Chapter 181 Volume 5, Chapter 26, Marshal Tito and Yugoslavia

Mihailovich and the Importance of Tito's Balkan Struggle Deakin and McClain's Delegation Development of Partisan Forces After Italy's Capitulation My Telegram to Roosevelt Mihailovich October 23, 1943 A bitter dispute with Tito The three elements of our policy Randolph's participation in Maclean's delegation King Peter's difficult situation January 8, 1944 My letter to Tito His reply continued Our correspondence from Mihai Withdrawal of liaison staff on the part of Lovech On February 22, 1944, I reported to Parliament that King Peter had dismissed the Pritch government.

The reader must now be called upon to recall an intense and dark story which has not been dealt with in the previous principal narratives of this book.Since Yugoslavia was invaded and conquered by Hitler in April 1941, it has been the scene of terrible events.The energetic young Yugoslav king came to England to take refuge with Prince Paul's ministers and other government members who had openly resisted the German attack.In the mountains of Yugoslavia there was once again the fierce guerrilla warfare that had been used by the Serbs against the Turks for centuries.General Mihailovich was the leading fighter of guerrilla warfare, surrounded by the surviving socialites of Yugoslavia.But in the maelstrom of world affairs, their struggles are barely visible.

Their situation is one of the great tribulations of mankind.Many of Mikhailovich's staff were well-known persons who had relatives and friends in Serbia and property and recognizable connections elsewhere, and this situation caused Mikhailovich, the leader of the partisans, a lot of losses.The German army adopted a brutal policy of intimidation.It took revenge measures against the activities of the guerrillas. In Belgrade, it shot and killed outstanding people in batches, each batch reaching as many as four or five hundred.Under this pressure, Mikhailovich gradually changed his attitude; some of his commanders made a compromise with the German and Italian armies, agreeing that they would remain safe from attack in certain mountains, and that as a means of repaying them, they could easily Carry out little or no activities against the enemy.Those who have successfully endured the ordeal may have tarnished Mikhailovic's name, but history knows better than to erase his name from the list of Serbian patriots.By the autumn of 1941, Serbian resistance to German terror was in name only.This national struggle can only be sustained by the inherent heroism of the common people, which, however, is not lacking.

For the survival of the nation and against the Germans, a violent and violent war burned like a flame among the partisans.Among the guerrilla fighters, Tito was at the forefront, an eminent figure who soon came to dominate. Tito (as he called himself) was a Soviet-trained communist; During the period before Hitler's invasion of Russia and after the attack on Yugoslavia, he had been fomenting political strikes along the Dalmatian coast in accordance with the general policy of the Comintern.But once his communist doctrines and his ardent zeal for saving his country in distress were united in his heart and mind, he was a leader; and he was supported by such people : They have nothing to lose but their lives; they are always ready to sacrifice their lives, and if they do, they kill their enemies.This presented the German army with a problem that could not be solved by massacring famous or important people.Their opponents are people who are not afraid of the sky and the earth. Only extermination can be effective against these people.Under Tito's command, these partisans seized weapons from the Germans.They quickly expanded their ranks.No matter how brutal German reprisals against hostages or villages, their activities could not be stopped.For them, it's not about sacrificing their lives, but about being free.Before long, they began to inflict significant damage on the German army and took control of vast areas.

