Chapter 190 Volume 5, Chapter 35, The Eve

On May 15th the King presided over the last meeting to provide the Expeditionary Force with a large number of vehicles. Dinner with General Montgomery. The vehicles needed by Leclerc's division. The tension on the opening day of the offensive is growing. I am going to watch the naval bombardment from the warship. Go to Your Majesty's letter of May 31st to discuss in the map room Your Majesty's letter of June 2nd to my reply General comments Weather conditions are beginning to worry Mr. Bevan, Smuts and I at Portsmouth and Scotland The weather forecast for the boarding of inspection troops in Lent Bay is even more unfavorable. The memories of Marshal Smuts! !Eisenhower decided at 4:15 am on June 4th to postpone President Roosevelt's letter for twenty-four hours. My June 4th letter. M. Eden and the arrival of General de Gaulle. The final decision: success or failure in one fell swoop. Bad weather deceived the German army's huge fleet to sea. The climax of the war.

On Monday, May 15th, three weeks before DDay, we held our final meeting at our headquarters at St. Paul's School, London, in Montgomery.The King, Marshal Smuts, the Chiefs of Staff of the British Armed Forces, the Commander of the Expeditionary Force, and many of their principal staff officers were present.On the podium was a map of the beaches of Normandy and the interior surrounding it, placed on a slope so that the audience could see it clearly.The map is also cleverly constructed so that the senior officer explaining the battle plan can walk around it and point out the various landmarks.

General Eisenhower made the opening address, the morning session concluded with an address from His Majesty the King, and the meeting was adjourned.I also delivered a speech at the meeting, in which there was such a sentence: My attitude towards this campaign is becoming firmer.General Eisenhower, in his book [1], interprets this sentence as meaning that I was opposed to the campaign across the English Channel in the past, but this is incorrect.If the reader turns again to Chapter 33 of this volume, he will find that I have also said this in my letter to General Marshall, explaining that what I mean is: That is to say, I hope that when manpower is possible to achieve attack within the confines of the borders, even if the constraints we set in Moscow were not fully realized. 【２】

[1] "European Crusades", p. 269. 【2】See page 521 of this volume. Montgomery took the stage and delivered a moving speech.After his speech, several naval, army and air force commanders also spoke, as well as the chief logistics officer, who detailed the meticulous preparations for the logistics of the troops after they landed.The amount of various equipment and utensils carried with the army is really surprising.This reminds me of Admiral Andrew Cunningham's story of how, at the Battle of the Torch, even dental chairs were brought to Calgiers in one of the first airlifts.For example, this time someone told me that they were going to send 2,000 officers and clerks across the strait to serve as records, and they also gave me the following form, which stated that within 20 days after landing, every 4‧ Seventy-seven people must be equipped with a vehicle.Each vehicle must have a driver and maintenance personnel.There are also supplementary personnel for casualties.

While these figures include combat vehicles such as guns, armored vehicles and tanks, I still have vivid memories of the crowded Anzio beachhead. After much deliberation, I asked Ismay to write to Montgomery expressing my concern that I thought there were already too many motorcycles and non-combat vehicles of all kinds.Ismay followed my advice, and we arranged to discuss the matter on Friday, May 19, when I visited General Montgomery's headquarters.The real situation of this meeting was distorted in the report.Montgomery is said to have led me into his study, and persuaded me not to speak to his staff; and threatened me with resignation if, at the last moment, I persisted in revising the transport plan; and, after telling his subordinate officers that Montgomery would not allow me to speak with them, went out.For this reason it is best to state the truth.

