Chapter 115 Volume 4, Chapter 5, Cabinet Changes

Rising tensions in politics Lord Beaverbrook's health My relationship with him He takes the position of Production Secretary Sir Stafford Cripps New expedient: Leader of the House of Commons Lord Moyne leaves Colonial Office II Disaster in month Further changes in government Lord Beaverbrook's letter dated 17th February He resigns Mr Oliver Littleton as Minister of Production New and old war cabinet Changes in other ministers Our daily work in conference I Personal Status Letter from Sir Frederick Morris I am re-elected Secretary of Defense. The vote of confidence provides only temporary relief.I have at least given ample warning of the impending disaster.In February, the catastrophe really came.At the same time I sensed tensions growing in the political world.Some call for strengthening the government.They said: New blood should be added.The most notable new blood readily available is of course Sir Stafford Cripps.I am extremely reluctant to be pressured into making changes, and I have used some strong words on this matter during the confidence vote debate.But after February, it seems that there will be a change in any case in order to establish a production department. This change should have the nature of a cabinet reshuffle.The Department of Information's staff in many parts of the world reported that political strife in the UK could do great harm.Clearly, the difficult and troublesome personnel problems must be resolved immediately.On the other hand, it is better to set up a department of production, even though it must be done mildly, than drasticly, though drasticly it may be necessary.

I am sorry to hear that Lord Beaverbrook's health was rapidly failing as my plans for organizing the production department were nearing completion.He began to suffer from severe asthma, and often stayed up all night, which only sleep can heal.After I returned from Washington, we had a meeting in the new building one night, and I heard a continuous voice, very impatient, and said abruptly: Somebody go out and stop the meowing.Everyone fell silent, and I suddenly realized that it was my poor friend who was panting.I apologize and it's over, but I bring it up again because it illustrates the tension in those exhausting times, which in turn was one of the reasons for the Beaverbrook action.He really wanted to be able to spend three or four hours a night, flying in a space above 10,000 feet, so as to relieve the asthma caused by the altitude.

This malady was at the root of Beaverbrook's neurasthenia, which I can only call neurasthenia.I had already knocked back an emotional resignation from him during our visit to Washington.But he had now grown a frank and intense weariness of office; and though there was a mood for wider and unfettered power, an inner desire to be freed from the burdens and cares which, among my colleagues, still That's what many people ask for. Those who do not know the contribution he made during his tenure as I do, do not know his strength, his courage and judgment, and often do not understand that he will have such a great influence on me.What they fail to notice is our long collaboration in the major events and finishing touches of the First World War.Beaverbrook was the only colleague with whom I had experienced the shock and fatigue of the previous struggle, with the exception of Lord Simon, the Lord Chancellor whom I respected very much but had never been close to.Both of us belonged to the older generation politically.In the crises and arguments of previous days, we tended to take sides, and sometimes we were fiercely against each other; but on the whole, we remained in a relationship, which was part of my unbroken social life ;Although there have been ups and downs in the officialdom, this relationship has been strengthened because of the unswerving personal friendship.In these stormy new ages, it seems to me that, with a man who has always been able to give orders, though without executive power, to talk about the difficulties and problems of the time, and to compare them with what we have overcome or experienced. Saying that is often a pleasure.The rest of my colleagues were unknown, most of them young officers who rode the field in days of the past with vivid memory.

I was ready to give Beaverbrook a great new task, to make the best use of his talents, and to minimize the hindrances which would easily provoke him.The Ministry of Production was announced to Parliament on 4th February, and Lord Beaverbrook was appointed Secretary of State for Production, to be succeeded by Sir Andrew Duncan.There are some important details to arrange behind the scenes, though.At Beaverbrook's request, and with the full consent of Lord Leathers, I have again incorporated the War Transport Department into the proposed Production Department.It was not in my original plans, but Lord Leathers wished to work with Beaverbrook, and under his leadership the two of them would get along very well, so I thought a further merger would be advantageous.But every detail of the division of responsibility is a struggle like a battle.My patience is not small, but in the end I am patient to the extreme.

