Chapter 185 Volume 5, Chapter 30, The Suffering of Greece

Revelation of the Greeks and Jews The organization of the National Liberation Front and the People's Liberation Army in Greece under German occupation Our delegation to Greece The political tactics of the Communist partisans The exhortations of General Smuts The dangers of a Communist coup View of the Situation Mr. Chuzeros submitted his resignation. King George decided to return to Cairo. My message to Mr. Lipper on April 7th and 8th. Mutiny of the Greek Navy and Greek Brigade in Egypt Our policy towards the Greeks Mutiny of the Greek Brigade. Siege of the King of Greece Arriving in Cairo I called President Roosevelt on April 16 and he gave me the most helpful message The climax of the Mutiny of the Greek Army Government Formed I made a statement to the House of Commons on the 24th of May.

Greeks and Jews are arguably the most politically oriented peoples in the world.No matter how unfavorable the circumstances and the seriousness of the national crisis, they are always divided into many parties, and many leaders are engaged in life-and-death struggles with each other.It is well said that wherever there are three Jews, two are found to be the Prime Minister and one the Leader of the Opposition.The same is true of another famous ancient people, whose violent and never-ending struggle for existence dates back to the origin of human thought.No other two peoples have left such a mark on the world.These two peoples, inflicted by foreign oppressors, were matched only by their own never-ending strife, row, and disorder; ability.Through the millennia, their character has not changed, nor has their suffering or vitality diminished.No matter how the outside world harms them and how they themselves harm themselves, they still survive, and each of them can leave us a legacy that shows their genius and wisdom from different angles.No other two cities have contributed more to humanity than Athens and Jerusalem.Their revelations in religion, philosophy, and art are guiding lights of modern faith and culture.After hundreds of years of alien rule and indescribable and endless oppression, they are still a vibrant nation and power in the modern world, and they are still quarreling and quarreling internally.Personally I have always supported these two peoples, convinced of their invincible strength, able to weather their internal strife, and survive against the world currents which threatened their life.

After the Allied withdrawal in April 1941, Greece was occupied by the Axis powers.The collapse of the Greek army, and the exile of the king and his government, revived sharp controversy in Greek politics.Greeks, both at home and abroad, have severely criticized the Greek monarchy for allowing the dictatorship of General Metaxes, thereby linking itself directly with the now-collapsed regime.When King George II of Greece left Crete in May 1941, the main members of the accompanying government were royalists headed by Mr. Chuzeros.Their long journey to London via Cairo and South Africa gave Greeks abroad plenty of time to discuss political issues.The Greek constitution had ceased to be in force in 1936, and the question of the future government of Greece after its eventual liberation had to be discussed among the exiles in the Allied territories.

I have long recognized the importance of this question, and in October 1941 I wrote to the Prime Minister of Greece congratulating him on his first radio address from London to enemy-occupied Greece and expressing concern over the fact that Greece had been declared a constitutional monarchy. Democracies rejoice.The King of Greece himself broadcast the New Year's message to his country to say the same.If Greece is to be united in this great war, it must first of all be brought into contact between the émigrés abroad and public opinion at home. During the first winter after the Axis occupation, Greece was ravaged by a severe famine (relieved somewhat by relief shipments from the Red Cross) and a war that lasted until its armies fell apart.But at the time of the surrender, the weapons had been hidden in the mountains, and they planned to fight the enemy in a small and dispersed manner.In the cities of central Greece, the famine prompted large numbers of people to take part in such battles.

In April 1942, the group that called itself the National Liberation Front (the initial Greek acronym is E‧A‧M‧), which had been formed the previous autumn, announced the formation of the People's Liberation Army (E‧L‧A ‧S).Smaller combat teams were added the following year, especially in central and northern Greece.The remnants of the Greek army and local mountain residents who were in Epirus and the mountains of the northwest at that time gathered around Colonel Napoleon Zervas.The organizations of the National Liberation Front and the People's Liberation Army are controlled by a strong core of Communist Party leaders.Zervas' followers, originally sympathetic to the Republican Party, later became exclusively anti-Communist.The forces of the Greek War of Resistance against Germany were concentrated around these two centres.Neither had direct contact with, or sympathy for, the Greek government in London.

