Chapter 208 Volume 6, Chapter 18, British Intervention in Greece

Bread Operations German Delay in Withdrawal from Athens Caserta Accords October 14th Athens Liberation Ruins Greece Mr. Aiden Visits Athens The Growth and Spread of Chaos General Scobie's Order to Counterattack the Greek National Liberation Front Disbandment of the Ministers of the National Liberation Front resigns December 3 Civil war begins Advice from the Regency Mr. Harold Macmillan and Field Marshal Alexander Arrive in Athens Alexander Ordered to Handle A Shocking Leak of Loyalty to the British Congress of Trade Unions December 13th Telegram from the President of the United States December 14th Field Marshal Smuts Telegram December 17 My reply to Mr. Roosevelt Telegram to the Prime Minister of Canada Our policy is embraced by the English-speaking world.

Before I left Italy at the end of August, I asked the Chief of the Reich General Staff to draw up a detailed plan for the British expedition to Greece, to be carried out should the Germans collapse there. [1] In the code of the secret telegram, we code-named this plan as spiritual food.The drawing up of such a plan was complicated by the strain on our material resources and by the uncertain strategic position of Germany among the Balkan states.But I order that our troops must be ready for action by September 11, and the Greek Prime Minister and representatives of the Greek government in Italy should also be ready to enter Athens without delay.During the weekend of the first week in September, they settled down in a villa near Caserta.It was here that Papandreou and his new colleagues from the Greek National Liberation Front started their work.It is important that there should be no political vacuum in Greece.As I wrote in my August 29 memo, it would be better if there was a thunderbolt in the clear sky, a sudden blow, without even an initial crisis and turmoil.This is a pre-emptive, supreme strategy against the National Liberation Front.The gist of that plan was to occupy Athens and its airfields with a parachute brigade, bring in four fighter squadrons, clear the port of Piraeus for future reinforcements from Egypt, and assure Greek ministers of an early arrive.Then we will expedite the arrival of relief supplies and the Greek brigade from Italy.

【1】See Chapter VII. The delay in the evacuation of Athens by the Germans obliged us to revise our plans.The 10,000 garrison showed no sign of advancing, so on September 13th I wired General Wilson to instruct him to prepare a pre-landing in the Peloponnese, where the Germans were retreating north into Corinth.From midnight on September 13th, the troops responsible for the spiritual food operation were ordered to start operations within forty-eight hours.They were under the command of General Scobie.The first batch of troops consisted of the 2nd Parachute Brigade sent from Italy, the 23rd Armored Brigade as infantry, the logistical corps from Egypt, and whatever Greek troops the recognized government of Greece could send.Fifteenth Cruiser Squadron with Minesweeper Squadron, four British and three Greek aircraft squadrons, plus American transports would support the expeditionary force.

The German delay in withdrawing from Athens enabled us to strengthen our direction of Greek affairs on the eve of the decisive blow.I am very happy because the Greek government is now in Italy.At the end of September General Wilson summoned General Salafis of the People's National Liberation Army[1] and his nationalist counterpart, Zervas, to meet Papandreou in Caserta.Mr. Macmillan, in his capacity as Secretary of State to the Mediterranean, and Mr. Lipper, our Ambassador to the Greek Government, were also present in order to advise and advise on the political aspects of this important meeting.This conference must establish a unified command for all available Greek forces in Italy and in Greece, as well as the British forces now awaiting landing.

【1】The People's National Liberation Army and the National Liberation Front are both controlled by the Communist Party. On September 26 a broad agreement was signed.The agreement stipulated that all guerrilla forces in the country should carry out the orders of the Greek government, which in turn placed these forces under the command of General Scobie.The leaders of the Greek guerrillas declared that none of their subordinates would set up execution halls privately and punish crimes arbitrarily.Any action in Athens can only be given orders by the British commander.This document, commonly known as the Caserta Agreement, governed our subsequent actions.

The liberation of Greece did not begin until October, when some commandos were sent to southern Greece, and our army occupied Patras in the early morning of October 4th.This was our first foothold since the tragic retreat of 1941.The army then fought its way along the southern shore of the Gulf of Corinth.On October 12 General Wilson learned that the Germans were evacuating Athens, and the next day British paratroopers landed at Megara Airport, about eight miles west of the capital.On the 14th, the rest of the paratroopers followed and took Athens on the heels of the retreating Germans.Our naval forces entered Piraeus, with Admiral Scobie and his main force, and two days later the Greek government and our ambassador.

Now is the time to put our agreement to the test.At the Moscow conference, I had bought Russian non-interference at great cost.We pledge to support Papandreou's interim government in which the National Liberation Front is fully represented.All parties are bound by the Caserta agreement, and we hope to hand over power to a stable Greek government in time.But Greece was in ruins. The Germans destroyed roads and railways as they retreated north.Our air forces harassed them as they withdrew, but we could not interfere with them on land.The armed ranks of the People's National Liberation Army filled the void left by the retreating invaders, and their command centers made no effort to keep the solemn promises they had made.There is poverty and strife everywhere.Finances are in disarray and food is scarce.Our own military supplies are also stretched to the extreme.