Mr Churchill to Lord Beaverbrook February 10, 1942 I'm about to send the white paper to parliament in a few hours, and Zit sent a proof.As far as I'm concerned, it's finalized.During the past week I have expended much time and energy in making arrangements to your satisfaction, for the benefit of the public, and in alleviating the concerns of the various departments with which you are about to come into contact.I can only go so far. I am sure that it is your duty to undertake this work, and to do it to the best of your ability, and that you are fully capable of it.I think Leathers' argument that the Department of Military Transport should have an effective say on the types of merchant ships is strong because the Department is the sole authority on the matter and is well informed.If, after all else has been settled, you upset on this point, or on any other point in relation to this great institution which I have planned for you, then, in view of the dire urgency of our situation, the stakes are The relationship is very extensive, and I have to point out that you will be severely criticized at home and in the United States.Therefore, I hope you will keep the overall situation in mind and not cause serious damage to your country, your friends, especially your reputation.

In this matter, I will proceed as planned, presenting the White Paper this morning, and if, on the other hand, you decide that you want to break off our relationship, I will ask Parliament to allow me to postpone my report until Thursday.This letter is sent to you by Bridges himself, and I beg you to entrust him to bring me an answer. Lord Beaverbrook accepted this decision and I presented it to Parliament on the 10th of February in a white paper defining the duties of the Production Department.I read to the council the first four main verses: 1. The Minister of Production is the wartime cabinet minister who is mainly responsible for all wartime production matters in accordance with the guidelines of the Minister of Defense and the Wartime Cabinet.The Minister performs all tasks formerly under the control of the Production Management Committee, except matters relating to manpower and labour.

2. Its tasks include the allocation of existing production capacity and raw materials (including the arrangement of raw material imports), the decision of production priority when necessary, and the jurisdiction and leadership of relevant departments and branches. 3. Notwithstanding the provisions of this White Paper, the responsibilities of the Ministers in charge of the ministries concerned to Parliament remain the same when they are in charge of the ministries; The right to appeal to the Secretary of State for Defense or the War Cabinet. 4. The Minister of Production also, on behalf of the War Cabinet, presided over the discussions on the joint agencies established at home and in the United States to deal with the distribution of munitions and raw materials among the Allies.

Reading this, I was interrupted by Mr. Hall|Belisha to ask me why manpower and labor issues were not included in this proposal.This, of course, involved Lord Beaverbrook's and Mr. Ernest Bevan's bitter personal relationship, so I read three more verses, which read as follows: 8. The Minister of Labor and Military Service is the Minister of the War Cabinet, who will perform the tasks related to manpower and labor that were originally under the control of the Production Management Committee under the general leadership of the War Cabinet.These tasks include allocating human resources to the armed forces, civil defence, wartime production and civilian industry, and dealing with general labor issues in production.

9. It is part of the responsibility of the Secretary of State for Labor and Military Service to deal with the requirements and allocation of manpower, and it is his duty to issue directions as he thinks may be used more economically and efficiently.For this purpose, his officers shall have, as required, the facility of obtaining information on the employment of manpower. 10. All labor issues between the various production departments and the Ministry of Labor shall be resolved through discussion between the Minister of Labor and the Minister of Production or officials appointed by them.The three supply sectors will retain their existing, independent labor organisations.

Finally, I ask for a careful study of the white paper and the opportunity to try out this plan; if there is a need for debate, I will provide all the benefits. While all this was going on, the position and attitude of Sir Stafford Cripps became more and more important.He acted as if he had something to say.After he returned home from Moscow, he made a broadcast and was well received; He was therefore encouraged to insist that the Minister of Information further grant the opportunity to speak on the radio.I wrote to him on February 9, the original text is as follows: I understand that you said in Bristol, in reply to a question about participation in government: you'd better ask Mr Churchill, or something of that sort.Under such circumstances, would you please publish your letter of January 29 and my reply on January 31?