On the eve of the Alamein victory, we decided to attack the German supply money through Greece to Piraeus, the port of Athens and an important German stronghold on the way to North Africa.Thus, in the autumn of 1942, the first British military delegation, led by Lieutenant Colonel Miles, parachuted into Greece and made contact with the guerrillas.With their help, a major viaduct on the main railway line of Athens was destroyed.Meanwhile, in Piraeus, Greek underground operatives staged a brilliant and heroic sabotage operation to thwart Axis shipping.These successful operations encouraged Middle East headquarters to send in more British contingents, delivering more explosives and weapons.From then on a direct link was established with Greece under enemy occupation.

In the spring of 1943 the British delegation was strengthened.We have encouraged activity in this area with an additional motive, namely, as a cover for our forthcoming military action in Sicily.Special efforts were made to convince the enemy that, after their defeat in Tunisia, the Allies were planning a massive landing on Greek soil.A joint British-Greek detachment blew up another bridge on the Athens main railway line, and other sabotage operations were successful.As a result, two German divisions that might have been sent to fight in Sicily were transferred to Greece.However, this was the last direct military contribution of the Greek partisans to the Great War, and the situation thereafter was filled with struggles to seize power after the war.

Political strife got in the way of guerrilla warfare, and we quickly found ourselves in a complicated and awkward situation.It turns out that there are three different factions out there: The People's Liberation Army, which by this time numbered 20,000 men, was mainly under the control of the Communist Party; Zervas' troops, called the National Democratic Army (E‧D‧E‧S‧), totaled 5,000; Royalist politicians around the King of Greece in London.We have a special responsibility to the King of Greece, the Head of State of the Allied Powers who fought alongside us in 1941.People from the above-mentioned parties now believe that the Allied forces may win the war, and the struggle for power among them has become more serious. Such internal struggles are beneficial to the common enemy.

In March 1943, a group of prominent politicians in Athens signed a manifesto warning the Greek king not to return home until a referendum was held after the war.It is important that the king of Greece should take a stand.So, on July 4th, he made a conciliatory radio address to the Greek people, promising to hold general elections as soon as the country was liberated and to resign the Greek government in exile upon its return to Athens in order to create a more A broad-based government, but public opinion in Greece calls for more direct action.Soon there was a small mutiny among the small number of Greek troops we had mobilized in the Middle East, where broadcasts from the National Liberation Front were being widely circulated.In August, a delegation composed of six leaders elected by the main anti-war groups in Greece was sent to Cairo. They also strongly advocated that a referendum should be held before the king returned home, and that politicians in Greece should be elected in the government-in-exile. Get three positions.Neither the king nor the prime minister agreed with the claims.

While I was in Quebec, I received the following phone call from King George II of Greece regarding these developments: King of Greece (in Cairo) to Prime Minister and President Roosevelt August 19, 1943 On the Fourth of July I announced to my people that after liberation they would be invited to determine the form of their government by free elections. I am now suddenly confronted with a most peculiar situation, arising from the unexpected arrival from Greece of persons allegedly representing various guerrilla forces; Moreover, some representatives of the old political parties wanted to compel me to announce that I would not be able to return until after the referendum on the organization of the future regime had been held.Under such circumstances, I value your opinions on what policy should be adopted now so that the cause of Greece and the United Nations can enjoy the greatest benefit.