At the end of October, Mr. Eden visited Athens on his way home from Moscow and was warmly welcomed to commemorate his service to Greece in 1941.With him were Lord Moyne, Secretary of State in Cairo, and Mr Macmillan.The whole question of relief was discussed, and all that human power could do was done.Our troops voluntarily reduced their rations by half to increase food supplies, and British engineers began building emergency lines of communication.By November 1, the Germans had evacuated Thessaloniki and Florina.Ten days later, the last of their troops had crossed the northern frontier.With the exception of a few isolated islands where German troops remained, Greece was completely liberated.

However, the government in Athens did not have enough troops to control the country and force the National Liberation Army to abide by the Caserta agreement.Chaos grew and expanded. My memorandum to the Foreign Secretary dated November 7 reads as follows: Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary November 7, 1944 In my opinion, having paid the price to Russia for freedom of action in Greece, we should not hesitate to support Mr. Papandreou's Royal Government of Greece with British troops. 2. The implication of this claim is that the British army should of course come out to stop the lawless actions.Mr Papandreou could of course close the FNL newspaper if they called a press strike.

3. I hope that the Greek Brigade will arrive soon, and will not hesitate to shoot down if necessary.Why is there only one traveler in the Indian division to be sent there?In order to defend the capital and Thessaloniki of the present government, we need another 8,000 to 10,000 infantry. In the future we must consider expanding the influence of the Greek regime.A conflict with the Greek National Liberation Front was completely on my radar, and we should not shy away from such a conflict as long as we can find good grounds for it. I sent the following telegram the next day: Prime Minister to General Wilson (Italy) and

Mr Lipper (Athens) November 8, 1944 In view of the growing threat from the Greek communists and the indications that they are planning to seize power by force, I would like you to consider immediately sending the 3rd Brigade of the 4th Indian Division or other formations to reinforce our forces in the Athens area The National Liberation Front insurgency was imminent, so on November 15th General Scobie was ordered to take emergency countermeasures.Athens was declared a military zone and I authorized him to order the withdrawal of all Greek National Liberation Army troops from Athens.The Fourth Indian Division was transferred from Italy to Thessaloniki, Athens and Patras.The Greek brigade was also transferred from Italy and became a bone of contention between Papandreou and his fellow National Liberation Front.The only way to avoid civil war was to disarm the guerrillas and other forces by mutual agreement and create a new national army and police force directly under the command of the Athenian government.In addition, it was agreed to recruit and equip national guard brigades, each with more than 500 people.In the end we formed a total of thirty such guard groups; and they were of great use in rounding up armed citizens who were hostile to us, and in defending the areas cleared by our troops. At the request of Mr. Papandreou, the Minister of the National Liberation Front personally drew up the draft order to disband the guerrillas and submitted it to the chaotic cabinet.According to this draft, regular Greek mountain brigades and holy squadrons would remain.The Greek People's National Liberation Army could keep one of their brigades, and the Greek National Democratic Army was allowed to have a small force.But at the last moment, the ministers of the National Liberation Front repented of the proposal they had spent a week of precious time drawing up and demanded that the mountain brigade be disbanded.The Communist Party is rolling out their tactics at full force.On December 1, six ministers who participated in the National Liberation Front resigned and announced a general strike in Athens the next day.The remaining cabinet members passed an order disbanding the partisans, and the Communist Party moved its headquarters out of the capital.General Scobie issued a letter to the Greek people, stating that he firmly supported the present government created by the constitution until the day when a Greek state with a legal army could be established and free elections could be held.I made a similar statement personally in London. On Sunday, December 3, supporters of the Communist Party held a demonstration in defiance of the ban. They clashed with the police, and civil war