Chapter 197 Volume 6, Chapter 7, Rome and Greece

Alexander prepares to attack the Gothic Line August 12 Field Marshal Smuts's observations on the situation August 17 I visit the front in Siena for two days The weakening of the Fifteenth Army Group Interview General Mark Clark's melancholy review On August 21st I flew to Rome to prepare for the liberation of Greece. On August 17th I sent a telegram to the President of the United States. His reply and Mr. Papandreou's meeting. On the day I telegraphed Mr. Eden that I had a meeting with several Italian politicians to visit Prince Umberto, Deputy Marshal of the Kingdom of Pope Pius XII.

In early August, Alexander was planning and realigning his evacuated forces for an attack on the main Gothic line, whose outposts were already at hand to hand with his army.The main fortifications of this line of defense are ingeniously set up. It makes full use of the natural barrier of this place and firmly blocks all possible roads from the south, leaving only a few areas that are almost impassable. The defense is so weak that it seems To lure the opponent to attack. The difficulty of attacking Bologna directly across the mountains from Florence is obvious.Alexander then decided that the Eighth Army would launch its first main attack from the Adriatic side, because the continuous river valley here is not easy to pass through, but it is less unfavorable terrain, if the heavy rain has not yet come.

Kesselring's eastern flank could not afford to be outflanked, nor could Bologna be taken behind his main line, so it is certain that if our attack goes well, he will send troops from the center to reinforce the flank .Alexander, therefore, drew up plans to prepare for a second attack, when the enemy's reserves had been withdrawn and their centers weakened, with Mark Clark's Fifth Army in charge of Bologna and Imo Pull forward. During the third week of August, the movements of the reserves and air forces were skillfully carried out in the utmost secrecy.In addition to leaving the British Thirteenth Army under the command of the Fifth Army east of Florence, two whole corps of the Eighth Army moved eastward and concentrated on the left flank of the Polish Army near Pergola.When all was in order, Alexander had at his disposal the equivalent of twenty-three divisions, more than half of which were with the Eighth Army.Kesselring had twenty-six well-made German divisions against him and two reconstituted Italian divisions; nineteen of these were deployed to defend the main positions.

It can be seen from the following telegram that Smuts has a full understanding of what is at stake. Field Marshal Smuts to Prime Minister August 12, 1944 Knowing that your affairs are busy, I dare not write more letters to disturb you.I myself am troubled by various difficult problems here.It is a pleasure to learn that you are again in Italy, in order to keep in close contact with the important theater of our line, and I wish you a happy journey, success, and good health and energy for the difficult tasks ahead. 2. I think that one of the purposes of your trip is to take as decisive steps as possible to gather forces in the Mediterranean field, so as to strengthen Alexander's power.There must still be a considerable reserve of troops kept there in case of incidents which are of no importance at present.To hasten the attainment of this object, it is best to concentrate our forces in a few decisive fields, of which the field under Alexander's command was one.Now that Turkey is in the hands of the enemy, and Bulgaria is increasingly wavering, we can ignore these battlefields (for which we have assembled heavy troops in the Middle East), and concentrate all our forces to strengthen Alexander's actions. This is very important to the Balkans and Hitler Fortresses in Europe could lead to very significant results.If it had been me, I would have taken advantage of these attractive opportunities by drawing troops not urgently needed elsewhere before this operation.Along the northern part of Italy, the Adriatic Sea, and through Trieste to Vienna, this front is worthy of our army's concentrated efforts, and it is also one of the most outstanding generals who have emerged in this war. place.I am sure that both Wilson and Paget will agree that this is the correct strategy we must adopt in order to accomplish our task and reap the ripe fruits of our great Mediterranean campaign.A further aid which I can render is in the Air Force, where I have proposed that the personnel vacated by the soon-to-be-closed Aviation Training School in the Union of South Africa be used to establish several other squadrons.I have proceeded to replenish several squadrons of the RAF with South Africans, and in this way may provide six more squadrons for Operation Alexandria.At present, our conscription source is about to be exhausted, and the existing manpower is scattered in other parties. In terms of infantry, there is no other possibility except to maintain the strength of the South African Sixth Division.

If the Ministry of the Air Force accepts the proposals I have made to it (the specific proposals have been submitted to the Ministry), it is possible to add more air power. The war has now reached its decisive stage, and an all-out assault on the Germans on all three fronts will surely lead to the grand finale of this summer.As long as the present great and smooth offensive continues, the triumphant end is not far off, especially from what we now know of the German interior. I shall be glad to see correspondence concerning the operations of the Dragoons, though it is depressing.The current situation is that southern France is no longer a war zone of real military importance, and the large number of troops and resources we have transferred there will have no significant effect on major decisions elsewhere.I even doubt that the enemy would bother to increase their strength there.