Now, my personal preference is to continue the policy we had agreed to before I left London.I firmly believe that, although I have left my country for a short period of time to serve in the Allies in the interest of the nation, if subsequent developments make it advisable for me to return home with an army, then I should do so. I wrote a memo on this question: Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary August 19, 1943 If the strong British army participated in the war to liberate Greece, the Greek king should return home with the British and Greek troops.This is the most likely way to do it. But if the Greeks are strong enough to drive out the Germans themselves, then we have very little say in the matter.In that case, the King of Greece should demand equal representation of royalists and republicans, as is now proposed.At any rate, it would be a grave mistake for the King of Greece to agree to remain abroad when the War of Liberation had begun and the conditions for a peaceful referendum had not yet been met. Smuts, who closely followed the fate of Greece, also made some insightful comments to me: General Smuts to Prime Minister August 20, 1943 It appears that serious suspicions were being raised that the British intelligence agents who brought the Greek patriots and other party representatives to Cairo were anti-Royalist and that the patriot representatives even had communist tendencies.King George has always stood by the Allies, and made great sacrifices for their cause, and therefore we should support them at all costs at this critical moment.In my opinion, the sensible policy is that you should once again make it clear to the Greek government that the UK government will support the King of Greece at least until the Greek people are able to determine their future government under normal conditions of national stability.After the Allied occupation of Greece there should not be a referendum or a general election to determine the government, because in the present state of outrage, civil war would likely, if not be caused.Until public opinion can calm down and a calm public safety environment can be established, allied administration under military occupation should continue.During the transition period of the Allied administration, King George of Greece and members of the royal family, preferably returned to Greece, in order to give moral support and authority to the Allied administration. I am extremely apprehensive that if the Allied forces do not take firm measures to control the situation on the ground after the occupation, there may be agitation and confusion not only in Greece, but also in other Balkan countries.If these peoples were left to pursue their political activities unchecked, we might see a wave of chaos and communism on a large scale sweep over that part of Europe.Even Italy may be exposed to such a crisis, and Greece and the Balkan countries must be exposed to this danger, so we should expressly declare that at this stage we are prepared to maintain public order and power under the military control of the Allies, Until the situation is stable and local national self-determination can be implemented.The situation in Greece is at a critical juncture, and now you may think it appropriate to take this matter up with the President as an extremely important matter of future policy.There is indeed a possibility of Bolshevism in a disintegrated and devastated Europe.It can only be prevented by food supply, job opportunities and temporary allied control. The surrender of Italy in September 1943 affected the whole balance of power in Greece.The People's Liberation Army was able to capture most of Italy's equipment, including all the weapons of the entire division, so it has an absolute military advantage.With the Germans in retreat, the danger of a communist coup was now a real possibility and warranted close attention.On September 29, I sent a memorandum to the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services: Prime Minister to General Ismay, Transfer to the Chiefs of Staff Committee September 29, 1943 I am in full agreement with the Foreign Secretary on this largely political question.If the Germans withdraw from Greece, we must be sure that we can send 5,000 British troops, equipped with armored vehicles and light machine gun vehicles, into Athens.They don't need transport ships or cannons.The Greek army in Egypt will accompany them.Their duty is to support the legitimate Greek government that has returned to power in this central city of the country.The Greeks would not know how many more troops were still coming.There may have been some disputes among the Greek partisans, but the Greeks would have had a great deal of respect for the British army, all the more so since the relief of the famine in the country during the first months after liberation depended entirely on our efforts.It is only necessary to organize the army sufficiently to prevent riots in the capital, or attacks on the capital from the countryside.Once a stable government is