Chapter 228 Volume 6 Chapter 38 Potsdam: The Atomic Bomb

I met President Truman for the first time. I toured Berlin for a week. I had lunch with the President. Tariffs and bases. Dinner with Stalin. His predictions about the outcome of the British election. The prospect of a quick end to the war with Japan with the help of the Soviet Union The decision to use new weapons and the President's discussion to continue the onslaught of Japan's unconditional surrender July 26 We issued an ultimatum August 6 and 9, 1945 Bombing of Hiroshima and Japan Nagasaki's Surrender of Japan on August 14 Naval power was decisive in defeating Japan. President Truman and I arrived in Berlin on the same day.I was eager to meet this man of power with whom, despite my disagreements, I had established a sincere relationship through correspondence (attached to this volume).I visited him on the morning of my arrival and was impressed by his pleasant, meticulous, radiant demeanor and clear decision.

On July 16th, the President and I inspected Berlin for a week. The city was in ruins and chaos.Our visit, of course, was unannounced.There are only ordinary passers-by on the street.On the square in front of the prime minister's residence, quite a few people gathered there.When I stepped out of the car and walked among them, everyone cheered except for an old man who shook his head in disbelief.After they surrendered, my hatred has disappeared.And seeing their expressions, their haggard looks and shabby clothes moved me deeply.Then we walked into the prime minister's residence.I walked for a while in the dilapidated corridors and halls.Then our Russian guide took us to Hitler's air-raid basement.I went down to the ground floor and saw the room where he and his mistress committed suicide.When we got back up, they showed us the place where his body was cremated, and we got the best first-hand account of the last scenes that we could get then.

It was much more convenient for us that Hitler took a different approach than I had feared.At any time during the last months of the war, he could have flown to England and surrendered, saying, do with me what you want, but forgive the people I have led astray.There is no doubt that he will suffer the same fate as the Nuremberg war criminals.The moral principles of modern civilization seem to dictate that the leader of a defeated country should be put to death by the victor.In this way, when there is another war in the future, these people will definitely be forced to fight hard to the end, and it has nothing to do with them how many lives will be sacrificed unnecessarily; anyway, they will have no more losses.What really pays the extra price is the vast majority of people who have little say in starting and ending wars.The Romans, on the contrary principle, owed their victories half as much to their valor as to their generosity.

On another occasion, I inspected a four-mile-long line of American armor in full force, along with many British troops and tanks.I inaugurated the Soldiers Club of the 7th Armored Division.Their remarkable voyages, and their expedition from Cairo to their triumphant destination, have been somewhat recounted in the earlier volumes of this work. There were three or four hundred of them assembled in the club.They all sang because he was a jolly good company, and very friendly.I thought there was an air of coyness among them, perhaps because most of them voted for my opponent. At noon on July 18, I had a meal alone with the President.We are exposed to many problems.I spoke of the miserable state of Great Britain.I said that when we fought against the enemy alone, we used more than half of our foreign investment for our common cause. Now we have supported ourselves from the war and have incurred a huge foreign debt of three billion pounds.This debt, therefore, arises from the purchase of supplies from India, Egypt, and elsewhere, not by lend-lease.This would oblige us to export annually, without any adequately compensated import, to top up our wage fund.He listened sympathetically, and said America owed Great Britain a great debt for holding the fort at the outset.If you had gone down like France, he said, we might be fighting the Germans on American shores today.This gives us reason to look at these matters as more than a matter of a purely fiscal nature.I said, I told the electorate that we depend in great measure on food imported from the United States, and that we cannot afford to pay; How intimate.

We have to ask others to help us get back together, and we can do nothing for the safety of the world, or for any of the noble purposes of the San Francisco Conference, until our institutions of government are restored.The President said he would do his best, but of course I am aware of all the difficulties he may have in his own country. I then spoke of the Imperial Tariff Preferences, and showed that this matter, if not properly handled, might split the Conservative Party.I originally heard that the U.S. is slashing tariffs.The President said it had been reduced by fifty percent, and he now had the power to subtract another fifty percent, bringing it to a quarter of its pre-war height.I replied that it was a great event, and would have a great effect on our Dominions, especially Canada and Australia.