broke out.The next day, General Scobie ordered the People's National Liberation Army to evacuate Athens and Piraeus immediately. However, instead of evacuating, their troops and armed citizens tried to seize the capital by force. At this moment, I took more direct command of the matter.When I learned that the Communists had seized almost all the police stations in Athens, killed most of those who had declared no resistance, and were only half a mile from the government offices, I ordered General Scobie and his 5,000 British troops ( warmly welcomed by the people as saviors ten days ago) intervened and opened fire on the treacherous attackers.It's no use doing something like this halfway.The communists are trying to conquer Athens with violence and show the world that they are the government that the Greek people want. We can only deal with the violence of the mob with the barrel of a gun.There was not enough time to convene a cabinet discussion. I was with Anthony until about two o'clock in the evening, when we both agreed that the fire had to be fired.I saw that he was very tired, and said to him, if you are going to sleep, leave it to me.So he went to bed.About three o'clock I drew up the following telegram: Prime Minister to General Scobie (Athens), Cc General Wilson (Italy) [1] [1] At that time, the command had not been handed over. December 5, 1944 I have ordered General Wilson to commit all troops to you, and to give you all possible reinforcements. 2. You are responsible for maintaining order in Athens and for eliminating or annihilating all National Liberation Front and People's National Liberation Army troops approaching Athens.You can make any regulations you want to strictly control the streets or round up mobs, catch as many as possible, and where shootings may occur, the People's National Liberation Army will definitely put women and children at the forefront.For this you must use tact to avoid mistakes, but in Athens there was no hesitation in shooting at any armed mob who attacked the British authorities or the Greek authorities with whom we were cooperating.Of course, it would be better if your headquarters could get the authorization from the Greek government authorities to strengthen its power. As for Papandreou, he is also being informed by Lipper to stop other work and specifically assist in calming the chaos.In any case you must act without hesitation as if you were in a conquered city where local rebellions were going on. 3. For the People's National Liberation Army troops approaching from outside, you must be able to use your armored forces to teach some of them a lesson, so that others will not dare to try again.All reasonable and sensible actions you take on this basis must have my support.We must keep and control Athens. It would be a good thing if you could do it without bloodshed, but bloodshed is the right thing to do when necessary. The telegram was sent at 4:50 am on the 5th.I must admit, the tone of the telegram was a bit harsh.I feel the need to give military commanders strong leadership, so I deliberately use the sharpest words.Having such an order in his hand not only encouraged him to decisive action, but gave him some assurance that any well-considered course he took, whatever the consequences, would have my support.I am deeply disturbed by the whole situation, but I am convinced that there is no room for hesitation or evasion.I recall Arthur Balfour's famous telegram to the British authorities in Ireland in the eighties[1] saying: [1] refers to the 1880s.translator Don't hesitate, shoot now.The telegram was sent from an open telegraph office.A violent storm was caused in the House of Commons, but the loss of life was indeed prevented.The reason why Balfour was able to rise up the road to power is an important step in his career.The background of today's political arena is quite different, but the words "shoot now without hesitation" have inspired me since those distant days, and I will never forget it. On the same day, I sent another telegram to our ambassador: Prime Minister to Mr. Lipper (Athens) December 5, 1944 Now is not the time to study Greek politics in general or to speculate on what influence various Greek politicians of various colors can have on the situation.You don't have to worry about the makeup of the Greek government.Things have come to a head. 2. You must persuade Papandreou to stick to his post and assure him that if he does so he will have our full support.The days when any group of Greek politicians could influence such a mob rebellion are long gone.His only possible way out is to follow us to the end. 3. I have entrusted to General Scobee the whole task of defending Athens and maintaining law and order, and