established, we should withdraw. This was the original proposal that we might be forced to intervene in the internal affairs of Greece during the period of liberation. Now, the situation has accelerated, as the plans of the People's Liberation Army to seize power immediately before the German army has just retreated and a revolutionary constitutional government can be established have developed.During this winter, they did very little against the enemy.In October, the People's Liberation Army attacked the National Democratic Army (Zervas's forces), and the British headquarters in Cairo completely stopped sending arms to the People's Liberation Army.Our various missions on the ground are trying to stop and stop the civil war that has broken out in this war-torn, occupied country. The resolutions adopted at the Cairo and Tehran conferences had an indirect impact on the situation in Greece.The Allied forces would never hold a large-scale landing in Greece, and after the German army retreated, they would not send a large number of British troops to Greece.Therefore, measures to prevent anarchy must be considered.One figure who stood outside the rivalry of mutual enmity in our minds was Zamaskinos, archbishop of Athens.During his stay in Cairo, Mr. Eden had convinced the King of Greece of the advantages of having a provisional regency.At the same time, we hope to send the Greek brigade from the Middle East to fight in Italy to enhance the prestige of the government-in-exile; if necessary, we can also send loyal and reliable troops to the west of Greece. The Greek king disagreed with setting up a regency and had returned to London.At this time, the National Liberation Front and its military organization, the People's Liberation Army, had established a country in the mountains of north-central Greece, becoming a country within a country.In February 1944, British officers managed to secure a flimsy armistice between the People's Liberation Army and the National Democratic Army, but Soviet troops were on the Romanian border.As the chances of the German army withdrawing from the Balkan Peninsula became greater and greater, the possibility of the Royal Government returning home with the assistance of the British army also increased accordingly.The leaders of the National Liberation Front estimated that this might happen in April and decided to act. On March 26, the National Liberation Front Political Committee was formed in the mountains and the news was broadcast to the world.This is a direct challenge to the future mandate of the Chuzeroth government.A rival administration, controlled by the Communist Party, was thus established and became the center of unity for all the Greek people.It was a signal of a dispute between the Greek armed forces in the Middle East and members of the Greek government abroad.On March 31, a group of Army, Navy and Air Force officers visited Chuzellos in Cairo and demanded his resignation.The situation had now reached a critical juncture, but the king of Greece in London had not yet recognized the urgency of the situation.Mr. Lipper, our Ambassador to the Greek Government in Cairo, sent the following telegram on April 6: I feel that I must express myself quite frankly.The king of Greece is playing with fire.He cannot keep abreast of the rapid development of the situation, and thereby endangers not only the interest of the monarchy, but that of his country as well.The National Liberation Front recognized the danger for politicians in Athens and the Greek government in Cairo to form a united front.They also understood that the outcome of the agreement between the two sides would allow the Greek government in Cairo to gain strength, while their attempts to establish an independent government in the mountains were coming to an end.Therefore, they used this transitional period to instigate a mutiny in the Greek army against the Greek government. Their agitation has had some success, and in the next few days there will be more. Mr. Chuzeroth felt himself in a dilemma.Thanks to the professed support of the bishops and statesmen of Athens, Chuzeroth had gained a good basis for cooperation with his colleagues, but the agreement was based on his ability to induce the king to approve a constitution appointing an archbishop as regent. of.Several weeks had now passed, during which time Mr. Chuzeroth had not received a final answer from the King, but only a preliminary objection from the King.He kept the news from his colleagues so as not to cause an uproar.This situation would have survived had it not been for the recent agitation by the National Liberation Front in the army. That evening, Mr. Chuzeros resigned and