船隻、軍隊和飛機行動起來了，工廠裡的輪子轉動起來了。由於採用了所有這些方法，由於大家對我表示信任、寬容和衷心擁戴，所以我不久就能夠對戰爭的幾乎每一個方面發出全面的指示。這實在是必不可少的，因為局勢是那麼的糟糕。這個辦法被大家接受了，因為每個人都認識到死亡和毀滅是多麼地近在眼前。不但是個人的死亡人生終有一死近在眼前，而且關係無比重大的是，英國的生存、英國的使命和英國的光榮也處在千鈞一髮之中。 如果不把我個人發給美國總統和其他國家與自治領政府首腦的一系列函電加以解釋，就不可能充分闡明在全國聯合政府領導下制定的政府施政方針。我必須敘述一下這些函電。 在內閣作出有關政策的特別決定後，我就親自起草和口授文件，大部分是按照發給朋友和同事的親切便函形式寫的。一個人用自己的話來表達自己的思想，總是能夠表達得好一些的。我只是偶爾才事先向內閣宣讀函電的內容。由於我知道他們的意見，所以我放手進行我的工作。我同外交大臣和外交部自然是密切配合的，任何意見的分歧都是在一起解決的。 我把這些電報交給戰時內閣的主要成員傳閱（有時是在拍發以後送去傳閱的）；凡是同自治領大臣有關的，也送給他們閱讀。在拍發電報之前，我自然要各有關部門把我的要點和事實核對一下，所有的軍事函電幾乎都是通過伊斯梅之手送給參謀長委員會的。這種通信同大使們的正式聯繫或工作毫不牴觸。這事實上成了洽商重大事務的手段，在我指揮戰爭方面所起的作用，並不次於我擔任的國防大臣職務，有時甚至還過之。 經過遴選而處在我周圍的人，完全可以自由發表他們的意見，他們對於我起草的函電幾乎一致表示同意，這就使我日益增加信心。比方說，同美國當局的一些分歧，在第二級是無法解決的，但通過最高一級的直接聯繫，往往在幾小時內就解決了。隨著時間的推移，由於最高一級處理事務的效率確實顯而易見，因此，我就倍加小心，不讓它變成為處理部一級的普通事務的方法。我曾一再拒絕我的同僚們要求我親自就重要的細節問題致函羅斯福總統。如果把這類問題不恰當地納入私人的通信中，那不久就會破壞私人函電的機密性，從而破壞它的價值。 我同羅斯福總統的關係漸漸地變得如此密切，以致我們兩國間的重大事項實際上是通過他和我之間的私人函電往來處理的。這樣作法，我們便獲得了充分的諒解。作為國家的元首，同時又是政府的首腦，羅斯福在各個方面的發言和行動都是有權威的；而在使戰時內閣同意我的意見的情況下，我也幾乎能夠同等行動自由地代表大不列顛。這樣就獲得了高度的配合，而且大大節約了時間和減少參與其事的人數。我把電報送交美國駐倫敦大使館，它通過特別的密碼電報機直接同白宮的總統聯繫。獲得答覆和解決問題的速度是以小時計算的。我在傍晚、夜間或者甚至是清晨二點擬就的一切電文，都能在總統就寢以前到達他的手裡；當我第二天早晨醒來時，他的答覆往往就回來了。我總共發給他九百五十份電報，收到的回電大約有八百份。我覺得，我是在同一個非常偉大的人保持聯繫，這個人同時是一個熱心的朋友，一個在我們共同努力的崇高事業中站在最前列的戰士。 內閣贊成我試向美國政府要驅逐艦；我便在五月十五日下午起草我擔任首相以來第一次致羅斯福總統的電報。為了保持我們之間的通信的非正式性質，我在署名時自稱前海軍人員；而且在整個大戰期間我幾乎毫無例外地一直使用我喜愛的這個稱呼。 我雖然變換了職務，但我相信你不願意我中斷我們之間的密切的私人通信。正如你必然知道的那樣，局勢已迅速地惡化了。敵人在空中顯然佔了優勢，他們的新的技術正在法國人的心中產生深刻的印象。我本人認為，地面戰爭才剛剛開始，我很想看到群眾都參加戰爭。直到目前為止，希特勒還是在用特種坦克部隊和空軍作戰。那些小國簡直像火柴桿一樣，一個一個地被粉碎了。雖然還沒有肯定，但我們必須預料到，墨索里尼也將急急忙忙地插手進來參加劫掠文明國家。我們預料，在不久的將來，我們這裡會受到空中襲擊以及傘兵和空運部隊的襲擊，我們對此已有所準備。