I realized that on the second page, before the words "Minister of Munitions" were added, I had forgotten to insert the words by authority.Beaverbrook, of course, did not join the War Cabinet as Minister of Munitions, but was appointed on general grounds when he was Minister of Aircraft Production in the autumn of 1940.So I proposed to add these words, just to make my original intention clear. I have not published the letter, in accordance with his wishes, but it seems to me evident that his entry into the War Cabinet was generally welcome.It is necessary to meet this need, but also to meet the equally strong desire expressed by many powerful people, who believe that the wartime cabinet should effectively reduce the number of cabinet members, and that all cabinet members should be freed from the constraints of the administrative responsibilities of various ministries; Not easy, so I came up with a new workaround. When the Government was formed in May 1940, I held several positions and was Speaker of the House of Commons.All day-to-day business was handled by Mr. Attlee, and I was only involved in the important business that had to be done anyway.It seems to me that Sir Stafford has every ability to lead the House of Commons.He was a member of parliament and one of the most eminent debaters.Such an appointment, coupled with his status as a Cabinet speaker in the War Cabinet, gave him the wide range of activities they had sought and were now tacitly demanding.I discussed this method with Mr. Attlee, whose loyalty was invaluable in such a tense situation.I suggested to him that he cede the positions of Lord Seal and Leader of the House of Commons to Cripps, himself in charge of Dominion Affairs, and given the title of Deputy Prime Minister, but no change in organization, here again a formality physical change, not actual change. Mr. Attlee agreed, and I therefore had to ask Lord Cranborne to be transferred from the Dominion Office to the Colonial Office.I associate this office with that of Leader of the House of Lords.These two offices were originally occupied by Lord Moyne, one of my most respected persons and friends.His defeat in the government was of course a severe blow to him, and I am not at ease in treating him in this way.A chain of events later ended up taking his life at the hands of an Israeli assassin in Cairo. Dear Walter: February 19, 1942 For various reasons, both public and private, I have had to make a transfer to the Colonial Office.I deeply regret this.Circumstances and public opinion were calling for a major reorganization of the government, and it was therefore necessary for me to hand over to Attlee the Dominion Office, which many insisted should be put in charge of a War Cabinet member.That being the case, I have a deep desire for Cranbourne to take your place, and from what I know of you, and from what you have done in this war, I am sure you will be willing to meet my wishes and needs. of. It has always been a pleasure to work with you in these stormy times; and for the high ability with which you have exercised your duties as Secretary of the Colonial Affairs and Leader of the House of Commons, and for the help and friendship which you have always given me, I dedicate myself to Twelve points sincerely thank you. With his usual solemnity and cheerfulness, Moyn agreed to dismiss the Ministry.It hardly needs to be said, he wrote, that I am well aware of your need to reshuffle the government; and I will simply add that you have given me the opportunity to serve for a year in such a worthy institution, and that you have always shown me so much care and consideration, that I will Forever grateful. Whilst all this is stirring at the heart of our ill-fated government, calamities abroad are upon us.Singapore surrendered on February 15 (to be described in the next chapter).As we had earlier estimated, 100,000 officers and soldiers of the British Empire were held captive by Japan.Even before this, on the twelfth of February, there occurred an incident which, I think, though minor, aroused greater anger and uneasiness among the public.The German battlecruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, together with the cruiser Prinz Eugen, had escaped from Brest and crossed the English Channel.As far as the public knows or may hear, they survived the bombardment of the batteries at Dover, and the onslaught of all our air and naval forces.We shall also return to this matter in due course.No wonder, indeed, that the public's confidence in the Cabinet and its command of war was shaken. With the creation of the Ministry of Production, and with Sir Stafford Cripps having to be brought in with new strength, there were movements within the government which amounted to a major reorganization.I am determined to make certain other changes at the same time.Captain Majesson, who has achieved great success, is no longer Secretary of State for War, and I propose that he be replaced by his Permanent Under-Secretary, Sir James Grieg.Grieg is the most famous public servant for efficiency and perseverance.He was my chief private secretary for about five years when I was Chancellor of the Exchequer;He knew all the work of the War Department like the back of his hand, and had the confidence of all the generals and officers. He was unwilling to enter the House of Lords; he had no experience of the House of Commons; he had to seek out, and if necessary to fight for, a constituency which would fit him into the wider and more varied activities of a political chief scope and more flexible means.His perseverance, his selflessness, his bravery, and, I might add, his stubbornness, are all outstanding.In promoting him to the rank of minister, I have indeed lost one of the ablest civil servants. In the aircraft production department I also made a change, replacing Colonel Moore-Brabazon with Colonel Llewellyn; Very, has accepted the peerage. Dear Moore | Brabazon: February 21, 1942 It is with great regret that I write to tell you that I am forced by the situation and public opinion to reorganize the government and have to adjust the aircraft production department. I know how hard you have worked in the Department; I am very grateful for your consistent kindness to me.You know, I am in a difficult position in this fierce and unsuccessful war, and I hope that the separation of duties will not affect the friendship I value. His reply shows his character: Dear Prime Minister: February 21, 1942 I am very understanding.There are one or two points in the policy that I think are very important. I wanted to talk to you earlier, but there is no need for it now. I am satisfied with everything in the past.Thank you so much for your confidence in me.Ministry affairs and work are much better than when I came here. wish all the best. Brabazon In order to reduce the size of the War Cabinet, I had to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer to cease to be a full-fledged Cabinet. Mr Churchill to Sir Kingsley Wood February 19, 1942 I feel that it is necessary to organize a new wartime cabinet, and I attach the list herewith.You'll see I can't include the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and that's going back to the original plan when this government was formed. I'm sorry for that, but there's really no other way.Of course, when it comes to your official business, you have to excuse me. Finally, in an important change of the time, Mr. Greenwood resigned from the War Cabinet in order to reduce the number of cabinet members, and he showed a high degree of patriotism and selflessness. In the process of reorganizing the cabinet, Lord Beaverbrook provided many valuable opinions.Except for himself, he can maintain a calm and objective view of everyone's affairs.For example: Dear Prime Minister: February 17, 1942 The letter I referred to on the telephone is hereby sent. The people have lost confidence in themselves, and they look to the government to restore it.It is the government's responsibility to meet this requirement. What can a change of cabinet structure do to give the people what they need? 1. Get Sir Stafford Cripps into the government?But the public's desire for Cripps was a passing enthusiasm.That enthusiasm has begun to wane. 2. Appoint a Defense Secretary, or a Defense Undersecretary?But in this position, a man who can satisfy both the public and you under your leadership is not to be found. It may be possible to appoint someone who satisfies the current public mood, as Cripps did, but Cripps will not satisfy you. 3. Formation of a war cabinet consisting of a small number of ministers, each of whom directs several ministries without assuming the specific duties of the ministries?This plan should be adopted. The war cabinet should be composed of Bevin, the most capable of the current cabinet, Eden, the most popular cabinet member, and Attlee, the leader of the Labor Party. All other cabinet members should be removed.They are all warriors, more respectable than the thirty, but not as good as the first three. 4. Finally, there are people in the government who are ministers who are considered useless by the public. Their names are familiar to you. One of the ministers of defense was, in any case, an out of tune with the public.There may be two. This is of course a private letter and it is not my intention to contribute to or support any public agitation. Your permanent friend Max also quoted the following Thucydides [1] and sent it to me without date; perhaps he has tried it on himself in vain.Do not hold further talks with Sparta.Clearly point out to them that you are not overwhelmed by your present suffering.No matter they are countries or individuals, they are true heroes only if they do not flinch in the face of suffering, and only if they put up the strongest resistance. [1] Thucydides (460 BC | 400 years), an ancient Greek historian.Author of "History of the Peloponnesian War".translator But now it seemed all was settled, and Lord Beaverbrook resigned. His health was utterly broken, and he felt unable to bear the new and onerous responsibilities he had accepted.I tried hard to persuade him not to resign, but he and the other principal ministers had a long and annoying discussion in my presence, and I felt it best not to push him any further.I therefore consented to his resignation from the War Cabinet to undertake some unclear missions in the United States.It will help us that he can influence the people around the President there, and find much-needed rest and quiet on an island in the West Indies.Many people who did not appreciate his qualities or understand his contribution to the war, and some who had quarreled with him, agreed.It's just that I deeply feel that something is missing. A few days later he wrote a final letter, explaining how we parted. Dear Winston: February 26, 1942 I leave the headquarters today and return to my original place.Now I must tell you of my twenty-one months of highly adventurous adventures, nothing like it has ever been experienced. All this time I have relied on your support in all my work. You took a lot of risks and pulled me into the cabinet; because you kept me here, you were attacked by some cabinet members. What I have given you is pitifully small compared with what you have given me.Thanks to you, I am famous.The trust of the public really comes from you.You mustered my courage.These favors entitle me to a place on the list of your assistants who will serve you when you save our people from suffering. At the close of parting, I write this letter of gratitude and tribute to the leader of the nation, the savior of the people, and the symbol of resistance of the free world. Your dear Max, I had always intended to have him back when he had recovered his health and peace of mind, but I did not communicate this intention to my colleagues at the time. The