On the morning of August 17, I set out by car to meet with General Alexander.I was delighted to see him for the first time since his triumphant entry into Rome.He drove me along the old Cassino front, told me how the campaign was conducted, and pointed out the places where the main battles took place.The towering monastery is in ruins.Anyone could see that this majestic crag and building had tactical significance and had played a role in holding our army back for weeks.When the inspection was over, it was lunch time, and a picnic table was prepared for us in the pleasant grove.It was here that I met General Clarke and eight to ten senior British officers of the Fifteenth Army Group.Alexander then made a short flight in his own plane, which I was familiar with, and took me to Siena, the famously beautiful city I had visited in the peaceful old days.From here we set out to survey the line of battle along the Arno.Our army is on the south bank of the river, the German army is on the north bank.Considerable efforts were made on both sides to minimize damage, and Florence's historically important bridges were nonetheless preserved.We were installed in a beautiful but unfurnished villa a few miles west of Siena, and I spent two days here, mostly working, reading, and dictating messages in bed.Of course, on these journeys I was accompanied by a nucleus of my private office and the necessary codebreakers, helping me with my correspondence from moment to moment.

Alexander brought his principal officers to supper, and explained to me his difficulties and plans at length.The Fifteenth Army Group is indeed like a man who has been flayed and starved.The grand plans to which we aspire must now be abandoned.It remains our responsibility to hold the maximum number of German troops on our lines.An offensive was necessary to do this, but the well-organized German army was almost as strong as ours, made up of many different units and races.According to the proposal, the offensive should be launched across the board in the early morning of the 26th.My right wing will attack this side of the Adriatic Sea, with the direct target of Rimini.To the west was the U.S. Fifth Army, under the command of Alexander.The force was slashed to support Operation Anvil, but nonetheless forged ahead.

On August 19th I set out for Leghorn to visit General Mark Clark.It was a long car trip, stopping everywhere to see what the brigades and divisions were doing.Mark Clark received me at his headquarters, and we had lunch al fresco by the sea.In our friendly, heart-to-heart conversation, I deeply realized: how painful it is for those who command this excellent army to be smashed into pieces!I patrolled the harbor in a torpedo boat which often plays a part in our naval operations.Then we went to the U.S. Artillery Corps, and they had just installed two new nine-inch cannons, and they asked me to fire the first shot.Everyone stood up, I pulled the matchlock, there was a loud bang, and the impact was violent, and the observation post reported: the shell hit the target.I can't take credit for the aiming this time.Later, they invited me to inspect the military parade of the Brazilian Brigade and spoke to them.The brigade, the advance guard of the Brazilian division, had just arrived, and together with the African-American and Japanese-American contingents there was a grand parade.

While doing these relaxing activities, I have been talking with Mark Clark.The general looked vexed that his army had lost what he thought was a great opportunity and I cannot disagree.Nevertheless, he still had to do his best to advance on the left flank of the British army, so that the entire line was always under fire.When I got back to Villa Siena, late and exhausted, Alessandro dined here again. Thoughts are stressed when one puts something into words to determine or illustrate some important issue that affects action.But when you're there, seeing and feeling everything, it's even more exciting.Here is an excellent army, equal to the strength of twenty-five divisions, a quarter of which is American, so weakened that it cannot be decisive against the enemy's very strong defenses.As long as we have a little more strength, as long as we have half the strength taken away from us, we may break through into the Po River valley. in front of you.But the current situation is that our army has about one million troops, which can only play a decisive role in any strategic concept of commanding the overall situation.They had to pay the price, take risks, and launch a arduous offensive in order to barely hold the enemy on their front.At least our army can do its duty.Alexander maintained his military optimism, but I went to bed with gloom.On these important matters, one's own opinions cannot be adopted by others, but one cannot avoid being responsible for making poor solutions.

Alexander's attack could not be launched until the 26th, so I flew to Rome on the morning of the 21st.What awaited me here was another set of questions and a new and unusual set of people to meet.Brooke had arrived, and so had Peter Portal.Walter Moine (soon to be shot and assassinated) arrived from Cairo, and so did Mr. Lipper. [1] Again, the question here is largely not what we should do, which would be too easy, but what kind of things might be agreed not only at home but among allies. [1] These four persons are: the Chief of the General Staff of the Empire, the Chief of the Air Force Staff, our Ambassadors to Egypt and Greece.