When I went to dinner, Montgomery asked to speak to me alone, and I went into his room.I do not remember the exact details of the conversation, but he did explain that at this stage, only seventeen days before the offensive began, there were difficulties in adjusting the size of the transport.However, I can say with certainty that at no point in this conversation, nor in the many conversations I had with him throughout the war, did he threaten me with resignation, nor did he at all Conflict among staff officers.Besides, I will never tolerate such behavior.After our conversation, we went to dinner together. There were only eight or nine people present, most of whom were General Montgomery's personal staff.The whole process was filled with a very friendly atmosphere.General Montgomery had asked me that night for an inscription in his private book, and I wrote, as I have done before other great battles, the following lines, which have been published elsewhere:

As the greatest adventure of which this book speaks is about to begin, I write here my belief that all will go well, and that the whole army will be as well organized and equipped as the bravery of its soldiers and the cunning of its generals. However, I may add that I still believe that the ratio of transport vehicles to fighting soldiers in the initial stages of the cross-Channel offensive was too high.And the campaign suffered losses as a result, both in terms of the risks it took and in its execution. At this time, I was still thinking about another plan.Our aim was to liberate France, so it made sense to land a French division early in the campaign, thus telling the French people that their troops were fighting again on French soil.The French 2nd Armored Division under General Leclerc had a long record of success in North Africa, and I told de Gaulle as early as March 10 that I wanted them to fight alongside us in the main battles.The Chiefs of Staff Committee has been seriously studying the issue since then.Eisenhower was willing to take the division into action, and General Wilson had no intention of using it in the attack on the Riviera.The problem was how to get it back to England and equip it in time.

Movement of troops was easy, but the ships returning to England had limited space to accommodate their equipment and vehicles.After communication between the British and American Chiefs of Staff and the Allied Command in Algiers, most of the equipment and vehicles had been transported by the landing craft that sailed back to Britain from the Mediterranean at that time.But by April 4 the British Chiefs of Staff reported that they were still short of about 2,000 vehicles; if British vehicles were allocated to them, it would complicate Eisenhower's supply problems.A few days later, Eisenhower's headquarters announced that it could not allocate American vehicles either from within the United Kingdom or from within the United States.This meant that the French armored divisions had to wait long after the landings to take part in the battle, simply because of a lack of vehicles, which represented only a tiny minority of the large number of vehicles that were about to be used.Mr. Eden was as disappointed as I was.On May 2, I personally wrote to General Eisenhower to appeal.

May 2, 1944 Please allocate a small number of vehicles from the large number of transportation vehicles you have to meet the requirements of Leclerc's division.This had real implications for the re-entry of French troops into France.Please recall that the battle of Anzio numbered 125,000 men with 23,000 vehicles.The landing was very laborious in order to transport these troops and vehicles, which advanced only twelve miles. Forgive me for making this appeal to you, and I think that if you refuse, it must first be carefully considered and studied. Eisenhower's reply was reassuring.

May 10, 1944 I have carefully considered the transportation of Leclerc's division, and my staff have discussed the matter with General Leclerc. I have ascertained that the division has brought here and will arrive by May 15 about 1,800 vehicles, including almost all tracked and armored vehicles.In addition, there are about 2,400 vehicles waiting to be transported.According to the current plan, all but 400 of these vehicles will arrive in the UK before June 12, and the rest will also arrive before June 22.General Leclerc claims that he currently has sufficient supplies for training and, as he is attached to the US Third Army, is now being assisted by that army.The division's general supplies were in good condition, and after the arrival of their vehicles any small shortages, including supplies, were met by the American side.I trust that the transportation and equipment plans drawn up for this division will ensure that they are properly supplied before they enter into action.