Bitter disputes inevitably arose between the guerrilla movement and those Yugoslavs who halfheartedly resisted the enemy, or collaborated with the enemy in exchange for immunity.The partisans deliberately broke any agreement with the enemy, as the people of Cetniks called Mikhailovich's subordinates.The Germans then shot Zetnix's hostages, and Zetnix retaliated by providing the Germans with intelligence on guerrilla activities.All these situations occur from time to time in the wild mountains and cannot be controlled.This is the tragedy of tragedies. I gave as much attention to these events as I could while I was occupied with other things.Apart from airdropping some relief supplies, we cannot provide other assistance.Our headquarters in the Middle East were responsible for all military operations in this field and established an organization of intelligence and liaison officers to maintain contact with Mikhailovich's troops.I also never forgot the Balkan countries, especially Yugoslavia, when we invaded Sicily and Italy in the summer of 1943.Up to this point our dispatches had been in contact only with the units to which Mikhailovich belonged, representing the formal organization of the resistance to the Germans and the Yugoslav government in Cairo.In May 1943 we adopted a new policy and decided to send a small number of British officers and non-commissioned officers to establish contact with the partisans in Yugoslavia, despite the brutal struggle that was taking place between the partisans and Zetniks, and Tito The war waged as a communist was not only against the German invaders, but also against the Serbian dynasty and Mikhailovich.At the end of May, Captain Deakin, who had been a Special Fellow at Oxford University and had helped me write for five years before the war, set up a delegation to contact Tito after being parachuted to his destination by airlift.Other British dispatches followed, and by June much evidence had been gathered.The Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces reported on June 6 that, according to the information received by the War Department, it was clear that Zetniks had entered into an irredeemable compromise with the Axis forces in Herzegovina and Montenegro.In recent wars in the latter region, it was not the Zetniks who crushed the Axis armies, but well-organized partisans.

Towards the end of the month I noticed how the best results could be obtained through local resistance against the Axis forces in Yugoslavia.After gathering all the information I chaired a meeting of the Chiefs of Staff in Downing Street on June 23rd.During the discussion, I emphasized the extreme importance of doing everything possible to support the anti-Axis army movement in Yugoslavia, which was holding down some thirty-three Axis divisions in the area.This issue is so important that I instruct that aid to Yugoslavia must be increased, including a small number of additional aircraft, and, if necessary, reduced bombing of Germany and anti-submarine warfare.

On the eve of our landing in Sicily, July 7, I called General Alexander's attention to these possibilities. Prime Minister to General Alexander July 7, 1943 I presume you are aware of the heavy fighting in Yugoslavia recently and the general sabotage and guerrilla warfare that has begun in Greece.Albania should also be a promising venue.All these operations were developed only with the support of small British airdrops of aid.If we could control the exits from the Adriatic, if only a few ships could be brought into the ports of Dalmatia or Greece, the whole of the western Balkans might be ignited by a struggle with far-reaching consequences.However, all of these are goals that we are pursuing in other regions as well.

Two weeks later I expressed my thoughts on the important relationship between the two theaters of Italy and the Balkans in the following important telegram: Prime Minister to General Alexander July 22, 1943 I will lead my staff to Canada to meet with President Roosevelt by August 15th.We were all together, therefore, at a time when the enemies of Sicily were likely to be wiped out. I'm giving a report to an officer to forward to you.This report, which I put together, details in detail the extraordinary resistance of the so-called partisan units of Tito in Bosnia, and the vigorous and ruthless activities of Mikhailovich in Serbia.In addition, in Albania, and more recently in Greece, there are guerrilla resistance activities.The German army not only sent divisions to reinforce the Balkan Peninsula, but also continued to improve the quality and mobility of those divisions, while strengthening the local Italian army.The enemy could not spare these troops for other uses; if Italy collapsed, even the German army itself would not be able to bear the pressure.In the Balkans, great victories will be achieved.

No object can be compared with that of the capture of Rome, which in turn would give subsequent stages the benefits expected from the liberation of the Balkans.The collapse of Italy, its effects in the other satellite states of Germany, and the resulting total isolation of Germany, all this, can easily be imagined to have decisive consequences in Europe, especially in view of the behavior shown by the Russian army. Great power. This message expresses to you all my thoughts, which I believe correspond to those of the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces. Before I set off for Quebec, I decided to pave the way for further action in the Balkans by delegating a senior officer to lead a larger delegation to contact the guerrillas in the field and authorize him to discuss our future Advise me directly on the actions taken by the guerrillas.

Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary July 28, 1943 Mr Fitzroy Maclean (Member of Commons) was a man of courageous character, both MP and Foreign Office trained.He will go to Yugoslavia and work with Tito.Our plan is that in the future a brigadier general should be assigned as the commander.I think McClean should be strongly supported as head of any delegation now proposed, with a good Army staff officer at his disposal.What we need is a brave man with the qualities of an ambassador and a leader to work with these tenacious, ever-hounded partisans. After the mission parachuted and landed in Yugoslavia in September 1943, it found that the situation there had completely changed.News of Italy's surrender reached Yugoslavia only through official radio broadcasts.Tito acted swiftly and effectively despite our complete lack of prior notice.Within a few weeks, six Italian divisions had been disarmed by the partisans, and the other two had surrendered and joined the partisans in attacking the Germans.The Yugoslavs are now capable of arming more than 80,000 people with Italian equipment, and are presently occupying most of the Adriatic coastline.

We now have a good opportunity to strengthen our general positions on the Adriatic in connection with the Italian front.The Yugoslav partisans now number 200,000, and although they are mainly engaged in guerrilla warfare, they are now engaging in extensive fighting against the increasingly ferocious retaliatory German forces. In Yugoslavia, one of the results of this intensified fighting was that the conflict between Tito and Mikhailovich worsened.As Tito's military power continued to grow, the question of the final status of the Yugoslav monarchy and government-in-exile was raised all the more acutely.Before the end of the war, sincere and persistent efforts were made in London and in Yugoslavia to reach a possible compromise between the two parties.I had hoped that the Russians would mediate on this issue.When Mr. Eden went to Moscow in October 1943, the question of Yugoslavia was on the agenda.At the meeting on October 23, he gave a frank and fair account of our attitude, hoping to reach a common Allied policy towards Yugoslavia, but Russia had no intention of exchanging information or discussing plans of action. Even after many weeks, I saw that there was little hope of any possible agreement between the rival Yugoslav parties. former navy personnel to president roosevelt October 23, 1943 Despite the vexing entanglements that arose between the Tito and Mikhailovich factions in Yugoslavia, and between the Greek partisan factions, the situation in the Balkans still made the enemy uncomfortable.We in Britain have about eighty separate detachments, under the command of General Wilson, scattered over a vast mountainous area nine hundred miles long and about three hundred miles wide, cooperating with guerrilla and patriotic forces.Some of the brigadier-general rank officers we have here are very capable, and many have been there for two years. The fighting was of the cruelest and bloodiest nature, and the German Japs were mercilessly retaliating and shooting the hostages, but the enemy had also suffered heavy losses; no fewer than twenty-five German divisions and eight Bulgarian divisions, but could not yet control areas outside the major cities, and it was increasingly difficult to maintain smooth rail traffic.We hope to mediate the dispute on the Greek side soon, but the discord between Tito's partisans and Mikhailovich's Serbs is very deep-rooted. My predictions of a bleak future turned out to be true.At the end of November, Tito held a political congress on the movement he led in Yajce, Bosnia, not only established a provisional government with the sole power to represent the Yugoslav nation, but also blatantly deprived the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in Cairo of all right.The king of Yugoslavia was not allowed to return until the country was liberated.The partisans had undoubtedly established themselves as the main elements of the Yugoslav resistance, all the more so since the capitulation of Italy.But in a situation of occupation, civil war, and government in exile, the important issue is that no irreversible political decisions should be taken about the future regime of Yugoslavia.The