First, I had to deal with the looming Greek crisis, which was one of the main reasons for my trip to Italy.On July 7th the King of Greece telegraphed from Cairo to say that after two months of cunning and fruitless disputes, the extremists of the Greek National Liberation Front had overturned the Lebanon agreement signed by their leaders in May. [1] He asked us to declare again: We want to support the government led by Mr. Papandreou, because this government represents most of the people in Greece except extremists, and only it can stop the civil war and unite the country against the Germans .He also demanded that we condemn the Greek National Liberation Army and withdraw the military delegation we sent to help them resist Hitler.The British Government agreed to support Mr. Papandreou's government, but after a lengthy conversation with Colonel Woodhouse, an officer in the British military mission in Greece, on July 15, I agreed to let the British The delegation stayed there.He argued strongly that the British military delegation in Greece was a valuable constraint on the Greek National Liberation Front and that it might be difficult and dangerous to withdraw them.But I was afraid that one day they might be held as hostages, so I asked him to reduce the number. 【1】See volume five, page four hundred and eighty-seven. Rumors of a German evacuation from Greece caused great agitation and divisions in Mr. Papandreou's cabinet; and exposed the frailty and falseness of the foundation upon which this cabinet's united action was based.This made it all the more necessary for me to meet Papandreou and his cronies. Before I left London, I telegraphed the following: Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary August 6, 1944 Surely we must tell Mr Papandreou that he should remain Prime Minister and leave everyone else alone.The actions of the Greek National Liberation Front are absolutely intolerable.Apparently, what they were looking for was nothing more than taking advantage of the chaos of war to communist Greece without letting the people decide in any way we understand democracy. 2. We cannot take a man up, as we did Papandreou, and throw him to the hungry wolves at the first roar of the vile Greek (communist) bandits.However difficult the current world situation may be, we will never make our path any easier if we throw away those who have promised support and encouraged them to take on serious responsibilities. 4. In the unlikely event that the situation deteriorates and the Greek National Liberation Front becomes the master, we must reconsider whether to keep our military delegation there, or simply agitate the Greek people to rise up against Bolshevism.The matter seems to me to have to come to the following conclusion: either we support Papandreou, by force if necessary, as we have agreed, or we disengage altogether from Greece. I also alerted our Chiefs of Staff committee. Prime Minister to Chief of the Reich General Staff August 6, 1944 Maybe in a month or so we will have to move an army of 10,000 or 12,000 into Athens with a few tanks, artillery and some armored vehicles.You still have a division in England of more than thirteen thousand men.That force could be mobilized now, perhaps in time to resolve the political crisis there, with major consequences for the policy of His Majesty's Government.This army could be supported from the troops at the airfields in the Delta, and supplemented by as many as possible from our 200,000 logistics troops in Egypt. 2. I repeat: there is no question of controlling Greece or going beyond the periphery of Athens, but here is the center of government, and the access to it must be secured.A light machine gun cart would be very useful.If you have a better plan, let me know. 3. It may be assumed that the Germans are gone, or are fleeing in embarrassment north, and that our troops landing at Piraeus will be welcomed by the majority of Athens, including all the leading men.This plan must be kept strictly confidential.The whole issue will be discussed at a staff meeting attended by ministers on Tuesday or Wednesday. 4. It must be noted that time is more important than quantity. It is more beneficial to mobilize 5,000 people in five days than 7,000 people in seven days.Of course, this force is not a mobile force.Please talk to me as soon as possible. And so it went. After arriving in Naples, I started making the necessary deployments. Prime Minister (from Italy) to Foreign Secretary August 16, 1944 I do not know, and certainly never consciously agreed with, any decision of the British Cabinet that the King of Greece should be persuaded not to return to Greece but to come to London until the Greek referendum was held.It would be much wiser to wait and see how events unfold, especially since it is impossible to hold a referendum under normal conditions without waiting a few months.Perhaps Papandreou's new government, once securely established in Athens, could be ready to receive the king, without leaving for Greece, of course, but having to stay in Cairo to wait for the situation to develop.I can meet Papandreou in Cairo on the 21st, and Mr. Lipper must be there. Regarding our expedition to Greece, General Wilson and his staff have been executing a cable from the Chiefs of Staff (which I have also seen) which I have emphasized: This action must be taken as a means of enhancing diplomacy and policy rather than as a real campaign, and confined to Athens, may send only a detachment to Thessaloniki. When the British 1,500 paratroopers took over the landing site, the Greek government followed almost immediately and had to work in Athens in a few hours, where the masses might welcome the British paratroopers with great joy .The airborne drop around Athens would be a completely surprise raid and should be completed before the Greek National Liberation Front takes steps to capture the capital.It is also possible to rely on two Greek air squadrons as part of the aforementioned air force, which will be decided at a later date. Our small expeditionary operations, not exceeding 10,000 men, should be carried out from Alexandria or from the heels of Italy's shoes [1] at about the same time as the paratroopers are dropped.After the mines had been cleared and the troops had entered Piraeus, the paratroopers could be replaced, they were needed elsewhere.Dates should be set with great care.In any event we were to arrive first, so that another unopposed landing would be assured. 