Everything is arranged.This march from Lake Chad will pass through Paris and finally reach Berchtesgaden. As the day of the offensive approached, tensions continued to grow.At this time, there is still no sign that the enemy has seen through our secrets.At the end of April, the enemy had achieved a small victory by sinking two American tank landing craft participating in the exercise, but the enemy obviously did not connect this incident with our offensive plan.During May we observed some light naval reinforcements at Cherbourg and Le Havre, and some increased mine-laying in the English Channel, but generally the enemy remained silent, awaiting definite clarity on our intentions. trend. The situation is now beginning to develop rapidly and smoothly to a climax.After the meeting of May 15, His Majesty the King went to the port where the troops were assembled and inspected each assault force.On May 28, the lower commanders were notified that the offensive would begin on June 5.From this time on, all those who took part in the assault were enclosed in their ships, or in camps and mustering places ashore.All mail delivery is suspended, and private communications of all kinds are prohibited except for personal emergencies.On June 1, Admiral Ramsay took command of operations in the English Channel, and the naval commanders in the home ports would act according to his needs. I thought it was justifiable that I should go aboard a ship of our cruiser fleet to watch the bombardment that preceded this historic battle, and I asked Admiral Ramsay to make a plan.He arranged for me to board the HMS Belfast on the evening of the first day of the offensive.The ship will sail from the Firth of Clyde, stop at Weymouth Bay en route, and sail at full speed to join her fleet.The ship was a bombardment warship belonging to the British naval force in the centre.I will spend the night on the ship in order to watch the attack at dawn.Then I will patrol the beachhead by ship, of course paying full attention to the uncleared waters, and then return home with a destroyer.The destroyer had completed her bombardment mission and was sailing back to England to load her shells. Admiral Ramsey, however, felt it his duty to inform the Supreme Commander of the plan that was brewing.Eisenhower was vehemently against me taking that risk.As the supreme commander, he cannot bear this responsibility.As he describes in his book, I sent him word that although we accepted him as supreme commander of the British forces engaged in this campaign, the British Navy outnumbered the American Navy by four to one, and we therefore never recognized his right to To regulate the number of combatants of the British Royal Navy ships.He accepts this undeniable fact, but stresses that it will only increase his worries.This appears to be disproportionate both in terms of the scale of the developments and the relationship between us.But I also have my responsibilities, and I consider myself to be the judge of my actions.So, the matter was settled like this. But at this time a complication arose which I have obtained the permission of His Majesty the King to describe here in detail.On Tuesday, May 30th, when I attended the King's weekly luncheon, His Majesty asked me where I was going to be on the day of the attack.I replied that I wanted to go and watch the bombardment in one of our cruisers.His Majesty immediately said that he would also like to see it.He hadn't been in the line of fire since the Battle of Jutland, save for air raids, and he was desperate for the chance to relive the experiences of his youth.I have given this matter careful consideration and am happy to bring it up to Cabinet.The cabinet agreed that there should be a consultation with Admiral Ramsey first. Meanwhile, the king had come to the conclusion that neither he nor I should go.He was very disappointed and wrote me the following letter: Buckingham Palace May 31, 1944 Dear Winston: Having thought over our conversation yesterday, I have now come to the conclusion that you and I should not have gone where we were destined to go on the day of the offensive.I don't think I need to emphasize how grave the consequences would be for me personally and for the cause of the entire Allied Nation if, at the present critical moment, you were