tragic figure of Mikhailovich had become the main obstacle.We must maintain close military ties with the partisans, so we persuaded the King of Yugoslavia to relieve Mikhailovich from his position as Minister of War.In early December we withdrew official support to Mikhailovich and recalled the British delegation operating in the areas he controlled. During the Tehran Conference, the question of Yugoslavia was considered against the above-mentioned background.Although the three allies decided to give the guerrillas the greatest support, Stalin believed that Yugoslavia’s role in the war was only secondary. The Russians even expressed objections to our statistics on the number of Axis divisions stationed in the Balkan Peninsula. However, , at the motion of Mr. Eden, the Soviet government agreed to send a delegation to Tito.They are also willing to keep in touch with Mihailovich. On my return from Tehran to Cairo, I met King Peter of Yugoslavia, told him about the strength and importance of the guerrilla movement, and said that he might need to remove Mikhailovich from his cabinet.The only hope for the King of Yugoslavia to return to his homeland is that through our mediation some kind of interim agreement with Tito can be reached quickly and before the partisans take further control of the country.The Russians also claimed they were willing to work for some kind of compromise.On December 21, the Soviet Ambassador delivered the following letter to Mr. Eden: The Soviet government understands that at present there is a very tense relationship between Marshal Tito and the Yugoslav National Liberation Committee on the one hand, and King Peter and his government of Yugoslavia on the other.The mutual attacks and harsh condemnations on both sides, especially the recent events, have given rise to flagrant hostilities, thereby hampering the cause of Yugoslavia's liberation struggle.The Soviet government agrees with the British government that for the benefit of the Yugoslav people's war of resistance against the German invaders, efforts must be made to find a basis for cooperation between the two sides.The Soviet government understands that it will encounter great difficulties in realizing this task, but it is ready to do everything in its power to seek a compromise between the two sides, with the aim of uniting the strength of all Yugoslav peoples for the benefit of the common struggle of the allies. I had almost unanimous advice on what course to take in this unfavorable situation.The officers who had worked with Tito, and the officers in charge of the mission stationed at Mikhailovich's place, had similar opinions.Mr. Stevenson, the British ambassador to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, also has the same understanding.On December 25, he telegraphed to the Foreign Office: Our policy must be based on three new factors: Partisans will be the rulers of Yugoslavia.They are of great value to us militarily, so we must subordinate our politics to our military and give them our full support.It is extremely doubtful that we will be able to take this monarchy any longer as a unifying factor in Yugoslavia. While I was ill in Marrakech, the crisis in Yugoslavia worried me greatly.McClain, who had been with me in Cairo, was now preparing to return to Yugoslavia.He wanted my son to go with him, so it was agreed that Randolph would parachute to join the delegation. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary December 29, 1943 Randolph is now waiting for an opportunity to skydive to Yugoslavia.He sent me the following memorandum on the 25th of this month.I think the opinion works, and generally represents your opinion and mine.He will leave within a few days. In Cairo a.three weeks ago, Stevenson had not intended to contradict McClain and Deakin's argument that the removal of General Mikhailovich was a prerequisite for any effective political action in Yugoslavia.In spite of much contention on both sides, such a step is as right today as it was three weeks ago, although perhaps due to the delay of the King of Yugoslavia we can only gain military rather than political advantage. 2. Maclean emphasized in Cairo that the king of Yugoslavia could not get any reward for dismissing Mikhailovich, but this gesture may create an atmosphere conducive to the future of the king.Although this view has been affected, it still holds true today within certain limits. 