have assured him of our support in whatever force is necessary.Henceforth you and Papandreou shall act at his command in all matters of public order and safety.Both of you should support Scobie in every possible way, and if you think of any measures that would make his actions more decisive and forceful, you should immediately suggest to him. Wish you all the best. With the exception of the very center of Athens, the Greek People's National Liberation Army has quickly taken control of most of the city.Our army first contained them in the very center of the city, and then turned to the counter-offensive.Scobie's report reads: December 8, 1944 A full day of fighting yesterday was limited in progress by increased activity on the rebel side and widespread sniping operations.As of noon, there were thirty-one officers and five hundred and twenty-four soldiers among the captured rebels guarded by our army.These figures do not include arrests by police, whose exact numbers are not readily available. The 23rd Brigade has made some progress in eliminating the rebels from house to house throughout the afternoon.Another part of the city center was cleared by paratrooper brigades. The rebel forces infiltrating the area south of Leontos harbor had engaged in a serious sniper campaign at the Piraeus Naval Buildings, and in response to this, marines from the warship Orion had to be landed for reinforcements.In one area our troops were forced to retreat due to strong resistance. The area which the Greek mountain brigade was clearing was attacked by rebels from the flank.The attack was contained but delayed the brigade's progress. This shows the scale of our operations at the time. Prime Minister to General Wilson (Italy) December 9, 1944 You should send reinforcements to Athens as soon as possible.There are many dangers in a protracted war.I warn you that this conflict is of the utmost political importance.At least two more travelers should be sent to the accident site as soon as possible. 2. Besides, why doesn't the navy provide assistance frequently, and only a few people land in critical times?You've made strong assurances that you've sent enough troops. Prime Minister to General Scobie December 8, 1944 Tonight's papers were buzzing about a peace proposal from the Greek People's National Liberation Army. We should be glad if the matter is settled, but you must take great care to do what you can, that we do not lose for mercy's sake what our troops have gained or still can gain. results.In my opinion, the present conditions should not be accepted if they are less satisfactory than the agreement reached before the insurrection.The leaders of the National Liberation Front, whose hands are stained with the blood of the Greeks and the British, are going to be reinstated as cabinet ministers, which is also difficult to justify.However, this may be able to let it go.It is important to proceed with caution and to consult us when setting conditions.Our explicit goal is to defeat the National Liberation Front.The end of the war should be subordinated to this goal.I am dispatching large reinforcements to Athens, and Marshal Alexander may meet you in a few days.At present, the real disputes have not been resolved. What we need is firmness and sobriety, not warm embrace. If a compromise is to be reached, either on your side or Lipper's, we should be told in advance. The Communists and their cohorts spread rumors in London that the British Army sympathized with the National Liberation Front.These rumors are absolutely not true. The replies to the peace proposal are as follows: General Scobie to the Prime Minister December 10, 1944 If the People's National Liberation Army makes any peace proposals, we will certainly report to you immediately, but neither the Ambassador nor I are aware of any such temptations. I'm well aware of the main goal you're proposing.There can never be peace and stability in Greece while any party is able to back up its politics with a private army.I want the war to be confined to the range from Athens to Piraeus.But I am prepared to fight them to the end in other parts of the country if necessary.It is a pity that tear gas is not allowed.It is very useful in this kind of urban battle. You assure me that a large number of reinforcements are on their way, welcome on board.I learned from Allied headquarters that the 4th Division was the first to be dispatched. Now that the free world knows more about the actions of the Communists in Greece and elsewhere than it did at the time, many readers will be amazed at the ferocity with which His Majesty's government, and especially that of me at the head, were then attacked.Most of the American newspapers of the time vehemently