to be killed by the accidental hit of a bomb, torpedo, or even mine; In the same way, at this moment, a change of sovereign in a country is a serious event for our country and the whole empire.I know we're both eager to be there, but I seriously ask you to reconsider your plans.I felt that, if we were in the field, the admiral in command of the ship or ships in which we were engaged must be embarrassed, however we may explain it to them. So, as stated above, I very reluctantly reach the conclusion that the correct course of action is what the highest authorities usually do in such cases, which is to stay at home and wait for news.I very much hope that you will take the same view on this matter.My apprehensions for the period to come must have been greatly increased if I had thought of the possibility, however slight, of losing your help and guidance, besides all other problems. Then came another letter from your most loyal King George: Buckingham Palace May 31, 1944 Dear Winston: I hope you will not have to reply to my letter, as I will be meeting with you tomorrow afternoon, at which time you can state your reaction to my previous letter, and we will then meet with Ramsay. your most loyal king george At 3:15 p.m. on June 1st, the King, accompanied by Sir Alan Russells, came to the map room in the annexe of the Prime Minister's Residence, where Admiral Ramsay and I were waiting .Admiral Ramsay, not then aware of the intentions of the King's coming, explained the activities of HMS Belfast on the morning of the offensive.According to the situation he described, it is obviously a big risk to take the ship, and at the same time, he can't see many live battles.At this time, I asked Admiral Ramsay to stay away for a few minutes. During this short period of time, we agreed to ask him whether it is appropriate for His Majesty the King to go to sea on the HMS Belfast, and see what he thinks.Admiral Ramsay immediately and unequivocally replied that he did not approve of the action.I said at the time that I thought it was necessary to consult the cabinet and that I was prepared to tell the cabinet the risks that Admiral Ramsey was talking about.I said I was sure the Cabinet would not advise His Majesty to go.At this point Ramsay took his leave.The King said that since he should not go, neither should I.I replied that I was present in my capacity as Secretary of State for Defence.Sir Alan Russells, as the King described him, put on a displeased face and said: His Majesty would be more anxious to learn that his Prime Minister was buried at the bottom of the English Channel.I replied that everything was arranged and that I thought the risk was not great.Sir Allen said he had always held that no minister of His Majesty's should leave the country without the King's permission.I replied that this did not apply, as I was to be aboard His Majesty's warship.Russells said the warship may have sailed far beyond territorial waters.The king then returned to Buckingham Palace. On the morning of Friday, June 2, I took a special train to the railway siding next to Eisenhower's headquarters in the suburbs of Portsmouth. I was accompanied by: Marshal Smuts, Mr. Ernest Bevin, General Ismay, and my entourage.Just before we set off, I received another letter from the King. Buckingham Palace Dear Winston: June 2, 1944 Once again I appeal to you not to go to sea on the first day of the offensive.Please consider my personal situation.I am younger than you, I am a sailor, and as king I am commander in chief.I am happiest to sail, and yet I agree to remain at home; is it fair, then, that you should do what I myself would have liked to do but could not do?You mentioned yesterday afternoon that it would be better for the king to lead the army himself into battle, as in old times; but if the king cannot do this, I do not think his Prime Minister should do it for him. Second, you should also consider your own position.You won't see much actual combat; you'll be taking great risks; you won't be able to see your subordinates in critical moments when major decisions have to be made; It is bound to greatly increase the responsibilities of the fleet commander and captain.As I have stated in my previous letter, your going to sea would add immeasurably to my personal anxieties, and your