【1】The terrain of Italy is like a high-heeled leather boot, and the heel of the shoe refers to the place where the southeastern tip of Italy faces Greece across the sea.translator If minesweepers could be obtained, especially if a friendly government had been established in Athens, the heavy mine-clearing work at the entrance to the Piraeus Brae, which the Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean had considered in detail, would undoubtedly be able to Complete within days.The commander-in-chief wishes to have about a month to make all the necessary preparations. In the Anglo-American Joint Staff, the Americans should of course be involved in the planning of such an operation.Until now, they were fully involved in the post-war plans that Greece shared with other Mediterranean countries.American transport aircraft are needed for this operation, and we must also send a portion of minesweepers from Operation Dragoon.They have a great deal of naval power at their disposal without any difficulty. I also called President Roosevelt. prime minister to president roosevelt August 17, 1944 Our policies toward Greece are always in perfect sync, and I will keep you informed on every important matter.The British War Cabinet and Foreign Secretary were extremely concerned about what would happen to Athens, and all of Greece, when Germany collapsed, or their armies were to withdraw from the area.If the German rulers retreated from the city before an organized regime was established, creating a prolonged vacuum, it seems likely that the Greek National Liberation Front and communist extremists would try to take the city and suppress others different from their own. Greek point of view. 2. You and I have always agreed that the fate of Greece should be in the hands of the Greek people; as soon as calm is restored, they will have the fullest opportunity to choose between a monarchy or a republic.But I don't think you would prefer chaos and street fighting, or the establishment of an overbearing communist government, any more than I do.This can only delay and hinder the distribution of relief items that UNRRA is planning to provide to the suffering Greek people.I therefore thought: We must prepare, through the Allied General Staff in the Mediterranean, a British army of not more than ten thousand men, to march into Athens in the most expeditious manner when the time comes.This army will include paratroopers, for which your air support is necessary.I personally don't think: Something could happen in a month or more, but it's better to be prepared.It seems to me that there will be no insurmountable difficulties.I hope, therefore, that you will agree to let the staff here carry out all these preparations in the usual way.If so, the British Chiefs of Staff will submit to the Joint Chiefs of Staff a draft order for General Wilson. President Roosevelt's reply, received more than a week later, was decisive. President Roosevelt to Prime Minister August 26, 1944 I have no objection to your preparations for the withdrawal of German troops from Greece with sufficient British forces to maintain order there.I also have no objection to General Wilson using the American transports he may then call upon, or making some available from other operations. On the evening of August 21st, I met with Mr. Papandreou in Rome.He said the Greek National Liberation Front had joined his government because the British were firm with them, but the Greek government itself had no troops or police.He asked us to help the Greeks unite against the Germans.At present only some people who should not have arms have arms, but they are a minority.I told him that we could not promise or undertake to send British troops into Greece, and that even the possibility should not be discussed in public.But I advised him to move his government at once from Cairo, which was full of intrigue, to somewhere in Italy near the Allied High Command.He agreed to do so. At this moment Lord Moyn came in to join the conversation, and the conversation turned to the question of the status of the King of Greece.I said that the king need not make any new statement, because he has said: on the question of returning to the country, it is also in accordance with the opinion of his government.Britain was friendly and loyal to him because of his behavior at a difficult time in the history of our two countries.We do not want to interfere with the sacred right of the Greek people to choose between a monarchy or a republic, but the decision on such a serious matter must be for all the Greek people and not for a handful of ideologues.Although I am personally loyal to the constitutional monarchy that has formed in Great Britain, His Majesty's government has no prejudices about how Greece is decided, as long as there is a fair referendum. I feel that now that the Greek National Liberation Front has stopped asking him to retire and join his government, Mr. Papandreou is a real head of national government, but I warn him against subversive forces.We agree that the Greek rebels should not be released at the height of this war; we need to wait and see how they and their representatives behave before deciding whether to send more arms to the Greek people People's