production department, which bears great responsibility, is now vacant again; I don't find it difficult to find a successor.I see Oliver Littleton as a man of great work experience and great mobility who have stood the test of time.I have known him since he was a boy at his father's house.In 1940 I took him out of civilian life as Secretary of State for Trade and into Parliament.At the trade ministry he had already gained the confidence of all parties; as minister of state in Cairo, he bore the brunt of military defeats in the Middle East for nearly a year.He initiated or implemented many important reforms in the administrative work of the rear and in the railway industry.These brought him into the closest contact with Mr. Al Harriman, and he was greatly respected in Washington.I have yet to find someone else to succeed him as Minister of State in Cairo.On March 18, Mr. R. G. Casey, the representative of Australia in Washington, was appointed to succeed him. The reshuffle of the War Cabinet was announced on February 19, and although two newcomers had been recruited, the number had been reduced from eight to seven.The reader will see that, contrary to the strong current of public opinion, I have now fully realized my opinion that the members of the War Cabinet should also be the heads of responsible departments, not merely as empty-handed advisers, except to think, There is nothing to do but talk and make decisions based on compromise or majority opinion. old pavilion Prime Minister Mr Winston Churchill Lord Attlee Privy Secretary Sir John Anderson foreign secretary mr edan Mr Greenwood Lord Beaverbrook Sir Kingsley Wood labor secretary mr bevan New Pavilion Prime Minister Mr Winston Churchill Mr Attlee, Deputy Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Dominions Sir Stafford Cripps, Lord Seal and Speaker of the House Privy Secretary Sir John Anderson foreign secretary mr edan Production Secretary Oliver Littleton labor secretary mr bevan Of course, various problems arise from this.Lord Cranborne felt that, as Speaker of the House of Lords, he should have been a member of the War Cabinet, or at least regularly present.He was also eager to strengthen the government's debate power in the House of Lords; by custom, though not constitutionally mandatory, there should be at least two Ministers of State in the House of Lords.At this point, I think Sir James Grieg can go about his new work as a nobleman. Mr Churchill to Lord Cranborne February 20, 1942 I do not think it possible to give to any one who heads the House of Lords the absolute right of constant attendance at the meetings of the War Cabinet, since the demand for small organized discourse is strongly maintained.The only former link between the House of Lords and the War Cabinet was Beaverbrook, who came to meetings infrequently, and when he did, it was only to discuss his own problems. Nor can I assure you that the Ministers of the Departments, who must be appointed by the House of Lords, must be a man of parliamentary experience and standing.I can't help but think of productivity in various important departments.On the other hand, I certainly want to pay attention to whether there is sufficient debate capacity. Duff Cooper, Lord Chancellor Duke of Lancaster, may be willing to be promoted, but I haven't mentioned it to him yet. But I don't want to make any final arrangements within these two or three days.At the same time, I am going to hold off on the appointment you propose.It might be possible, for example, to divide the tasks so that one minister heads the House of Lords and another minister heads the Colonial Office. Thank you very much for your candor in writing to me.I am well aware of the difficulties and will try to solve them. After a few days: Sir James Grieg is so keen to remain in the House of Commons, and it is so obviously in line with the wishes of that House, that I cannot ask him to help you in the House of Lords.The spirit of the Constitution has been fully maintained.But if you need further help, I can ask Duff Cooper to take his Lancastershire Lordship to the House of Lords.Or you could try it for a few more weeks and see how it goes. A number of other transfers have also been made in secondary institutions.I got a lot of help on this point.To pave the way the hard way, nine leading under-secretaries handed over their agencies to my free disposal.Some transfers took several weeks to implement; the final list of changes follows: February 22, 1942 Lord Cranbourne, Secretary of State for the Colonies, filling the vacancy of Lord Moyne Colonel Llewellyn, Minister of Aircraft Production, fills the vacancy of Colonel Moore|Colonel Brabazon Mr Dalton, Secretary of Trade, fills the vacancy of Colonel Llewellyn. Lord Selborne, Secretary of State for Economic Warfare, to replace Mr Dalton Sir James Grigg, Secretary of State for War, filling the vacancy of Captain Majesson (resigned) Lord Porter, Minister of Public Works, in place of Lord Lees (resigned) March 4, 1942 Sir William Jowett, Comptroller, in the vacancy of Lord Hankey Deputy Attorney-General, Major Maxwell Fife, in place of Sir William Jowett The question of the representation of the House of Lords in the War Cabinet was settled by the method I have already described, namely, that several ministers, though not regular members of the Cabinet, were actually regular attendees.That way, I was able to get back to our normal jobs before the end of the month. Prime Minister to Sir Edward Bridges February 27, 1942 The work schedule of the cabinet next week is as follows: One‧Monday at 5:30 p.m., location ten.All attended; regular attendees, chiefs of staff of the armed forces, representatives of the dominions and India, etc.AGENDA: The general situation of the war, not mentioning specific classified events such as upcoming military operations; any other appropriate topics. 