3. Therefore, the following two things really need to be done: (1) His Majesty's government immediately refuses to recognize Mikhailovich and, if possible, removes him from office by King Peter of Yugoslavia. (2) MacLean immediately returned to Tito headquarters, striving to achieve the following two points: one, to obtain the maximum military advantage from this situation; What kind of benefits will the king of Yugoslavia bring to the situation? I attach my personal comments and a draft reply to Tito. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary December 30, 1943 It is now impossible to ask Tito to recognize King Peter in exchange for deposing Mikhailovich.Once Mikhailovich is gone, the king's chances will be much better, and we will be able to defend Tito at his headquarters.I recall that in Cairo there was unanimous agreement to advise Peter to remove Mikhailovich by the end of the year.All the circumstances described by Deakin and McClain, and all the reports I have received, prove that he was active in collusion with the Germans.Not only us, but the king of Yugoslavia had to disown him before we could bring the parties involved together. Let me know your opinion on whether I should send the following message, or whether it is merely a friendly thank you; in the latter case I fear that I shall lose a good opportunity of establishing a personal relationship with this important person. I don't want this private message to alarm the United States and Stalin, and it will delay time.If you do not object, I intend to transmit it as a letter by airmail to McLean in Bari.He and Randolph will be heading to Yugoslavia within a day before skydiving.What method will you take to sever ties with Mihailovich, and at the same time ask the king to take the same step, and please let me know.In my opinion, this is Peter's only chance. I added in my telegram to the Foreign Secretary of January 2: I am convinced of the sayings of people I know and trust: Mikhailovitch is a millstone around the young king's neck, and unless the young king drives him out, he has no chance. The foreign minister agreed, so I wrote to Tito.He wrote to congratulate me on my recovery. Africa: January 8, 1944 I am very grateful to you personally and to the heroic patriotic partisans of Yugoslavia for your kind regards to my health.I have heard of all your heroic endeavors from my friend, Major Deakin.It is my most earnest desire to give you all the assistance that manpower can, by means of sea supplies, air support, and expeditions to assist you in your operations on the islands.Brigadier General McLean is also a friend of mine, and a fellow in the House of Commons.My son, Major Randolph Churchill, will soon be joining him at your headquarters.He is also an MP. Our most noble goal now is to clean up the legacy of Nazi-Fascism on European soil.You can be sure that we in Britain are far from willing to make arbitrary claims about the future government of Yugoslavia.At the same time, we hope that in order to defeat the common enemy, all forces should be united as much as possible, and after this has been achieved, the form of government will be determined according to the wishes of the people. I am determined that the British government will not give Mikhailovich any military aid, but only you; we will be happy if the government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia removes him from the various committees, but King Peter II escaped in his youth Falling out of the clutches of the Prince Regent, Prince Paul, he comes to us as a representative and afflicted young prince of Yugoslavia.It would not be an act of chivalry or honor on Great Britain's part to leave him alone.Nor can we ask him to sever all existing relations with his country.Therefore, I hope you will understand that we will maintain official relations with him under all circumstances while at the same time giving you all possible military assistance.I also hope that the dispute between the two sides will end, because the dispute can only benefit the German army. You may trust that in my work I will be in the closest contact with my friends Marshal Stalin and President Roosevelt; and it is my fervent hope that the military delegation now sent by