condemned our actions as contrary to the cause for which they fought.If the editors of all these well-meaning newspapers looked back at what they wrote then, and compared it with what they think now, I am sure they would also be surprised.The U.S. State Department, headed by Mr. Stettinius, issued an apparently critical statement, something they finally regretted in later years, or at least thought otherwise.There was also confusion in the UK. The Times and the Manchester Guardian found our policy reactionary and condemned it.Yet Stalin strictly and faithfully observed our October agreement, and neither Pravda nor Izvestia uttered a single word of condemnation during the weeks of street fighting against the Communists in Athens. There was also a great commotion in the House of Commons.I accept with pleasure the amendment to the amendment moved by Sir Richard Eckland (leader of the Federation Party and the party's sole Member of Parliament) and supported by Mr Shinwell and Mr Aneurin Bevan The challenges we pose.These men, and others of their kind, considered themselves representatives of a strong public opinion, born of vague opinions, which erupted into rage.Any government that does not have the solid foundations of a coalition government is likely to crumble this time around.However, the cabinet was as stable as a rock during the war, and all the impacts of wind and waves were invalid. As we recall what happened to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in later years, we may perhaps thank the gods of fate for giving our courageous leaders of all parties and factions the composure and unity they deserved at such critical times.Due to space limitations, I can only quote a few excerpts from a speech I gave on December 8 before we called for a vote of confidence against the amendment: Let me begin by presenting to Parliament the accusations that have been made against us.We are using His Majesty's troops, they say, to disarm the friends of democracy in Greece and other parts of Europe, and to suppress those popular movements which have valiantly helped to defeat the enemy.This is a fairly straightforward question, and one on which Parliament must take a stand before we adjourn tonight.If His Majesty's Government is disarming the Friends of Democracy with the National Army, it certainly cannot be trusted. But the question is (and we might as well think about it), who are the friends of democracy, and how should the word democracy be interpreted?My opinion is that those ordinary people who are simple, humble, and have wives and children are the foundation of democracy. When the country is in crisis, they will enlist to fight for the country; at the right time, they will go to the polling station and vote for He wanted the names of candidates elected to parliament to be marked with a sign of the cross.These people (male or female) should be able to do these things without fear, without threats or persecution of any kind.It is also crucial to the foundations of democracy.They write the ballots in strict secrecy, and then the elected representatives meet to decide what kind of government they want in the country, or in times of emergency, even what type of regime.If this is democracy, I salute it.I stand by it.I am willing to fight for it and I stand for free elections based on universal suffrage, which is the basis of what we think of as democracy.But I have a completely different feeling about fake democracy, which is calling myself a democracy because I am a leftist.There are all sorts of conditions needed to be a democracy, not just the left, or even the Communist Party.I do not think that a political party or group can call itself a democrat because they have gone farther and farther until they have taken the most extreme revolutionary form.I don't think that a political party necessarily represents democracy because it becomes increasingly active while shrinking in number. We must have some respect for democracy, and we must not use this term casually.The thing that has nothing to do with democracy is mob politics. Groups of gangsters, possessing murderous weapons, invade big cities by violence, seize police stations and important government agencies, trying to establish a totalitarian rule with an iron fist, and clamoring that if they gain power, It will be like what I did today (interrupted in the middle) Sorry, I caused this annoying situation.I have plenty of time, and I can always take the extra time to repeat what I have to say, though I shall regret it, if I cause the rant and disapproval of respectable Opposition MPs.I say the least representative of democracy is mob politics and the attempt to establish a totalitarian regime that