如果必要的話，我們將繼續單獨作戰，我們是不怕單獨作戰的。 但是，總統先生，我相信你會認識到，美國的呼聲和力量如果壓抑得太久，也許就起不到什麼作用了。你將看到一個完全被征服的納粹化的歐洲很快就會出現在眼前，這個壓力也許是我們承受不了的。我現在所要求的是：你宣佈非交戰狀態，這就是說，你們除了不實際派遣武裝部隊參戰外，將盡一切力量幫助我們。目前我們迫切需要的是：第一，借用你們四五十艘較舊的驅逐艦，以彌補我們現有艦隻和我們從戰爭開始時就著手建造的大批新艦艇之間的差缺。明年的這個時候我們就有足夠的艦隻了，但是，如果在這段差缺期間，意大利又用一百艘潛水艇來向我們進攻，我們就可能瀕於崩潰。第二，我們需要數百架最新式的飛機；這些飛機，你們正陸續得到交貨。我們可以用正在美國為我們製造的飛機來償還。第三，防空設備和彈藥，如果我們能支持下去的話，我們的防空設備和彈藥明年也將是很充足的。第四，由於我們的礦石供應是來自瑞典、北非或許還來自西班牙北部，所以，我們就必須要在美國購買鋼材。其他原料也是這樣。只要我們還能付美元，就繼續用美元購買，但是我有理由深深相信： 即便我們付不出錢，你也會照樣把物資供給我們的。第五，我們得到許多報告，說德國傘兵部隊或空運部隊可能入侵愛爾蘭。如果美國派一支分遣艦隊訪問愛爾蘭的港口（最好是延長訪問期），那將起到巨大的作用。第六，我指望你們能夠使日本人在太平洋不要有所行動。你們覺得怎樣利用新加坡好，就可以怎樣利用。我們手中的詳細材料，將另行送上。 致良好的祝願和敬意。 五月十八日，我接到了總統的覆電，對我們繼續私人通信表示歡迎，並且還談到了我的特殊要求。覆電說，借用或贈與四五十艘較舊的驅逐艦，需要國會授權，目前進行此事尚非其時。他願盡力使各盟國政府順利地得到最新式的美國飛機、防空設備、彈藥和鋼材。我們的代表，非常能幹和忠誠的珀維斯先生（他不久之後便在一次飛機失事中犧牲了）在這些問題上提出的意見將得到最善意的考慮。關於我建議美國派遣一個分遣艦隊訪問愛爾蘭港口一事，總統將仔細考慮。 關於日本人，他僅僅談到美國艦隊已在珍珠港集結。 五月十三日星期一，下院召開特別會議；我要求下院對新政府舉行信任投票。在報告了充實各部人員的進展情況後，我說：我沒有別的，我只有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水貢獻給大家。在我們的全部悠久的歷史中，沒有一位首相能夠向議會和人民提出這樣一個簡明而又得人心的綱領。我在結束時說： 你們問：我們的政策是什麼？我說：我們的政策就是用上帝所能給予我們的全部能力和全部力量在海上、陸地上和空中進行戰爭；同一個在邪惡悲慘的人類罪惡史上還從來沒有見過的窮凶極惡的暴政進行戰爭。這就是我們的政策。你們問：我們的目的是什麼？我可以用一個詞來答覆：勝利不惜一切代價去爭取勝利，無論多麼恐怖也要去爭取勝利；無論道路多麼遙遠和艱難，也要去爭取勝利；因為沒有勝利，就不能生存。大家都要認識到：沒有勝利就沒有大英帝國的存在，就沒有大英帝國所代表的一切，就沒有促使人類朝著目標前進的那種時代要求和動力。我滿懷興奮和希望，擔負起我的工作。我深信，人們不會讓我們的事業遭到失敗。在這個時候，我覺得我有權利要求大家的支持，我說：起來，讓我們把力量聯合起來，共同前進。 下院對這幾句簡單的話，一致投票贊成，並且一直休會到五月二十一日。 我們就這樣一起著手進行我們共同的工作。在此後的五年中，我從國內各黨派人士得到的忠誠和真誠幫助，是任何一位英國首相從他的內閣同僚中未曾得到過的。議會在進行自由的積極的批評的同時，對於政府提出的全部措施始終給以壓倒多數的支持；全國人民空前團結，熱情奮發。這真是好的很，情況應當是這樣的，因為即將落到我們頭上的事情比任何人所預料的都更加可怕得多。