the Soviet Government to your headquarters will be the same as that of Brigadier General McClain The British and American delegations also worked in harmony.If you write to me, please pass it on to Brigadier General McClain.Anything you think I can do that will help you, please tell me, and I will do my best. May your suffering end and that all of Europe be liberated from dictatorial oppression. About a month later, I received a reply: Marshal Tito to Your Excellency Prime Minister (received 3 February 1944): Your letter has been forwarded by Brigadier General McClain.This is an example to be cherished because it shows that as our people struggled hard for our freedom and independence, we had at our side a true friend and ally who understood our needs and our desires.For me personally, your letter is an honor, because it shows that you highly praise our struggle and the fighting of our National Liberation Army.I sincerely thank you for sending me a photo of yourself at the Tehran meeting with an inscription.Your Excellency may trust that we shall strive to preserve that invaluable friendship which you have bestowed upon us in the most difficult hour of our national history.With our country shattered, and our people suffering and distressed, we need the aid of our great ally, not only in time of war, but also in time of peace, to heal the grave wounds inflicted on us by the shameless fascist invaders .We hope that, as an ally in the common military effort against our common enemy, we will do our best to fulfill our responsibilities.The assistance given to us by our allies has greatly contributed to the de-escalation of our war situation.We also hope to rely on your help to obtain heavy weapons (tanks and aircraft); these weapons are indispensable for us at this stage of the war, due to the current strength of our National Liberation Army. 2. I am well aware of your obligations to King Peter II and his government.So far as our national interests permit, I shall try to avoid unnecessary political struggle, and in this matter, not inconvenience our allies.However, I tell you with certainty, sir, that the internal political situation that has arisen in this bitter struggle for liberation is not only an instrument of struggle for certain individuals or certain political groups, but for all patriots, The irresistible desire of all those fighting and having a long history with this struggle, who constitute the greatest number of peoples of Yugoslavia, has therefore set (for itself) a difficult task and it is our duty to fulfill it these tasks. 3. Now, all our efforts are focused on one aspect, that is: (1) Bringing together all patriotic and upright people so that we can fight as effectively as possible against the aggressors; (2) Bringing together all the nations of Yugoslavia in a sense of unity and fraternity which did not exist before the war, resulting in national discord (3) Create conditions for the establishment of a state in which all Yugoslav nationalities will be happy, that is, a truly democratic Yugoslavia, a federal Yugoslavia.I am convinced that you understand us and that we will have your valuable assistance in our people's struggle. Yours sincerely, Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia I immediately reply: Prime Minister to Marshal Tito (in Yugoslavia) February 5, 1944 I am very pleased that the previous letter has been delivered to you safely; I am very pleased to receive the reply.I can understand your reservations about King Peter.I have been in favor of persuading him to remove Mikhailovich for the past few months and confront the resignation of all current advisers as a result.I hesitated to act because it was considered to be advising him to abandon the few followers he had. You will understand that I feel a personal responsibility towards him.I would be very grateful if you could give me your opinion on whether his dismissal of Mikhailovich would bring about a friendly relationship between him and you and your movement, and enable him to join your movement in the future. gratitude.The issue of the future monarchy should be left to be discussed after the complete liberation of Yugoslavia.A possible agreement between you and the King will no doubt unite many forces, especially those of the now alienated Serbian elements, which will give your