clamors to shoot anyone who stands in their way politically and to account for those who cooperated with the Germans during the occupation .Don't think so low of democracy, don't think of democracy as if it's just about stealing power and shooting people who don't agree with you.That runs counter to democracy. Democracy is not based on a policy of violence or terror, but on reason, fair play, liberty and respect for the rights of others.Democracy is not about street sluts who can hit it off with anyone with a submachine gun.I have confidence in the people of almost any country, the masses of the people, but I have to make sure that it is the people, not a bunch of bandits who think that they can overthrow legitimate regimes by violence, and in some cases have a long history parliaments, governments and countries. We have traveled a difficult and painful path.Poor old England! (Perhaps I should say poor big Britain!) We have had to shoulder the most unappreciated burden, and in doing so have been ridiculed, criticized and disapproved from all quarters.But at least we know where we are heading, where our destination is, and what our goal is.That is, that these countries should be liberated from the German armed forces, and, in normal calm, hold free general elections to determine the form of government in their countries (as long as it is not a fascist system), and decide that their government should be Leaning left or leaning right. This is our purpose Some say we want to disarm the friends of democracy.We are said to be rebels against democracy because we do not allow large numbers of heavily armed guerrillas to come down from the mountains and seize power in the metropolises by means of bloody terror and violence, which they are good at.I would also like to refute this statement.I would ask the House of Commons, as a token of confidence in His Majesty's Government, and in our valor, by which we have repeatedly passed the dangers to the victory now at hand, to dismiss the above hypocritical statement, and give it the contempt it deserves. . If my actions are condemnable, I am willing to accept the dismissal of the House of Commons; but if I am not dismissed for this, please don't get me wrong. We will resolutely implement this policy, which is to eliminate all resistance to the Greek constitutional government in Athens and the Athens area. The traitors in the Mediterranean were to be wiped out of the rebels who had defied the orders of the Supreme Commander in the Mediterranean (for whom all the partisans had volunteered).I hope I have made our position clear, including its implications for the world and the general situation of the war, and its implications for our government. There were only thirty MPs on the ballot line against us.Nearly three hundred people voted for confidence.Here again the House of Commons asserts its tenacity and authority. The next day I sent the following telegram: Prime Minister to Mr. Lipper (Athens) December 9, 1944 You must not be disturbed by criticism from all sides in the House of Commons.No one understands the difficulties you must meet as well as I do.I do not yield to the clamor of the moment, and always support those who carry out their directions boldly and correctly.In Athens as everywhere else our motto is: no peace without victory. There is no doubt that the sentimentality of American public opinion at that time and the momentary trend of thought of the State Department affected President Roosevelt and his cronies.My views in the House of Commons are now commonplace in American policy and political doctrine, and have the endorsement of the United Nations.But at the time my remarks were regarded as a novelty; they were amazed by those who, bound by old ideas, were insensible to the assault of new countercurrents in human affairs.Basically the president and I were on the same page, and Hopkins sent me a friendly telegram about my speech. Earl of Halifax to Prime Minister December 8, 1944 Harry and Jim Forrestal called just now to express their warm approval of your speech on Greece, which they both thought would be of great benefit.I believe they are right. Prime Minister to Mr Harry Hopkins December 9, 1944 I'm glad you enjoyed my speech.I'm troubled by the last sentence of Stettinius's press release. [1] That statement also seems to involve our entire foreign policy in Belgium, where we acted on your orders; It is completely agreed by everyone.Of course, the protracted and intense nature of the fighting with the People's Liberation Army in Athens worried me. [1] The date of the speech was December 5th, and the contents were as follows: The State Department has received numerous inquiries from reporters about the current