recommended Mr. Venizelos, who was Secretary of the Navy in his cabinet, as his successor.On April 4th there was a riot in the Greek army; this included the 1st Brigade, which I hoped would be in the Italian campaign.On the 5th, the Greek gendarmerie headquarters in Cairo was occupied by a hundred rebels; the British army and the Egyptian police had to surround the rebels and successfully transported them to the isolation camp by truck.In Alexandria, a leader of the Greek seamen's union, along with thirty followers, erected a fence around his apartment to resist the police.Five warships of the Royal Greek Navy declared their support for the republic and demanded the resignation of ministers in the current government.All the ministers of the Greek government tendered their resignations to the king, but agreed to remain in office until they were granted permission. At this time, as Mr. Eden was away from London, I presided over the Foreign Office, and I therefore dealt directly with all diplomatic matters.I am sending the following message to the Supreme Allied Commander Mediterranean: Prime Minister to General Wilson; and cc general alexander April 5, 1944 It has been more than three months since we agreed to send a Greek brigade from Egypt to Italy to join the Allied attack, if necessary without tank equipment.It is said that only one company has arrived in Italy, and the rest will arrive within the month.Why is it so slow and difficult to mobilize so few troops?They were easily poisoned by local revolutionaries and communists in Egypt.The devil is always looking for something bad for idle people to do.Get them out of Egypt as soon as possible now, and gather them in some suitable city in northern Italy.I feel that this small issue is of great political importance and should not be dragged on for so long. On April 7th, I also telegraphed Mr. Chuzelros, as follows: I am shocked to learn that you have resigned, which appears to be leaving Greece at stake at the stake of its national existence.Just met with the king and it is said that your resignation has not been accepted yet.He will go to Alexandria next week.You will surely be there waiting for him. The situation in the Greek navy and army was now worse, and Venizelos declared that he could not take over.Mr. Chuzelos replied on April 7th: In accordance with the requirements of Greek law and your wishes, until the current crisis is legally resolved, I will stay in my post.If the king has to wait until he returns to Egypt to solve this crisis, I fear that by then, there may be no chance of a solution. On April 7th, Mr. Lipper called the Foreign Office: What happened here among the Greeks was no less than a revolution.The provisional Greek government-in-exile had been deeply damaged by the weaknesses inherent in its exile. It is trying to cope with the situation in this case.It had suffered utter defeat, and was all the more troubled by the inability to introduce legitimate reforms without the sanction of the far-away king. My Ambassador, however, hopes that the situation can be resolved in Cairo in the King's absence.The return of the Greek king to this place will inevitably cause new disputes.This view was firmly expressed by Chuzeroth and all his colleagues.The king would find himself isolated and unable to do anything, which would create a serious embarrassment for us.He asked the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to do everything possible to prevent him from returning home.In the circumstances we find ourselves here and now, I ask you to take the advice of those on the ground.Everyone here is sympathetic to my opinion. That day, the King of Greece had lunch with me in London.I showed him the ambassador's call without comment.He said he was going to Cairo immediately.I think his opinion is quite appropriate. prime minister to mr lipper April 7, 1944 I have discussed the situation with the king.He has decided to return to Cairo, scheduled to fly out on Sunday evening; and despite the claims of your call (which I have shown to the King), I think he is taking the right course of action.If the events in Cairo were, as you say, a revolution in Greece, I cannot advise him to stand aside and allow such important questions to be decided in his absence.A warning should also be given to all local Greek politicians and agitators: We will spare no effort in taking adequate security measures to prevent incitement and demonstrations which may endanger law and order in Egypt and the standing and power of the King and Government of Greece.You should inform Mr. Chuzeroth that I would like him to remain in office until the present crisis is legally resolved. This is an