The president brought up the issue of aviation and transportation.He had great difficulty with airfields in British territory, especially in Africa, where the Americans had spent enormous sums of money building airfields.At this point, he hoped that we should accommodate them and discuss a way to use them together.I assured him that if I remained in charge, I would revisit the matter with him personally.It would be a great pity if the Americans got excited about the bases and air traffic, even at any cost to get a solution.We must make the best arrangements for the common good.President Roosevelt was well aware that I would like to discuss further matters concerning the airports and other bases, and had contemplated a worldwide reciprocal arrangement between our two countries.Although Britain's status as a major power is not as good as that of the United States, it can also make many contributions.When an American battleship docked at Gibraltar, why couldn't she get torpedoes for her torpedo tubes and load her cannons?Why can't we share the defense facilities all over the world?We can increase the mobility of the American fleet by fifty percent.

Mr. Truman replied that he shared these thoughts.Any plan should somehow be compatible with UN policy.That's fine, I said, as long as all the conveniences are shared only between Britain and the United States, that's all right. If they were offered to every country, there would be nothing to talk about.A man may propose to a maiden, but if the maiden tells him she will always be his sister, it means nothing.What I want is the continuation of the present wartime system of joint use of bases and refueling depots by the United States and Britain, in whatever form and guise. The President seems to be in full agreement with this opinion, provided it can be taken in a suitable form that does not appear at first glance to be a military alliance between the two countries.Although he didn't say the following words, I know what he meant.So encouraged, I went on to say what I had been thinking for a long time, which was to keep the Joint Staff Committee organized, at least until after the storm had passed, until the world calmed down and there was a strong and capable The institution of the world, to which we may safely entrust ourselves.

The President was making encouraging replies to this point when his officials interrupted us by reminding him that he should see Marshal Stalin immediately. The President said graciously that the lunch that day had been the happiest he had had in years, and that he very much hoped that my relationship with President Roosevelt would continue between him and me.He welcomed the establishment of personal friendship and comradeship, and used so many words in the middle of the discussion that I couldn't help but be moved by it.It seemed to me that I had before me a man of superior character and ability, whose outlook on the future was in line with the line in which Anglo-American relations had always developed, and whose manner of speaking was direct, confident and determined.

That night, July 18, I had dinner with Stalin.Besides the two of us there were only Burrs and Pavlov.We talked happily, from eight-thirty in the evening until one-thirty in the morning, without touching any decisive issues.Major Burls has made a rather long note, and I will be scribbling here.My host was physically overwhelmed, but his easy and friendly expression was extremely pleasant.Concerning the British elections, he said that the information he had received from the Communist Party and other sources convinced him that I could obtain a majority of about eighty seats.He thought Labor would get between 220 and 230 seats.I don't want to make any predictions, but I said that I don't know how the military will choose.He said the military would rather have a strong government and would therefore elect the Conservative Party.It was quite obvious what he meant, and he seemed to want to keep in touch with me and Aiden.

He asked why the Emperor did not come to Berlin.I said his visit would complicate our security issues.He believes that no country needs a monarchy like Britain, because the emperor is the unifying force of the entire empire, so any friend of Britain will never do anything that will damage the dignity of the monarchy. Let's move on.I said my policy was to welcome Russia as a great maritime power.I would like to see Russian ships sailing the oceans of the world.Russia is like a giant whose nostrils are pinched by the narrow outlets of the Baltic and Black Seas.I then raised the question of Turkey and the Dardanelles.The Turks were, of course, eager for a settlement.Stalin explains what happened in the past.The Turks had approached the Russians to conclude a treaty of alliance.The Russians replied that a treaty was only possible if neither party had a title claim.Russia, however, wants to take back Kars and Ardahan which it took at the end of the last war.