government and movement greater authority and resources.Under such circumstances, Yugoslavia can use a unified voice to express its opinions at the meeting of the Allies in this volatile initial period.I do hope that you will give what you think is the answer I am asking for. 2. His Majesty's government hopes that you will gather all patriotic and upright people to carry on the struggle against the aggressors as effectively as possible; secondly, to unite the people of all nationalities in Yugoslavia; thirdly, to realize a truly democratic and federal system Yugoslavia created the conditions.In all these respects you are sure to have the support of His Majesty's Government. 3. I have requested the Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean immediately to form an amphibious commando force, supported by air and small fleets and with your assistance, to attack the defenders on the German-occupied islands off the coast of Dalmatia .There is no reason why these garrisons could not be destroyed with the use of troops which could soon be called upon.Next, we must endeavor to establish a direct line of communication to you by sea, though we must vary its course from time to time.With this line of communication alone, tanks, anti-tank guns, other heavy weapons, and other necessary supplies can be transported to you in the quantities required by your army.You can consult Brigadier General McClain about all these matters.He is someone I have full confidence in and has direct access to me and the Supreme Commander. Tito's reply: February 9, 1944 I must discuss the points raised in your letter with members of the Yugoslav National Liberation Committee and the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee.After analysis, we draw the following conclusions: 1. As you know, at the second meeting held on November 29, 1943, the Yugoslav Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee confirmed their firm support for the Yugoslav National Union.However, as long as there are two governments, one in Yugoslavia and the other in Cairo, total unity is not possible.Therefore, it is imperative to dismantle the government in Cairo and stop the activities of Draza Mikhailovich.The government had to report to the government of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee of Yugoslavia the huge amount of state money it was wasting. 2. The Yugoslav National Liberation Committee shall be recognized by the Allies as the sole government of Yugoslavia; if King Peter II supports it, he shall obey the laws of the Yugoslav Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee. 3. If King Peter accepts all these conditions and agrees that the question of the Yugoslav monarchy will be decided by the free will of the people after the liberation of Yugoslavia, the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee will not refuse to cooperate with him. 4. King Peter II shall issue a proclamation stating that he is concerned only with the interests of his fatherland, that he wishes it to be free, and that the people themselves, after the war, determine its form of organization according to their free will; until this is achieved, everything will be done support the arduous struggle of the peoples of Yugoslavia. Prime Minister to Marshal Tito February 25, 1944 I fully understand your difficulties and welcome your spirit in dealing with them. I appreciate your understanding of my difficulties.Our first step was to safely withdraw our liaison officer from Mikhailovich.The order has already been issued, but it may take several weeks to materialize.Can you assure me at the moment whether King Peter would be able to do so if he broke away from Mikhailovich and other treacherous advisers, and assuming that the fact that the peoples of Yugoslavia were free to determine their own constitution after the war would never change? To get your invitation to go and join the fight of the people of his homeland?If I am right in judging this young man, his most earnest wish was more than that of being on the side of all Yugoslav peoples who are resisting the common enemy.But you will understand that I cannot force him to depose Mikhailovich, abandon his government, and sever all contact with the Serbs until I know whether he can rely on your support and cooperation. I have suggested to