going to sea without consulting your cabinet colleagues would put them in a very embarrassing position, and they would This would be cause for dissatisfaction. With all sincerity, I ask you to reconsider the whole matter.I very much understand your personal desire, but please don't let it distract you from your own noble responsibilities to your country. your most loyal friend king george At that time, my special car was parked outside Southampton, and I was connected to the Eisenhower headquarters shortly after.That afternoon, I went to visit him.His tent and caravan are cleverly concealed in a nearby forest.His Majesty the King is concerned that he has not heard from me.At 11:30 in the morning, in response to inquiries in this regard, I spoke to Russells at Windsor Castle on the special line, saying that I had canceled my plans in order to comply with the wishes of His Majesty the King.I wrote the following letter in the early hours of the next day, and hastened it by herald to Windsor Castle. king: June 3, 1944 I must ask forgiveness for myself for not replying to Your Majesty's letter sooner. I was about to leave by train when I received the letter, and I have been traveling non-stop since.I have now appointed a herald to wait to deliver this letter to Your Majesty this evening. I do not really realize, King, that the first paragraph of your letter takes full account of the fact that, under the British Constitution, the king and his subjects are by no means equal.If your majesty should go to sea in a bombardment vessel, according to your personal wishes, you must first obtain the consent of the cabinet; On the other hand, as Prime Minister and Defense Secretary, I should be allowed to go where I consider it necessary to carry out my duties, and I cannot recognize the right of the Cabinet to restrict my freedom of movement.I rely on my own judgment, acquired through many events of great importance, to determine how much risk a man in a position like mine can take, and where the proper limits lie.I must beseech your Majesty with the utmost earnestness, that no principle should be established which should limit my freedom of action, lest I should be prevented from visiting the various fields of battle when I judge it necessary.It is a great honor to have His Majesty take such an interest in my personal safety this time, and I must obey His Majesty's wishes, indeed, His orders.It is with great relief that I understand that such a wish or order is due to my continued service to His Majesty.Although I regret that I cannot go to watch the live action of the bombardment, I am deeply grateful for His Majesty's kindness, because His Majesty's care for this humble and loyal servant of His Majesty is based on this kind of intention. Winston Churchill I may add that, as I correctly estimated, the cruiser detachment concerned was not in serious danger.In fact, the detachment suffered no casualties.I would not have mentioned this if it had not been for the fact that General Eisenhower, while well intentioned, inadvertently distorted it when he announced it. I may here perhaps illustrate the views I have developed over the years on such matters.If a man is to exert effective influence and assume the highest responsibility for serious and important decisions in war, he may need the thrill of adventure.He may also need the consolation that, when he sends many others to sacrifice, he himself may share some of the dangers they suffer.His personal areas of interest, and the resulting forces of action, will be inspired by direct contact with developments.As a result of what I have seen and heard in the First World War, I think that generals and other high commanding officers should always try to bring themselves to observe the actual conditions and situations on the field of battle.I have seen many deplorable errors arise from the absurd theory that the lives of important people should not be endangered. No one attaches more importance to personal security than I do, but I consider my views and arguments on the war to be of sufficient importance and authority to entitle me to judge with full freedom how to perform my duties in such a personal matter. responsibilities. The weather conditions start to worry about this time.After a few days of clear weather, the