2‧Tuesday at 6:00 pm, location ten.Pacific Conference. Wed. Friday at twelve o'clock in the House of Commons.Only the War Cabinet and yourself participate.When we discuss special projects that require the participation of others, we will convene separately. Thursday at twelve noon, in the House of Commons.War Cabinet. (If necessary, there will be another meeting at 6 pm on Wednesday and Thursday.) Friday‧Friday at ten o'clock in the afternoon.defense committee.The Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, the Ministers for the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, and if necessary, or if so appointed, the Secretary of State for India and the Secretary for Dominions, myself, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, perhaps with Mr Oliver Littleton. Let's see if this works. By and large, the press and the public welcomed key aspects of the reshuffle.After such a change in government, Parliament also felt the need to settle down, and so we were given respite from the more calamities that were befalling us. In this period of political tension and change at home, and defeat abroad, my own position seemed unaffected.I have so much business to do every moment that I seldom have time to think about it.My personal power seemed to have been strengthened by the influence of the undecided status of certain colleagues or future colleagues.I don't feel bad that someone wants to relieve me of my duties.All I ask is that, after a proper discussion, my wishes be met.The mishap was just enough to bring me closer to the chiefs of staff of the armed forces, and this unity was felt in every branch of the government.There was no conspiracy or rivalry in the War Cabinet, or among the much larger number of Cabinet-level ministers.There was continual pressure from outside to change my method of directing the war in order to achieve better results than I am doing now.We all support the prime minister, but he has too much work to do.He picked up some burdens, so he should be relieved.This view is invariable, and there are still many theories that insist on acceptance.I had the pleasure of receiving the following letter from Sir Frederick Morris[1]: [1] Sir Frederick Morris was appointed Director of Military Operations in 1918 during the First World War.He wrote a letter to The Times attacking Mr. Lloyd George, Prime Minister, on the strength of the French Army.He was removed from office; a major debate in the House of Commons followed by a vote.Whether the Liberals voted for Mr Asquith or Mr Lloyd George was later used as a post-war election test.General Morris was President of the British Legion in 1932. Dear Prime Minister: February 14, 1942 I have spoken to certain members of Parliament and sensed that you would be under pressure to restore the system that Mr Lloyd George adopted from 1916 to 1918 to coordinate policy and strategy by removing the Secretary of Defense This position puts the chief of staff of the three armed forces in a direct relationship with a small war cabinet composed of ministers without ministers. Having had two and a half years' experience with Mr. Lloyd George's system, I find yours, with one exception, to be the better of the two.I have advocated such a system for many years in the Imperial Defense Academy and in the various military academies. I feel that there should be a Defense Secretary who is in direct personal contact with the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces, and that the only possible Defense Secretary in time of war is the Prime Minister.From general principles to specific facts, you have great advantages, and you have a common language with soldiers of the sea, army and air force, which is rare among politicians.The method of requiring the Chiefs of Staff to attend war cabinet meetings would inevitably lead to a considerable waste of the time of the chiefs of staff; they would be less able to speak out in war cabinet meetings than they would be when they were in close contact with the prime minister. As far as I can see from the outside, the only flaw in the present system is the Joint Planning Commission.My experience is that the members of this committee, by virtue of their authority, are too busy with the tasks of their posts to concentrate on the work of the joint project; Difficulty, objection.I believe that the only way to act effectively is to choose the man responsible for carrying out the plan, to give him the necessary help in formulating it, and then to have him send it to you and to the Chiefs of Staff for approval.Then, it is up to you and the Chief of Staff to decide whether the plan is suitable and whether the various conditions required for its implementation are met. At this critical juncture, I would like to express my sympathy and best wishes to you. Yours sincerely F. Morris I added in my reply to Sir Frederick (February 24, 1942): I am coming to the conclusion that in proposing a mission, by its nature, there should be An officer of the First Army is literally above the rest. I made up my mind to take the full power of commanding the war into my own hands.This power can only be exercised if the prime minister also serves as the minister of defense.There are more difficulties and troubles in overcoming opposing views and dealing with divergent and conflicting views than in having the power to make the decision itself.The most important thing is to have a unified thought that leads the overall situation in the highest position, and effectively assists and corrects without being divided in terms of integrity.If I were removed as Defense Secretary, I certainly would not want to be Prime Minister for a second time, even for an hour.This fact, being well known, dismisses all objections, even under the most unfavorable conditions; many well-intentioned proposals for organizing committees or some other impersonal body, etc., are meaningless.I have to say thank you to everyone who has helped me to be successful.