administration's position on Italy's recent cabinet crisis. The current government has consistently maintained that, except for appointments concerning important military elements, the composition of the Italian government is a purely Italian matter.The current government has absolutely never expressed its opposition to Count Sforza to the Italian government. Since Italy is a region of shared responsibility, we have reiterated to the British and Italian governments that we expect Italians to follow a democratic approach and solve their own problems of government without outside influence.This policy will apply to the liberated areas of the governments participating in the United Nations to a more definite extent. I wish you all the best. On the same day, I sent the following telegram: I would like you to tell our good friend that the establishment of law and order in and around Athens is essential to all future measures of clemency and appeasement to Greece.There will be no time for negotiations until law and order are established.My guiding principle is that there can be no peace without victory.It disappoints me to be attacked like this by the People's National Liberation Army when we came loaded with good gifts and aspired to a united Greece in control of our own destiny.But since we have been attacked, we must defend ourselves.I think we have a right to ask the President to support the policies we adopt.If in the streets of Athens it should be said that the United States is against us, the British will shed more blood, and the Greeks will shed even more blood.At a time when danger is far away, factions are rising, and unity is all the more needed, it troubles me to see signs of our involuntary divergence. 2. The following words are for your own reference only.Don't be fooled by our majority yesterday.I would have gained eighty more votes if I had issued an emergency order of attendance with three lines drawn over it instead of an ordinary order of attendance with only two lines above it.Due to the current inconvenient traffic here, members of parliament want to go out for the weekend on Friday.Who wouldn't? Wish you well. The British army was still fighting fiercely in the central area of ​​Athens, surrounded on all sides and outnumbered.We fought from house to house and at least four-fifths of the enemy was in plain clothes.Our troops had no difficulty understanding the crux of the matter, unlike many Allied journalists in Athens. Papandreou and his remaining ministers have lost all power.A previous proposal for a regency headed by Archbishop Zamaskinos had been rejected by the King of Greece, but on December 10 Mr Lipper reiterated the proposal.But King George still objected, and we were unwilling to force it then. In the midst of these disturbances, Field Marshal Alexander and Mr. Macmillan came to Athens.On December 11th we received the first reports of their party.Our situation is worse than we expected.Alexander's telegram stated that the British forces were actually surrounded in the center of the city.The way to the airport is not safe.The port of Piraeus is not under our control, so ships cannot unload there.The troops fighting in the city had only six days' rations and three days' ammunition.Alexander suggested immediately clearing the obstacles on the port and the road leading to Athens, sending reinforcements from Italy immediately, setting up a supply station, and after firmly connecting the two ends of the dumbbell [1], take necessary actions to clear the entire Athens and Piraeus.He also strongly advocated the implementation of Lipper's proposal, that is, the appointment of an archbishop as regent, and demanded that severe measures be taken against the rebels, and the bombing of areas within the city of Athens was permitted. [1] Refers to Athens and Piraeus.translator On December 12, the War Cabinet granted Alexander full powers of military action.The Fourth Division of the British Army was moving from Italy to Egypt, and was ordered to divert to Greece on the way, so it was only when they reached their destination in the second half of the month that the crisis was saved.I told Alexander that the king of Greece would not agree to the plan of the regency.No one would be satisfied with the proposal to invite the Archbishop to form a government.國內對這些事情的政治反應顯出一種更明確和更冷靜的看法。 在這時候發生了一件驚人的公文洩密的事件。讀者還記得我在十二月五日清晨四點五十分鐘發給斯科比將軍的那份電報。電報上標明著：極密文件，親收。首相發給斯科比將軍。 抄送威爾遜將軍，而且當然是用密碼電報的。幾天以後，一個美國新聞專欄作家竟能登出一份實際上跟原文完全相同的東西。我們之間的一切函電來往因此受到威脅。 經過調查，我知道凡是通過意大利威爾遜將軍最高指揮部發出的電信，除非另有特別限制的標誌，都傳達給某幾個人，包括駐羅馬的美國大使在內。美國大使讀了我在五日天亮以前發給斯科比將軍的電報全文以後，就把電報內容報告國務院。他是完全有權這樣做的。至於他根據我的原電寫成的匯報材料送到國務院之後，發生了怎樣的情形，就無從探悉；至少沒有披露出來，但是到了十一日那個美國新聞記者把它公開出來，在當地，真是一樁難以應付的爆炸新聞。恰巧第二天工會代表大會要在倫敦開會。