weather became erratic.From June 1st, meetings of commanders were held twice a day to study weather forecasts.The forecast at the first meeting was that the day of the offensive would be bad weather with low clouds.This was of enormous importance to the Air Force, as it affected both the bombing and the landing of airborne troops.In the evening of the next day, the first warships sailed from the Firth of Clyde to sea, and at the same time, two small submarines set off from Portsmouth. Their task was to observe the weather conditions in the attack area.On 3 June, the weather showed no encouraging signs.The westerly wind picked up gradually, and the calm sea was broken; the clouds were overcast, and the clouds were getting lower and lower.The weather forecast for June 5 is cloudy. On the afternoon of the 3rd of June, as I drove to Portsmouth with Mr. Bevan and Field Marshal Smuts, I saw a large army embarking for Normandy.We boarded the ship where the headquarters of the 50th Division was located, and then sailed down the Solent in a motorboat, boarding each ship in turn for inspection. On our way home we stopped at General Eisenhower's barracks to wish him well.We got back to the car just in time for a late dinner.While dinner was in progress, Ismay went to answer a call from Bedell Smith. It was said that the weather was getting worse and that the operation would likely have to be delayed for twenty-four hours. General Eisenhower would not be able to make a decision until the early hours of June 4 exact decision.At the same time, the various units of the huge fleet will continue to go to sea according to the original plan. Ismay returns with depressing news.People who have seen the fleet lineup in the Gulf of Solent feel that this combat operation is as unstoppable as an avalanche.If the inclement weather continues and the postponement has to be postponed beyond June 7th, we are greatly troubled by the fact that the necessary conditions of Moon-tide coordination will no longer be obtained for at least the next fortnight.On the other hand, the troops have all received instructions.They obviously couldn't be locked up in cramped and crowded ships indefinitely, but how else would they prevent leaks? But the anxiety that everyone felt was not clearly expressed at the dinner table in the train.Marshal Shi Mozi was in high spirits, talking and laughing happily.He told the story of the surrender of the Boers at Ferenichin in 1902, and how he repeatedly emphasized to his colleagues that it was useless for them to continue fighting, and they could only pray for the forgiveness of the British.He was called a coward and a defeatist by his friends, so those days were the hardest of his life.However, he finally persuaded everyone to go to Ferenichin together, and peace was achieved.Marshal Smuts went on to speak of his personal experience at the outbreak of the Second World War, when he had to stand in opposition in Parliament against the Prime Minister of his own ruling party, who wanted to remain neutral in the war . We go to bed around one thirty at night.Ismay told me that he would not go to bed until he heard the outcome of the meeting that was due to take place early in the morning.Since there is nothing I can do about it, I say don't wake me up to hear the results.At 4:15 in the morning, Eisenhower held a meeting with his commanders again and listened to the ominous forecast of meteorological experts: the sky was cloudy, the clouds were very low, strong southwest wind, rain, and not big waves.The five-day forecast is even worse.He had to reluctantly order a 24-hour postponement before starting the attack, and the entire huge fleet lineup was shifted backwards according to a well-prepared plan.All the fleets that went out to sea turned around and returned, while the small ships searched for a nearby berth to hide.Only one convoy of one hundred and thirty-eight small ships had not yet been ordered, but warships were dispatched to inform them, and they returned without arousing the suspicion of the enemy.It was a rough day, with thousands of soldiers confined in landing craft dotted all over the coast.The U.S. troops departed from the western ports, and they were the farthest, and therefore suffered the most. Ismay went to bed after Biddle Smith called