Liberation Army.We are going to try to form another national army for Greece. Mr. Papandreou also told me that the Bulgarian army is still occupying Greek lands.I say we will order them back to their borders as soon as we can be sure of getting them to obey us, but the question of territorial claims that Greece puts to them here and in the Dodecanese must wait until after the war solve.For now, we are willing to do whatever it takes to provide relief and help rebuild his country, which has suffered so badly and deserves the best care possible. They also have to try their best to do their part, and his priority is to create a Greek government in Greece.The border issue is subject to a peace treaty. I told Mr. Eden all this. Prime Minister (from Rome) to Foreign Secretary August 22, 1944 For reasons which will soon become apparent, I shall be returning to Alexander's troops on the night of the 22nd-23rd, and hope to be at Chequers next Sunday for morning prayer. Two. We want to take some simplifications of the military command here.The Chief of the Imperial General Staff was working with Alexander and then with Wilson to maximize Alexander's unique position in Italy. 3. As for the king of Greece, none of them asked him to make a new statement now.As to his suggestion to return to London, I have advised him not to return until Mr. Papandreou came back to see him.After a while, he could consider going to Italy. At that time, he could visit the Greek brigade who had been purged and repented here. It would be better if he went when they were on the front line. 4. I like Papandreou very much. It is very beneficial to move the Greek government to the atmosphere of Cairo.I think its removal will lead to the lifting of the vigilance of both enemy and friend in Greece.But, although the military side is being planned and deployed according to your wishes here under my command, dates are impossible to fix; this will be coordinated with other needs, unless the situation calls for separate action.There's no way I'll be ready for action in a month, but in a month, if things go well, we could storm.Moine is studying with General Wilson this morning to further divide the departments that will not leave and the departments that have moved to Italy.Of course, the huge international organizations and temporary munitions dumps will remain in place. I am delighted that you have toured France during these exciting and decisive days. While in Rome I lived at the embassy, ​​and my affairs and comfort were kindly looked after by our ambassador, Sir Noel Charles, and his wife.At his suggestion, I met most of the leading figures in Italy's political mess after two decades of dictatorship, disastrous wars, revolutions, invasions, occupations, Allied rule, and other mishaps.Among those I spoke to were: Mr. Bonomi, Marshal Badoglio and Comrade Togliatti, who returned to Italy earlier this year after a long stay in Russia.Leaders of all Italian political parties were invited to meet me.None were appointed by electors, and their party names, restored to the past, were chosen with an eye to the future.I asked a group of people: What is the name of your party?Their leader replied: We are Christian Communists.I can't help saying: the catacombs of ancient Rome [1] are nearby, which should be a great encouragement to your party.They did not seem to understand my words; and I am afraid, in retrospect, that they must have thought of the atrocious mass murders which the Germans have recently committed in these ancient caverns.Still, one could be forgiven for citing historical sources in the city of Rome.The immortal city, surrounded by mountains, majestic and impregnable; monuments and palaces abound, whose ruins, not caused by bombs, still shine brightly; It pales in comparison! 【1】Early Christians used catacombs and tomb passages as places for them to take refuge and hold religious ceremonies.translator On August 23rd I was received by the Pope.In 1926, I was in Rome as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Randolph (who was very young at the time) visited the previous Pope.I have the fondest recollections of that cordial audience with the Pope.That was in Mussolini's time.Now I have been received by Pope Pius XII with the most solemn ceremony: not only the papal guard in full costume stood in the antechamber and long profile we passed, but also the highest rank and oldest There was also an aristocratic honor guard of representatives of the nobles in the most splendid medieval livery I have ever seen.The Pope received me in his study with a congeniality that was at once dignified but not formal.We have no shortage of topics.One of the most prominent and much-talked-about subjects in this interview, as I had been talking to his predecessor eighteen years earlier, was the danger of communism.I have always had the greatest aversion to communism.Should I ever have the honor of meeting this Pope again, I will not hesitate to bring up the subject again. Sir Darcy Osborne, our Minister to the Vatican, drove me back to the embassy himself.Here I met for the first time the Crown Prince, Prince Umberto, who, as Deputy Commander of the Kingdom, is commanding our Italian troops on the front lines.His powerful and moving character and his ability to master entire military and political situations are refreshing.There is a more pleasant feeling of trustworthiness than I have felt when I talked to those politicians.I certainly hope that he will play his part in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in a free, strong and united Italy, but that is none of my business.I am busy enough with what I have at hand.The Warsaw Uprising has been going on for nearly a month now.The insurgents were in dire straits, and I was nervously communicating with Stalin and President Roosevelt.This will be addressed in another chapter.