opportunity for you to show the unhurried, ready-to-handle characteristics of a British diplomat. The next day, I sent another call: prime minister to mr lipper April 8, 1944 Provided the weather is normal, the King of Greece will depart on Sunday night.During this period, it is Mr. Chuzeroth's responsibility to stick to his post.It would be better if he could keep Mr. Sophocles Venizelos with him.After the arrival of the King of Greece, the British security services must ensure his personal safety.It may take him a few days to make a decision, so don't rush him.I am asking the military commanders to redeploy the Greek brigade to Italy as quickly as possible.Of course they'll get rid of the troublemakers. The Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet is expected to maintain discipline in all ships under his command in the same manner, but not to use force unless necessary. For you personally, this is a rare opportunity.You should stick to the course I have instructed you, regardless of the consequences.You talked about living on a crater.Where else would you wish to live at a time like this?Be careful, however, to observe very faithfully the following instructions which I give you, namely: first, that order and discipline must be maintained in the armed forces; second, that the personal safety of the King of Greece must be guaranteed; Stay in office until the king returns and have time to observe the situation around him; fourth, try to keep Venizelos and Chuzeros in office together; fifth, celebrate Easter in a pious and suitable way. On April 8, a Greek destroyer resisted orders to go to sea unless a government, including representatives of the National Liberation Front, could be formed.The mutineer Greek brigades had established defensive positions around their barracks, and unrest was also expected among the small number of Greek air units.I had to give up hope of transferring the Greek brigade to Italy.Later, I called General Paget, who commanded the garrison in Egypt: Prime Minister to General Paget April 8, 1944 Of course, a brigade that is intimidating the commander and committing mutiny should be surrounded and forced to surrender by stopping all supplies.Why don't you stop the water supply?Wouldn't this achieve the desired effect faster?Clearly, these armies should be disarmed.I agree, we are bound to give up hope of transferring them to Italy.Please keep reporting the various disarmament plans to me in detail.We cannot tolerate a political revolution in a foreign military for which we bear ultimate responsibility.In any event, large numbers of British troops should be used as a deterrent so that bloodshed is kept to a minimum. I also detailed our policy to Mr. Lipper for his use in dealing with the Greeks. prime minister to mr lipper April 9, 1944 We have a definite relationship with the legally constituted Greek government headed by the King of Greece.The king of Greece was an ally of England, and we did not abandon him to the whims of ambitious exiles and unknowns.At the same time, Greece cannot embody the spirit of constitutionalism through various guerrilla forces. In many cases, these guerrilla forces are no different from bandits. They pretend to be the savior of the country, but exploit the villagers.If necessary, I will denounce these elements and their tendencies publicly, in order to emphasize Great Britain's devotion to Greece.We have shared very little in Greece's misery, but we were not as armed as we are now.Our only hope and concern is to see Greece a glorious and free country in the eastern Mediterranean, a respected friend and ally of the victorious powers.So let us all work towards this goal and make it clear that we will not ignore any wrongdoing. I have been trying very hard to plan the transfer of the Greek brigade to Italy.Once in Italy, they may still take part in the capture of Rome, which is expected to take place this summer.This brigade, the 1st Greek Brigade, represented the Greek army which had in the past repelled the Italian invaders only to be defeated by the vicious and brutal intervention of the German bandits, and which had had the honor of raising Greece's standing in the world in the past. reputation, there are still opportunities to do so in the future.It is sad that they should take this opportunity to display dishonorable, even despicable indiscipline which would be seen by most as a result of their shameless fear of being called to the front to fight. Likewise, the Greek Navy, with its countless gallant sailors and its eminent role in preserving the honor of the Fatherland, should not suddenly attempt to meddle in politics, and dare to force the Greek