Ismay again around 5 a.m. to confirm the delay.Half an hour later, I woke up and fetched him.He reported the news to me.According to him, I did not make any comments at the time. The morning mail brought me a letter from President Roosevelt, written two weeks earlier, and left undelivered until the fateful moment.Unfortunately, the letter was nowhere to be found.In the kindest terms, Foo de Roose (Sifle) expressed his feelings for the concerted effort and camaraderie between our two countries, and wished and wished us success.I sent a reply to express my thanks, but the content was rather loose. prime minister to president roosevelt June 4, 1944 I was very pleased to receive your touching letter of May 20th. Our friendship is my greatest strength in the growing intricacies of this grim war.Al told me that your physical health is good, and I have in many ways confirmed the impression that your political health has also improved considerably.I'm on a train near Ike's headquarters right now.His biggest concern right now is the weather.Thousands of ships are moored here, and at first glance, it is indeed very spectacular. De Gaulle's committee decided by a large majority that he should accept my invitation to come here.He balked, but Massigli and others threatened to resign if he didn't come.We expected him to arrive the day before the start of the offensive.If he came, General Eisenhower would meet with him for half an hour and explain to him the purely military situation.I shall return to London on the evening of the first day of the offensive.I don't expect to be able to settle many issues with de Gaulle, but I still hope that the term hegemony used in Hull's speech, which is said to have been approved by you, may prove viable. I don't expect us to advance more than a few miles from the beachhead, and the areas we occupy are likely to be battle-like and deserted. On this point, when de Gaulle arrives, I can explain it carefully to him.I will also give him the cordial telegram that you invited him to visit in the United States. I will keep in constant contact with you. I have seen some of your papers express great displeasure at what I have said about Spain in the House of Commons.This is very unfair, because all I have said is a repetition of the manifesto I made in October 1940.I mention Franco's name only to illustrate how stupid it is to take a caricature to prove that Spain is one with him or that he is one with Spain.I don't care about Franco, but I also don't want the Iberian peninsula to be hostile to the British after the war.I don't yet know how I can rely on de Gaulle's France.For Germany, the main force must be used to suppress, and at the same time we must maintain an alliance with Russia for twenty years.You have to remember that we are now very close to all this pleasant prospect. We cannot agree here to attack countries that have a totalitarian political system that does us no harm just because we don't like it.I don't know if Stalin's Russia had more freedom than Franco's Spain. I have no intention of getting involved with any of them. After the first day of the offensive, should you and I send Stalin a short telegram that can be published?Perhaps it would be better to wait until we have actually secured positions across the Channel. We achieved an all-time high in anti-submarine warfare this month. Of all the ships of the Allied countries, only four were sunk, with a total tonnage of about 20,000 tons.In addition, we have sunk enemy submarines four to one as our own ships have been sunk, while our own combined fleet has also sunk an enormous number of enemy ships. I'm glad Alexander lived up to the support you've given him and what you think of him.How beautifully your troops fought!I have heard that over there the armies of our two countries are on good terms with each other from top to bottom; but here, indeed, there is complete brotherhood.I am looking forward to meeting your Chiefs of Staff soon.I am delighted to receive better and better news about Harry.It is my sincere hope that this situation will continue.I deeply regret that you cannot be here until that very distant date (October).If I take a trip, will it help things, please let me know. Not long after, M. Eden arrived with General de Gaulle, who had just arrived