King Peter that he return to London to discuss these matters with me.Therefore, I hope that after careful consideration, you can modify your request so that both of us can work hard to realize the unity of Yugoslavia against the common enemy.Please ask me definitely and clearly without hesitation.If at present I cannot fully satisfy your wishes, trust me, it will not be due to lack of kindness towards you and your country. In February, 1944, I explained all the situation to Congress, the said sections are as follows: Guerrilla forces are organized on the principles of guerrilla warfare.Under extremely ingenious command, they can come and go without a trace, and can kill the enemy.They go from south to north, everywhere.The German army had carried out a large-scale mopping up of them, but even though the guerrillas were surrounded on all sides, they were able to escape safely every time after severely injuring and disturbing the enemy.Soon the partisans outnumbered General Mikhailovich's troops.Those who defected to Marshal Tito included not only Croats and Slovenes, but also a large number of Serbs. At present, Tito has 250,000 people and a large number of weapons taken from the enemy or the Italian army. These people have now formed many divisions and military. The whole movement was formed and organized, but it retained the partisan character without which the movement could not have succeeded.With these heroic troops as its center and foundation a national and unifying movement arose.The Communists had the honor of being the founders, but as the movement grew in strength and numbers, there was a process of adjustment and unification, and the addition of national ideas.The guerrillas considered Marshal Tito to be an outstanding leader, and he had acquired a distinguished reputation in the fight for freedom.Unfortunately, and perhaps inevitably, these forces clashed with those commanded by General Mikhailovich.The activities of Mikhailovich's soldiers disrupted the compromise between his commanders and the enemy.His attempt to suppress them gave rise to many tragic strife and bitter enmity among men of the same kind and country; and they were unhappy only because they had a common enemy. For a long time in the past, I paid special attention to Marshal Tito's movement, and I have tried and am trying to take all possible measures to help him.我的一個年輕朋友、牛津大學特別研究員迪金上尉，即現已獲有功勳勳章的迪金中校，約在一年以前已經跳傘進入南斯拉夫國境，在鐵托元帥的總部工作了八個月。某次，他們兩人為同一枚炸彈所炸傷，於是成了朋友。當然，這是人民之間的一種友誼關係，但我相信，這種友誼關係在我們自己的私人交往中是建立不起來的。迪金中校的報告使我們對整個鬥爭及其人物，獲得一幅生動的圖畫。 關於南斯拉夫事件的政治爭執，在流亡倫敦的南斯拉夫人士中間，持續了兩個月之久。時間一天天地流逝，雙方獲得平等利益的和解的機會，也日益減少了。 Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary 一九四四年四月一日 我認為應該極力促使南斯拉夫國王擺脫他現在的那些顧問人員，因為他們已成了他的累贅，並使他遭受不幸。你知道，我曾料想，這事早在去年年底以前就應辦妥。我不知道像現在這樣的拖延下去有什麼好處。我始終認為，國王應該同米海洛維奇脫離關係，接受普里奇政府的辭呈，或者將他們撤職；而且他在數星期中沒有政府的話，也不會有多大害處。我同意彼得國王應該頒布適當的公告。我想我們暫時只能做到這一步。 我在某處得悉德軍已有三個師團奉命撤出南斯拉夫，調去鎮壓匈牙利；當然，對於鐵托的部隊來說，最重要的問題是同匈牙利游擊隊進行聯繫，並充分利用現在在它北面所發生的局勢。 所有這些發展對我們，對鐵托都有利，只是對於南斯拉夫國王及其聲名狼藉的政府，當然毫無裨益。他若不迅速採取行動，我看他將失去恢復王位的機會，你在備忘錄中也已表明了這種見解。自從我們在開羅討論這些問題以來，我們已看到俄國一個龐大的代表團被派往鐵托總部，毫無疑問，俄國人將直截了當地組成一個由鐵托所統治的共產黨南斯拉夫，並將攻擊與它背道而馳的一切措施都是不民主的。 因此，我希望你現在十分迅速地行動起來，為南斯拉夫國王草擬一份妥善的宣言，使他驅除普里奇及其黨羽，斷絕同米海洛維奇的一切聯繫，並使國王成立一個權宜的而又不使鐵托厭惡的政府。這樣，我們在未來的五六個星期中在溝通他們之間的關係方面，或許還有一線希望。我們沒有理由因為塞爾維亞政治情況複雜，就壓制那些願意或可能被發動起來與游擊隊並肩作戰的軍事力量。 差不多到了五月底，米海洛維奇才被撤職。舒巴西奇博士，一位穩健的政治家，被邀組織新政府，他曾任克羅地亞總督，是馬切克博士的農民黨黨員。 首相致鐵托元帥（在南斯拉夫） 一九四四年五月十七日 由於英方勸告的結果，國王彼得二世於今晨解散了包括米海洛維奇將軍在其中擔任陸軍大臣的普里奇內閣。他現正準備以克羅地亞總督（伊凡‧舒巴西奇博士）為首，組織一個內閣或成立一個國務會議。這當然會獲得英皇陛下政府的熱烈贊同。 我們不知道這將在南斯拉夫塞爾維亞地區產生何種反響。米海洛維奇以總司令的身份，在當地肯定是居於有力的地位。他並不會由於被免去陸軍大臣的職務而喪失他的勢力。 我們不能預言他的動向。那裡還有一大群塞爾維亞有產農民，共約二十萬人；他們反對德國人，但具有強烈的塞爾維亞民族情緒；而且很自然地擁有和卡爾‧馬克思理論相反的農民有產社會的觀念。我的目標在於促使這些力量同你合作，以實現一個統一而獨立的南斯拉夫，以便將邪惡的希特勒的劊子手和侵略者，從南斯拉夫的土地上驅逐淨盡。 對於這些變動應當給以適當的機會，讓它循著有利於總目標的方向發展，這對於共同事業以及我們同你們的關係是很重要的。如果你竟然倉促地對這些變動公開指責，我將深為遺憾。歐洲即將發生具有決定意義的事變。意大利戰事正朝著對我們有利的方向發展。威爾遜將軍向我保證他決心給你大力援助。因此，我覺得有權要求你至少在幾星期內不發表任何不利於這種新事變的言論，直至我們能對這次事變交換電文為止。 麥克萊恩准將現正在我這裡，他將在三星期內帶著他在此間所收集的一切意見前來你處，我希望你至少要等到他回來。 同時，我對你在各條戰線上牽制了敵軍許多師團，再一次表示祝賀。鐵托元帥，你將明瞭，大戰不久即將達到最為激烈的高峰，英美和俄國的軍隊將對共同的敵人展開猛烈進攻。在這個高潮中，你必須使出最強大的力量。我雖不能保證敵人力量迅速崩潰，但確實是有這種可能性的。 在二十四日，我又去信說： 國王已驅逐了普里奇及其黨羽，我認為前克羅地亞總督會將某種力量團結在他的身邊。我的意見是，這個政府應該暫不問事，且讓形勢自然地發展。我想，這點確實符合你在我們最初交換的電文中所表示的意見。我正不斷地把我們之間所交換的一切意見通知俄國人和美國人。 倘若倫道夫進入你的地區，請轉達我對他的慰問。麥克萊恩即將回到你處。但願我自己也能前來，不過我年紀太大，身體又過重，無法跳傘了。 關於這方面的情況，可以就此打住。下面再談談同樣變化多端、但範圍更加廣闊的其他方面的情況。