people to accept a constitution.I believe that a swift and courageous leadership, backed up with irresistible force, will restore both armies to a full sense of national honor and duty. I have been planning to bring Greece back to prominence in the various international committees of the victorious powers.Just imagine what an effort we took to get Greeks into the Italian Advisory Council, and to try to send a Greek brigade to join the war that was about to be won in Italy.If the Greeks are safe in Egypt because they are protected by us, supplied with ships and armaments by us, or under the military command of the British commander-in-chief in the Middle East; if such Greeks allow domestic strife to hinder them By performing a solemn duty to the country to which they have inherited, they would reduce themselves to a low and ignominious place in the history of the world.By selfishness or whim, they could easily bring Greece into obscurity both at home and abroad, and their own reputations would remain forever in history. The king of Greece was the servant of his people.He does not claim to rule the people.Once things return to normal, he will submit to the people's referendum.He and his royal family are completely at the disposal of the people of Greece.Once the German invaders were driven out, Greece would be a republic or a monarchy according to the will of the people. Why, under these circumstances, could not the Greeks maintain their hatred of the common enemy?They have been so wounded by this enemy that the Greek people as a free people would have been destroyed by him had it not been for the resolute efforts of the great ally. General Paget now reports to me that the 1st Greek Brigade has betrayed its commander and refused to comply with his special orders to disarm, and he recommends direct action to carry out such orders.On April 9th, I telegraphed him saying: These small incidents are developing rapidly, and I fully agree with the actions you are taking now.If you can bring the brigade to its knees without bloodshed, that's your success.But it must be brought into submission.You can count on my support. The Greek brigade was now surrounded by superior British forces.The former numbered 4,500 men and had more than 50 guns, all of which were deployed on defensive positions against our attack.On April 12, I issued another instruction to Mr. Lipper and all others concerned: On political matters, there was no question of negotiating terms with the rebels. They must return to their posts unconditionally.They must disarm unconditionally. Never make any such promises that the masterminds will not be punished.As for the question of clemency, it will be for the king to decide.Before taking any decisive action, I should be informed of specific measures in this regard. I also instructed: Prime Minister to Mr Lipper and all key parties concerned (in Cairo) April 14, 1944 Before you resort to force, you must effectuate the cutoff of supplies both at the barracks and at the harbor.You should make full use of the blockade as a weapon and prevent breakout attempts.Don't worry too much about outside influences.Don't show your eagerness to negotiate.Just surround them with artillery and superior forces and let the hunger do its thing.Never accept any aid from the United States and Russia, unless specifically ordered by me.You have sufficient force at your disposal, and sufficient time, to force (the rebels) into proper discipline, which is far more important than any particular Greek government.It would have done more harm if we had allowed a brigade or a flotilla to intervene in political matters. According to the information I have recently received, the situation with regard to the Greek brigade shows signs of improvement, and they have run out of rations.You should take advantage of these trends and keep reporting them to me. the next day: prime minister to mr lipper April 15, 1944 Do not be swayed by any anti-British sentiments that may arise among the local Greeks.It would be a great mistake to end this serious matter with consolation.This measure could be implemented in the future by the Greek king and his new government as a measure of forgiveness.We must make these people unconditionally lay down their arms and bow their heads, and I believe there will be no bloodshed. By this time the King of Greece had arrived in Cairo; on April 12 he issued a proclamation announcing the establishment of a representative government composed mainly of Greeks from within Greece.The next day Venizelos succeeded Chuzeros, and secretly took various steps to bring representatives from the Greek capital to Cairo. I now report the whole situation