The Turks said they could not think about it.Russia then proposed the Montreux Agreement.Turkey said that she could not discuss that question either, so Russia replied that the treaty of alliance could not be discussed then. I said that I was personally in favor of revising the Montreux Agreement to drive Japan out so that Russia could gain access to the Mediterranean.I have repeatedly stated that I welcome the presence of Russia on the seas, so the question concerns not only the Dardanelles, but also the Kiel Canal (which should have the same regime as the Suez Canal), and the warm waters of the Pacific Ocean.It's not out of gratitude for anything Russia does, it's my stated policy. Then he asked me about the German fleet.He said that it would be of great use to Russia if it could get a part of it, because it had suffered heavy losses at sea.He was grateful for the ships we had handed over to him after the surrender of the Italian navy, but he also wanted a few German warships for his share.I never objected. He spoke again of Greek aggression on the borders of Bulgaria and Albania. He said there are people who are provoking these disputes in Greece.I replied that the situation on the border was chaotic and that the Greeks were apprehensive and alarmed about Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, but I heard no real wars.This conference should make clear to these smaller countries the intention of the conference, that no country should be allowed to trespass or engage in war.This should be made clear to them so that they understand that any border changes can only be resolved in peace conferences.Greece is going to hold a general referendum to decide the state and conduct free elections. I suggest that the big powers should send observers to Athens.Stalin thought this would show a lack of trust in the honesty of the Greek people. He believed that ambassadors of major powers should report on the election. Then he asked me what I thought about Hungary.I said I did not have sufficient information to comment on the situation, but I would ask the Foreign Secretary. Stalin said that in all the countries liberated by the Red Army, Russia's policy is to see a strong independent country.He opposed the Sovietization of any of those countries.They will have free elections in which all parties except the Fascist parties will participate. I then talked about our entanglements in Yugoslavia, where we had no material ambitions, but there had been a 50/50 agreement.It is now ninety-nine to one, and Britain is only one.Stalin argued that Britain accounted for 90 percent, Yugoslavia 10 percent, and Russia's interests equaled zero.The Soviet government often did not know what Tito was going to do. Stalin also mentioned his displeasure at the American demands for a change of government in Romania and Bulgaria.He didn't interfere in Greek affairs, so they were unjustified.I said I haven't seen the US proposal yet.He explained that in countries with governments in exile, he felt it was necessary to help them create a government of their own.This of course does not apply to Romania and Bulgaria, where everything is fine.When I asked him why the Soviet government gave King Mikael a reward, he said he thought it was due to the brave and wise actions of the King during the coup. Later I said that people are very concerned about Russia's intentions.I drew a line from the North Cape to Albania, and indicated the names of the capitals east of the line which were held by the Russians.It looked as if Russia was sweeping westward.Stalin said he had no such intentions.Instead, he is withdrawing troops from the west.Over the next four months, two million people will be demobilized and sent home.The demobilization that followed was simply a matter of providing adequate rail transport.Russian losses in the war totaled five million dead and missing.The Germans mobilized 18 million men, excluding industry, and the Russians 12 million. I said that I hoped that by the end of the meeting we would be able to agree on the boundaries of all European countries, and on matters such as Russia's access to the sea and the allocation of the German fleet.The three major powers gathered at the conference table are unprecedented powers in the world, and their task is to maintain world peace.Germany's defeat, though satisfying to us, was a great tragedy.But the German people are like sheep.Stalin also talked about his personal experience in Germany in 1907. At that time, two hundred Germans missed the opportunity to attend a Communist Party meeting because no one came to collect their tickets at the gate of the railway station. [1] He then apologized that no formal thanks had been given to the British for their support in the war, for the supplies sent to them.Russia will express its gratitude. 【1】See Chapter 23, page 344 (translator of the original page number). In answer to my question, he explained the role of kibbutz and state farms.We agree that there is no fear of unemployment in both Russia and England.He said Russia was ready to negotiate trade with Britain.I say that the most beneficial foreign propaganda for the Soviet Union will be concerned with the happiness and well-being of its people.Stalin speaks of the consistency of Soviet policy.If there is something wrong with him, there will be excellent people to inherit his career at any time.He was thinking about thirty years from now. On July 17 came the news that shook the world.In the afternoon, Stimson visited my apartment and put a piece of paper in front of me, which said, the children were born satisfactorily.Judging by his expression, I knew something extraordinary had happened. This means, he said, that tests in the Mexican desert have already been carried out.The atomic bomb is already a real thing.Although we were able to catch the clues of this terrible research by virtue of every piece of information they provided, we were not notified of the date of this decisive experiment, and in any case did not know it.When the first official atomic explosion was tested, no responsible scientist dared to predict what would happen.Are these atomic bombs useless, or destructive?Now we know.These children have been born satisfactorily.Yet no one has yet measured the immediate military consequences of this invention, nor everything else about the bomb. An airplane the next morning brought a detailed account of an astonishing event in human history.Stimson brought me that report, and I will now relate it as far as I can recall.The bomb, or an equivalent device, was detonated on top of a tower one hundred feet high.Anyone within ten miles must leave.The scientists and their staff crouched behind solid concrete shelters and