in England by plane from Algiers.I told de Gaulle that I had invited him because the campaign was about to start.I could not telegraph him, and I think that, because of the history of our two countries, we must inform France before Britain and the United States can proceed to liberate France.I had intended to invite him shortly before the start of the attack, but the weather compelled us to postpone it by twenty-four hours, and possibly some more.This is indeed a serious fact.Thirty-five divisions and four thousand ships had been assembled in the various ports and camps, and one hundred and fifty thousand troops had been boarded for the first offensive operations.Most of the troops had to stay on the cramped ships and suffered greatly.Eleven thousand planes are now ready, of which eight thousand will go into battle if the weather is favorable.I went on to say that we greatly regretted the loss of many French lives as a result of the bombing of the French railway lines, but that our infantry was smaller than that of the Germans and this was what enabled us to prevent the The only way for the enemy to bring in overwhelming reinforcements. General de Gaulle was furious.He demanded absolute freedom to send telegrams to Algiers in his own code.He said he, as the recognized head of a vast empire, could not be deprived of the right to freedom of communication.I asked him to give an assurance that he would not give any military information about the imminent attack to any of his associates except those who actually attended our meeting.De Gaulle said he must have full freedom to keep in touch with Algiers on the Italian campaign.I explained that I was referring only to the Overlord campaign.Then, I explained our plan to him.After he had thanked me for my explanation, I asked him if he would make a public proclamation to the French people as soon as the great fleet had indeed departed.Queen Wilhelmina of Holland, King Haakon of Norway, and other rulers whose lands the enemy expects us to attack, have agreed to do so, and I expect him to do the same.He agrees. 艾登先生這時參加了談話，他說，當前的重大戰役已經佔去了我們全部的思想，但是在戰役發動以後，討論某些政治問題也許是有益的。我說我同羅斯福總統來往通信已有相當的時間，他在開始時曾希望戴高樂將軍訪問美國，但現在他似乎對此事並不那麼著急了。這也許是由於吉羅將軍所受到的待遇造成的。羅斯福總統曾經同吉羅將軍磋商法國軍隊的裝備問題，但現在吉羅將軍卻被撤職了。關於這一點，戴高樂回答說，他認為這時他最好留在英國，而不要去華盛頓。 我提醒他說：被解放了的法國也許在一個相當的時期內，只不過是由少數參加戰鬥的人士組成，艾登和我並極力敦促他早日去訪問羅斯福先生。戴高樂說他十分願意去，並且也這樣通知了羅斯福總統，但是他關心的是究竟由誰來管理被解放了的法國。這個問題本來應當早在去年九月就作好安排了。 這種說法促使我直率地談出我的意見。美國和英國願意讓幾十萬人冒著犧牲生命的危險去解放法國。至於戴高樂是否去華盛頓，那是他個人的問題，但是如果法蘭西民族解放委員會同美國決裂，那麼幾乎可以肯定地說，我們必然要站在美國一邊。關於在解放了的法國領土上的管理權問題，如果戴高樂將軍希望我們要求羅斯福總統給他統治法國的全部權力，答覆將是不行。如果他希望我們要求羅斯福總統，同意該委員會是羅斯福總統與之打交道的主要的法國組織機構，那麼，答覆是行。戴高樂回答說，他完全理解這一點，即如果美國與法國發生分歧，英國將站在美國一邊。這次會見就以這句不愉快的話而告結束。 不一會，我帶他到設在森林中的艾森豪威爾的司令部去，在那裡他受到了隆重的接待。艾克和比德爾‧史密斯爭先恐後地向他表示友好。不久，艾克將他領到他們的地圖帳篷裡去，用了二十分鐘的時間把即將發生的事情全部告訴了他。然後，我們一同回到了我的火車上。我本來希望戴高樂會同我們共進晚餐，並一同乘火車回倫敦，因為這是最迅速和最方便的一條路，但是他卻擺出一副尊嚴的樣子悻悻地說，他寧願單獨地同他的法國官員們乘汽車走。 時間在非常緩慢地消逝。直到六月四日晚上九時一刻，艾森豪威爾的作戰司令部才又召開了一次具有決定意義的會議。氣候惡劣，與其說它是六月的天氣，不如說它更像十二月的天氣，但是氣象專家作出一定的保證，說六日早晨氣候會暫時好轉。他們預言在這以後，又會有狂風暴雨，而且不能肯定會持續多久。究竟是立即冒險行動，還是將進攻延期至少兩周？這兩個生死攸關的抉擇擺在艾森豪威爾將軍面前。他在聽取了司令官們的建議後，大膽地，而且事實證明是非常明智地選擇繼續進行作戰行動，但到第二天清晨再最後定奪。 六月五日晨四時，作出了成敗在此一舉的決定：六月六日發動進攻。 回顧這個決定，確實令人欽佩，事態的發展充分地證實了它的正確性，而且我們所以能夠獲得可貴的出奇制勝的機會，也多半歸功於它。現在我們了解，德國負責氣象預報的軍官當時向他們的最高統帥部報告，由於有暴風雨，我們不可能在六月五日或六日發動攻勢，而且這種天氣還可能持續好幾天。我們能夠完成一系列如此錯綜複雜的頻繁的調動，而沒有被高度警惕的和決一死戰的敵人發現，這顯然應當歸功於盟國的空軍所做的工作以及詐敵計劃所取得的輝煌的成就。 六月五日一整天，運送進攻的先鋒部隊的船隊，都集結在懷特島南面的集合地點。從那裡，有史以來駛出我們海岸的一支最大的艦隊，浩浩蕩蕩地、川流不息地直指法國的海岸，在它前面有掃雷艇在廣闊的海域內為它開路，而強大的盟國海軍和空軍則在四面給予掩護。航海的艱苦經歷，對於即將投入戰鬥的部隊是一個嚴峻的考驗，而對於乘坐較小艦艇忍受極大痛苦的部隊來說，情況尤其如此。儘管有這一切困難，這次規模極大的行動卻像一次閱兵式那樣進行得分毫不差。 雖說不是沒有一點損失，但實際發生的一些傷亡和延擱事故，多半是由於小型的拖船造成的。這對整個行動不發生多大的影響。 在我們整個沿海一帶地區，防禦系統處在高度的戒備狀態。本土艦隊警惕地注視著德國海面艦隻的任何動向，同時空軍巡邏機監視著從挪威直到英吉利海峽一帶的敵方沿海地區。在遙遠的海域，在我國西部海口處和比斯開灣一帶，空軍海防總隊的大批飛機，在驅逐艦隊的支援下，密切監視著敵人可能產生的反應。我們的情報部門報導，敵人有五十多艘潛艇正集結在法國比斯開灣的各個港口，準備到時進行截擊。現在，決戰的時刻就在眼前了。 這時，我們已經到了西方強國可以正確地認為的戰爭最高潮。雖然前面的道路還很漫長而又艱苦，但我們毫無疑問地將獲得決定性的勝利。非洲的敵軍已被肅清了。印度已經作好了防止敵人入侵的準備。實力耗盡、希望幻滅的日本，正向它的本土退縮。澳大利亞和新西蘭所受的一切危險，都已經消失。意大利正和我們並肩作戰。俄國的軍隊已經將德國侵略者驅出他們的國境。希特勒三年前如此迅速地從蘇聯攫取的一切，都已化為烏有，同時在兵力和裝備方面遭到了毀滅性的打擊。克里米亞半島已經肅清了敵蹤。蘇聯軍隊已經打到了波蘭的邊界。羅馬尼亞和保加利亞正在拚命地設法逃避它們東方的征服者的報復。俄軍的準備與我們在歐洲大陸的登陸相呼應的新攻勢，很快就要發動了。當我在首相官邸附屬建築的地圖室裡坐在椅子上的時候，傳來了佔領羅馬這一令人振奮的消息。橫渡英吉利海峽去解放法國的巨大事業已經開始了。所有的艦船都已出海。我們已經掌握了制海權和制空權。希特勒的暴政已注定要崩潰了。 行文至此，我們也許可以暫停一下，以充滿感激的心情，不僅希望各個戰場上和海陸空軍三方面都獲得勝利，而且希望飽經憂患的人類能有一個安全的和幸福的前途。