to President Roosevelt, who sympathizes with me and King George of Greece. prime minister to president roosevelt April 16, 1944 When a political council chaired by the National Liberation Front was formed in the Greek mountains, riots followed in the Greek army and navy.No doubt the extremists, long engaged in undermining the loyalty of the Greek armies to their rightful king and government, took advantage of this divine opportunity for open violence.These rebels were undoubtedly against the king and in favor of the republic, but almost always did not directly attack the king's personal position in the turmoil.The only explicit demand they make is that the Greek government should take immediate and effective steps to recognize and unite the Greek political council. This crisis has come at a particularly unfortunate time, since Mr. Chuzeros has invited many of Athens' sound statesmen to hasten to Cairo to join the government.He also invited representatives of the National Liberation Front, a Communist Party-controlled organization; This organization established and controlled the Political Committee.So Chuzeros did everything he could to create a truly representative Greek government. He had the support of his colleagues for this plan; they do not appear to have had any part in inciting disturbances in the Greek army.But they were so jealous of Chuzeros's position that they took advantage of the initial modest disturbance in the Greek army to force him out of office.Chuzeros felt that he could no longer control the situation, so he resigned and recommended Venizelos to succeed him as prime minister.希臘陸軍中的騷動迅速蔓延到海軍，在陸海軍中，騷亂已發展到全面譁變的程度。開羅的政界人士認識到問題超出個人爭權奪利以及個人野心的範圍，他們只求物色一位以左傾思想著稱，可以被軍隊中的叛亂分子所接受的人物來擔任首相。 希臘國王不願接受一個事實上由叛亂分子指定人選的新政府。他認為希臘武裝部隊中的秩序必須恢復，然後才能對政府進行任何合法的改組。我完全同意他的意見，曾訓令我們駐希臘政府的大使，極力勸導希臘大臣們在國王能返回開羅研究形勢以前留守原職。我很高興地告訴你，他們對這點都同意照辦。我又訓令中東的軍事當局堅決處理他們所指揮的希臘軍隊中的無紀律狀態。希臘陸海軍中的秩序尚未完全恢復，但叛亂分子正被孤立起來；主謀者一旦被捕，叛亂即可平息。 希臘國王現已到達開羅，他在親自研究局勢以後已組成了以韋尼澤洛斯先生為首的政府。 總統給我下列極其有益的回電： President Roosevelt to Prime Minister 一九四四年四月十八日 感謝你提供了有關希臘在參加我們盟國作戰中最近遭到困難的材料。 我和你抱有同樣希望：你處理這問題的行動方針可以促使希臘人重新回到盟國的陣營中來，參加對野蠻人的作戰，這是符合希臘歷史上的英雄們所建立的傳統的。坦白地說，我的家族和我本人為希臘獨立作出個人貢獻前後已歷一百多年，因此我對現狀甚感痛心。我希望各地的希臘人士摒棄偏狹之見，恢復正常感情。讓每個希臘人回想光榮的過去，表現出目前十分需要的大公無私的精神。假如需要的話，你可以根據上述意義引用我的話。 prime minister to president roosevelt 一九四四年四月十八日 對你十分感激。我已通知我方人員，將你的來電轉告國王和新任大臣們，同時也可以向叛變的希臘旅和頑抗的希臘艦隻宣讀。這可能會產生極其有益的效果。 因為事變在亞歷山大已發展到高潮，我致電海軍總司令： 一九四四年四月十七日 你應使阿韋羅夫號【１】的高級長官十分明確地認識到，他的避免使用武力的保證，是得不到我們的回報的。我們在必要時將對叛變的官兵開火。希臘海軍的官兵們毫無干預新的政府組織的權利。他們的責任是服從偉大盟國所承認的希臘政府給予他們的命令。 【１】希臘巡洋艦。 希臘旅中的譁變形勢，也正在發展為一種危機。 首相致佩吉特將軍 一九四四年四月二十二日 如果你認為必須向叛軍兵營開火，你可考慮是否先向那些將炮口指向你們的炮壘試射幾下。假如他們沒有回擊，那麼經過適當的間歇時間，再給以更猛烈的轟擊，在此同時，如果他們再堅持下去，可將你們準備射擊的火力告訴他們。我們準備使用最大的武力，如果可能，自當避免屠殺。建議責任應由英方，而不是由力量微弱、搖搖欲墜的希臘政府擔負。 我接到下列回電： 佩吉特將軍致首相 一九四四年四月二十三日 我的計劃是按照你的指示制定的。為了仔細觀察他們的兵營，我們首先必須奪取高地上的希臘軍隊的兩個哨崗。這將在拂曉以前，只由步兵去完成。天明以後，我們將在他們的兵營上空施放煙幕十分鐘。然後停止，等待煙幕消散，便散發傳單。傳單說明還要施放一次煙幕，將有半小時之久，在煙幕掩護下，所有願意離開兵營到我們防線來的人應該行動起來。假如在這以後，叛變者仍然頑抗，就對準他們的一個炮壘發射幾炮；再停一下，給以投降機會。我們當反覆使用這樣辦法，直到他們的全部大炮都被擊毀為止。倘若叛軍仍不投降，那就必須派遣一支步兵在大炮和坦克的掩護下進攻兵營；但是那些坦克將用於狙擊，並不讓它衝入敵營，因為據說叛軍充分準備著反坦克的武器。他們現在無疑地已缺乏糧食，但已設法從當地阿拉伯人中採購到一些。事實證明要想緊緊地圍困叛軍兵營以防止這點，還是不可能的。 當日晚間，發生叛變的希臘軍艦已被忠誠的希臘水兵佔領；叛軍連同傷員五十名已被集中起來運送上岸。佩吉特將軍現在希望通過談判促使希臘旅投降，而不致發生流血事件。 這個事件的處理完全成功，因此，我能在次日通知羅斯福總統說，英國軍隊經過希臘叛軍微弱的抵抗後，已佔領俯瞰希臘兵營的山脊上的主要陣地。希臘叛軍沒有死傷，但有一名英國軍官陣亡。希臘旅投降繳械，被解往俘虜營，其主謀人員已在那裡被逮捕起來。海軍叛兵早在二十四小時以前已經無條件地投降了。 我對佩吉特將軍說：對你採取堅決而機智的行動所獲得的滿意的結果表示祝賀。 羅斯福總統同我一樣，也感到欣慰： President Roosevelt to Prime Minister 一九四四年四月二十六日 對你處理希臘海陸軍的叛變獲得成功，十分高興。我希望你對埃及政治問題所作的努力達到同樣的成功。霸王作戰計劃希望能得到在意大利的有力行動來支持，這個前景在給意大利戰役規定一個向敵人全力總攻的日期以後，將更為光明。鑒於我們暫不執行鐵砧計劃，所以在意大利取得真正的勝利看來是必要的。 我在休假的地方，一切順適。醫生承認我的健康狀況已有增進。 我們也曾使用電告莫洛托夫或通過駐開羅的蘇聯大使館轉送函電的方式，一直使俄國人了解這些事件的情況。蘇聯政府只限於對我們的行動進行批評；五月五日，我們在莫斯科正式請求俄國在應付希臘事件中同我們合作。它答覆，關於希臘政治問題的任何公開聲明，倘若俄國參加，是不適當的。 叛變事件結束後，成立希臘新政府的問題變得尖銳化了。 人們並不認為韋尼澤洛斯宜於擔任這項任務，希臘社會民主黨領袖帕潘茲雷烏從希臘國內被選拔出來，於四月二十六日就職。次日，他發表了一個宣言；這個宣言成為包括希臘山區領袖在內的各黨派會議的議題。這些代表於五月十七日在黎巴嫩的山間遊覽勝地開會，經過三天的激烈辯論，會議才取得協議：在開羅成立一個由帕潘茲雷烏任首相、所有集團都有代表參加的政府，而在希臘山區，則有一個統一的軍事組織繼續向德軍抗戰。這樣的安排為將來開闢了很有希望的前景。 五月二十四日，發表了希臘新政府的公告。同日，我就這些事件向下院作了報告： 經過曠日持久的討論後，黎巴嫩會議已達成完全一致的協議；新政府將包括各黨派的代表；新政府當致力於一個歸根結底是唯一值得重視的目標，即：成立一個國民軍，將一切游擊隊都整編在內，並使用這個軍隊驅逐敵人出境，或者最好是就地消滅敵人。 星期一，報上發表了（希臘）共產黨和極左翼黨派的領袖們給我的那封可喜的來信。今天報上又發表了帕潘茲雷烏先生給我的來信；來信表明他對他的政府前途所抱的希望，並感謝我們幫助解決這些不幸事件；我稱這些不幸事件是失敗病，希臘現在是有機會根治這種病症的。我相信目前形勢我希望並且祈禱形勢可能如此表明希臘在肅清它國土上的外國侵略者的鬥爭中，將有新的良好開端。因此，我向下院報告，希臘形勢已發生顯著有利的變化，而這種變化已超過我上次報告這問題時的能談到的內容。 這個驚心動魄的插曲，就此圓滿結束。它與大戰的大規模行動相比，雖然範圍很小，然而卻可能成為妨礙我們事務的不斷的爭論。因為我個人對這個事件負有很直接的責任，所以作了詳細記載。我在發出所有電文以前，都在戰時內閣中傳閱，我的同僚們絲毫沒有妨礙我的自由行動。我們軍隊的司令們能以壓倒一切的力量、堅定的意志和耐心，去平息具有這樣激烈情緒的軍隊中的政治性譁變，當然是一個巨大的功勳；而且除了一個英國軍官來復槍旅第二營少校科普蘭犧牲以外，沒有發生流血事件，而他的死也絕不是徒然的。 我們所有的人在歐洲和世界的這個神經中樞地點，面臨的各種困難和鬥爭，將在本書有關章節中再度進行詳細敘述，然而，我認為，整個看來，我的政策經事變證明是正確的；不但在戰時是如此，即在目前撰寫本書時，也是如此。