對於我們在希臘的政策當然有許多不安，而左翼勢力也正在蠢蠢欲動。把我給斯科比將軍電報的強烈措詞公開出來，可能會產生不良的印象。然而這件事情並沒有在工會代表大會上提出來，而且竟然也沒有在議會裡引起任何注意。貝文先生代表戰時內閣出席大會，他以特有的忠誠和勇敢，捍衛和擁護我們的希臘政策。他博得全體出席人員的同情，因此工會以壓倒的多數通過支持政府，這又一次證明他們在大事情上具有堅定和負責的品質。 同時我收到了總統的一份措詞非常懇切的電報。 President Roosevelt to Prime Minister 一九四四年十二月十三日 你在希臘所遭遇到的令人難堪的困難，我跟你同樣地深切關注。你所面臨的憂勞艱鉅的抉擇，我是完全體會得到的。 我認為在這件事情上，我是處於一個忠實朋友和同盟者的地位，我唯一願望就是在這種情況中盡可能作出幫助。請你相信，當我向你表達己見的時候，我牢牢記著這一點，就是在我們所著手進行的偉大工作中，任何事情都絕對不能動搖我們兩國之間的團結和友誼。 我雖然迫切希望在這種困難局面之下能給你以最大的幫助，但是也受一定的限制，一半由於美國的傳統政策，一半由於我國逐漸高漲的輿論方面的逆流。我不論作為個人或國家元首，不得不顧到公眾的情緒，這一點，沒有人比你更能理解。正是因為這個緣故，在當前的希臘局勢中，我國政府還不可能跟貴國採取同樣的立場。即使作了這樣的嘗試，也僅能對你們暫時有利，而從長遠的利益著想反而對我們兩國的基本關係有害。我無需向你說明，我是如何厭惡你我之間所存在的這些情況。我唯一的希望就是這種情況能得到糾正，以便我們可以在這件事情上，跟在其它一切事情上一樣，並肩前進。我知道，肩負著這個重任的你，全心全意想給希臘問題找到一個滿意的解決方法，尤其是一個能使那個遭到蹂躪的國家得到和平的解決辦法。無論是任何解決辦法，只要能照顧到我上面所說的那些因素，我將誠懇地支持你。有了這樣的想法，並迫切地希望對你有所幫助，我現在隨便把一些我所想到的意見告訴你。 我知道你已經派麥克米倫到那邊去，授以大權去求得這樣一個解決辦法，或許在你接到這份電報以前，他已經獲得成功。當然我不知詳情，離開當地又十分遙遠，但是據我看來，民族解放陣線所以有此態度，其基本原因或許是一個借口在於不信任國王喬治二世的意圖。我想，如果國王本人贊成在希臘建立一個攝政機構，並且公開聲明，除非由於全民投票的要求，他絕不回來，這樣，麥克米倫的工作是否會容易得多？如果再加以保證說，一旦人民有充分的機會來表示自己的意願時，就會定下日期，舉行選舉，不論那日期是多麼遙遠，這或許更為有效。 同時，是否也有可能做到使大家同意把現在國內的一切武裝集團都解除武裝，並予以遣散，包括山地旅和神聖中隊在內，只由你們的部隊來維持法律和秩序，直至希臘全國的武裝力量能夠在無黨無派的基礎上配備齊全地重行建立起來？ 我將把這一整個問題反覆思考，並且希望你把你的想法和顧慮告訴我。 然而這份電報並沒有給我實際的幫助。我的答覆如下： 來電措詞懇摯，表示感謝。過了週末，我將給你一個經過考慮的答覆。我希望現在穩步開進阿提卡的英國援軍能在雅典造成一個更健康的局面。你可以體會到，如果我們撤退，這是容易辦到的，但將形成如何嚴重的局面，其結果是一場可怕的屠殺，和一個受共產黨支配的極端左傾的政權將在雅典建立起來，我的內閣中黨派的同事們不準備去幹那種對於我們的經歷和聲名這樣不光榮的事。歐內斯特‧貝文在工會代表大會上的演說博得了普遍的尊敬。殘酷的戰鬥就在前頭，我們在雅典市中心的軍隊甚至還有危險。根據斯退丁紐斯的新聞公報的最後一句話，有人認為你是反對我們的，這一事實已經（一如我所擔心的那樣）增加了我們不少的困難和負擔。我可能要在星期日晚上向全世界作廣播，說明我們的動機是完全純潔無私的，也要表示我們的決心。 二‧同時我寄給你一封希臘國王的來信。我們曾向他建議任命雅典大主教為攝政的策略。國王對此拒不同意。因此，我們如果堅決要這樣做，勢將產生破壞憲法的行為。我對於大主教一無所知，我只知道我們在希臘的人員認為他或許可以在過渡時期起著看守的作用或在兩派之間充當橋樑。 同時，我很高興，接到了一個人的來電，他對於這些事情的判斷和本能的反應是我所倚重的。 Field Marshal Smuts to Prime Minister 一九四四年十二月十四日 希臘局勢使你和內閣焦慮不安和困難，我為了這事感到十分苦惱。昨天我在伊麗莎白港發言，極力支持聯合王國政府所繼續執行的政策。我希望我的意見已經扼要電達。如果各黨派的軍隊和地下活動還繼續存在的話，恐怕我們會發現和平將淪為社會的紊亂和無政府狀態，不僅在希臘如此，在歐洲其它地方，也將如此我希望大主教有可能更決斷和更有權威地行事。在現階段，堅定無論如何是必要的，對付那些黨派利益至上的人們，如果過於軟弱，最終反會在以後一個更不利的階段裡，變成一場真正的內戰。 老實說，我們的大使在希臘政府的變動之中，擔任這樣重要的角色，我是不以為然的，因為將來或許有人會以此為借口來反對你，說你不適當地干涉希臘的事務。我自己的看法，不管正確與否，我認為鎮壓了民族解放陣線的叛亂之後，希臘國王應該回來履行他在憲法上的正當職權，而英皇陛下的政府不應該再擔負實際管理希臘的責任。 我又收到一直和我們在一起忠心作戰的希臘第三山地旅的來電。他們既感謝我們為保護他們的國家而出力，又因為不列顛人正在流血而感到難過。他們請我作他們的名譽司令。 但是從霍普金斯那裡來了另一個警告。 一九四四年十二月十六日 這裡的輿論，由於希臘的局勢和你在議會裡有關美國和波蘭的講話而很快地變壞起來了。 由於目前歐亞兩洲的戰事連接起來，由於每個人的全部精力需用於擊敗敵人，我承認我為了外交形勢的轉變而大大地感到不安，這些情況使人們的注意力轉到我們的困難上來。 我不知道總統或斯退丁紐斯在公開的場合中或許要說些什麼，但是很可能他們兩人，或其中之一，要用毫不含糊的詞句來說明我們決心盡力求得一個自由和安全的世界。 我們在這個目標上是大家一致的，但是問題在於我們是否能完成這個目標，如果讓共產黨在雅典奪取一切權力的話。 這就是得失攸關的問題。 Prime Minister to Mr Hopkins 一九四四年十二月十七日 接到你的來電，我感到苦惱和迷惑不解。我希望你毫不猶豫地來電指出，你認為我們或個人在哪些地方犯了錯誤，有何見教，因為我對於你的判斷和友誼極為信任，即使我有時從另一個角度來看事情。總統所給我的電報向來都是極為懇摯而令人鼓舞的。他給約大叔的電報可能也有很大的好處。 二‧美國方面的任何公開聲明，只要是說明你來電中末一句所說的目標我當然都表示歡迎。這些目標也就是我們的目標。在這一場鬥爭中我們不為自己求得什麼。 我也給總統發出我以前答應他的電報。 prime minister to president roosevelt 一九四四年十二月十七日 關於希臘。當前的情況是，我們在當地的代表，麥克米倫和利珀，都曾竭力建議由大主教擔任攝政。這是帕潘德里歐政府所厭惡的，雖然有可能說服他們採取一個由三人組成的攝政機構，就是由大主教、普拉斯蒂拉斯將軍和德拉古米斯三人所組成。有人懷疑大主教有獨攬大權的野心，而且得到了民族解放陣線的擁護之後，他將無情地利用權力來對付現在的部長們。實際情況是否如此，我不得而知。許多事情隨時隨刻都在起變化。究竟建立起一個具有一人的攝政機構，是不是給希臘強加了一個獨裁政權，這一點我覺得毫無把握。 二‧還有一件事也得考慮，就是國王拒絕任命攝政，我看這是無可改變的。他當然更不會任命他所不信任而害怕的大主教去單獨當攝政。按照希臘的憲法，當國王不在位時，應由皇太子擔任攝政。國王又曾說過，帕潘德里歐內閣的全體部長們都勸他不要這樣做，而且作為一個立憲君主，他也不能對這種事情負責。 三‧戰時內閣決定等待三四天看看軍事行動的進展如何。 我們的援軍正迅速地源源到達，而且據英國總參謀部情報處說，在雅典和比雷埃夫斯的人民民族解放軍不會超過一萬二千人。希臘國王的估計是一萬五千到二萬二千。無論如何，到下星期中，我們的人數將大大超過他們。根據現在的情報，在這樣的情況之下，我不打算屈服於違背憲法的暴力。 四‧我們眼前的任務是取得對雅典和比雷埃夫斯的控制。 根據最近的報告，人民民族解放軍可能會同意撤離。這樣我們可以有一個穩固的基礎，以便在希臘的交戰黨派之間談判出一個最好的解決辦法。我們當然必須規定游擊隊應該解除武裝。那支奪得里米尼的希臘山地旅及同英、美軍隊並肩作戰得非常好的神聖中隊如果被解除武裝，將嚴重地削弱我們的力量，我們無論如何不能把他們丟開任人屠殺。我們可以把他們轉移到別處，作為全盤解決的一部分。 五‧我深信你也不願我們在這個時候放棄我們這樁吃力不討好的任務。我們是完全得到你的同意而挑起這個重擔的。我們不想從希臘得到什麼東西，只求對於共同事業盡我們的職責罷了。我們在輸送食品和救濟品以及為一個沒有武裝力量的政府維持初步的秩序的過程中，已經捲入一場劇烈的鬥爭，雖然還未曾流很多的血。你對我們的行動未能給以片言隻語的辯解，使我深有感觸，但是我了解你的困難。 六‧同時戰時內閣是團結的，社會主義派的部長們贊成貝文先生在工會大會上的發言，而大會在這件事情上，以二百四十五萬五千票對十三萬七千票的多數，擁護政府的立場。我相信我在下院中，無論如何，都能得到十與一之比的多數。 我深信你會盡力相助。如有消息，我一定隨時奉告。 麥肯齊‧金在加拿大聽到美國有人在滔滔不絕地發表關於我們希臘政策的談話後，感到有些不利的反應。他在幾份電報中透露出他的不安情緒。 首相致加拿大總理 一九四四年十二月十五日 我在議會裡已盡力澄清我們的立場。我想，主要的一點是，希臘首相得到了包括民族解放陣線的各黨派的書面同意後，邀請英軍進入希臘以維持秩序和保障供給。我們接受了這個邀請，還須盡力執行下去。這種任務是吃力不討好的，但是為了我們的榮譽，我們不能逃避責任。既然雙方的怒火在雅典燃燒著，局勢不可避免地是困難的。但是亞歷山大的訪問極有價值，而且就整個局勢來說，最近送來的報告更能令人鼓舞。 我又把八月間跟總統來往的電報【１】送給麥肯齊‧金，並且叫他注意卡塞塔協議，這協議現在已經公佈出來。我告訴他，我們進入希臘和解放雅典是得到斯大林的口頭同意的。末了，我說：雖然這事的根源在於共產黨，但是直到現在，斯大林對於我們的行動，還沒有作出任何公開的非難。 【１】參看第七章，第九十九｜一百頁。 麥肯齊‧金先生由於尊重這些事實、理由和呼籲，就不再表示任何公開的分歧意見。 回顧到這些離現在已經有幾年的事情，令人感到奇怪的是，當初我跟我的同僚們為之而作頑強鬥爭的政策，如今已完全被事實證明是正確的。關於這件事，我自己從來沒有過絲毫懷疑，因為我看得十分清楚，在擊敗納粹主義和法西斯主義以後，文明所必須面臨的危險將是共產主義。結束在希臘方面的任務並不落在我們身上。然而，一九四四年底，我沒有想到在兩年多一點的時間後，美國國務院得到了美國占壓倒優勢的輿論的支持，會不僅採取和進行我們所最先採取的行動方針，而且會作出熱烈的和代價很高的努力，甚至屬於軍事性質的努力，來實現我們的願望。據報導美國代理國務卿艾奇遜先生，於一九四七年三月二十一日向眾議院外交委員會作證時，曾有下面的一句話：一個受共產黨支配的希臘政府將被認為是危及美國的安全的。 如果說希臘已經免遭捷克斯洛伐克的命運而今天以自由國家之一存留下來，那不僅是由於一九四四年英國的行動，而且也是由於不久以後便成為英語世界聯合力量的那種堅定不移的努力。