defenses at about this distance.The power of the explosion was terrifying.A gigantic plume of flame and smoke shot straight to the edge of the atmosphere on the surface of our poor planet.Everything within a mile around was completely destroyed.So here's a quick way to end World War II, and it could be a quick way to end a lot of other things. The President invited me to speak with him immediately.With him were General Marshall and Admiral Leigh.So far we have only intended to attack the Japanese mainland with terrible aerial bombardment and a massive army attack.What we think of is that the Japanese, in the spirit of bushido, will resist desperately until they die.Not only in battle, but in every cave, every trench.I have in mind the image of Okinawa, where thousands of Japanese, unwilling to surrender, line up to destroy themselves with hand grenades after their leader has solemnly performed seppuku. To wipe out Japanese resistance man by man, inch by inch to conquer that country, would probably require the loss of a million American lives and half a million British lives if we could get more people over there, the loss would be as much as Be big because we are determined to stand with America.Now this terrible dream has completely disappeared.Instead, it seemed bright and beautiful to see the whole war end after a violent shock or two.I thought at once that the Japanese, whose bravery I admired since the advent of this almost inconceivable weapon, might find in it an excuse to save their face and to absolve themselves of the responsibility of fighting to the last man. Besides, we don't need Russians anymore.The end of the Japanese war no longer depended on their large armies coming into battle for the final and protracted slaughter. We need not beg for their favor.A few days later I wrote to Mr. Eden: It was quite clear that the United States now did not want the Russians in the war against Japan.Therefore, the series of European problems can be dealt with in their own interests and in accordance with the general principles of the United Nations.We seem suddenly to have a god-given opportunity to lighten the carnage in the East, and to have a much happier future in Europe.I think there is no doubt that these thoughts are also in the minds of my American friends.In any case we never took a moment to discuss whether the atomic bomb should be used or not.In order to avoid large-scale and endless massacres, to end this war, to bring peace to the world, and to appease the suffering people, we will not hesitate to pay the price of several explosions to show an incomparable power. After going through all the hardships and dangers, it can be regarded as a miraculous deed of saving lives. Britain had given its in-principle consent to the use of this weapon on the Fourth of July before the trials were carried out.The final decision now rests mainly with President Truman, who possesses the weapon; but I have never doubted what he would have done, nor have I ever doubted afterwards the correctness of his course of action.The decision whether or not the atomic bomb should be used to force Japan to surrender was never disputed, an immutable historical fact that posterity must judge.As for the conference table at that time, there was unanimous, automatic and unanimous approval for this approach; and I have never heard anyone give the slightest hint that we should not do this. The U.S. Air Force was clearly prepared to carry out large-scale raids on Japanese cities and ports with conventional aerial bombardment.These cities and ports could of course be destroyed in a matter of weeks or months, but no one can say how terrible the loss of civilian life would be.Now, by this new means, though we may not destroy cities alone, many lives, friends and enemies alike, will be preserved. A more complicated question is what to talk about with Stalin.The President and I felt we no longer needed his help to defeat Japan.He promised the Soviet Union in Tehran and Yalta to attack Japan as soon as the German army was defeated. In order to fulfill this promise, since the beginning of May, they have continuously mobilized Russian troops to the Far East through the Trans-Siberian Railway.In our opinion, they don't have to.So the bargaining power that Stalin had used so effectively against the Americans at Yalta was useless.But after all he was a great ally in the war against Hitler, and we both felt compelled to let him know the great new fact of the day, but not the details.How should the news be told to him?In writing, or verbally?Should it be at a formal special meeting, or should it be in the middle of the day-to-day talks, or after a special meeting or the day-to-day talks?The President concluded that this last resort should be pursued.He said: I thought I'd better tell him after a meeting that we have a completely new type of bomb, which is unusual and which we think will have a decisive effect on the will of the Japanese to continue fighting.I agree with this approach. The following is a notice I gave to the cabinet at that time: July 18, 1945 The President showed me the cable about the latest test and asked me how I should tell the Russians.He seemed to have decided to do it, and just asked when would be the best time, and he said he thought it would be at the end of the meeting.I answered him that if he was determined to tell him it would be best to focus on the experiment, for that too was a new fact which he and we knew.So why didn't you tell us beforehand if Stalin asked such a question?The president can give a good answer.He seemed moved by the suggestion, which he would consider. He proposed stating the simple fact that we have such weapons, which I, as a representative of the British Government, did not refuse.He has repeatedly stated that he will never divulge any details under any circumstances At this time, the annihilation attacks on Japan by sea and air force continued.The main target was the remnants of the Japanese fleet now scattered in the inner sea.We bombed the big warships one by one, so that by the end of July the Japanese Navy was practically non-existent. The Japanese mainland is in chaos and is on the verge of collapse.Professional diplomats, convinced that only immediate surrender at the emperor's orders could save Japan from disintegration, but power remained almost entirely in the hands of a military junta, were determined to prefer mass suicide to national defeat.Faced with appalling destruction, this insanely privileged class remained unmoved, and continued to profess their belief in some miracle that would save them from danger. In several long conversations with the President alone or in the presence of his advisers, I talked about what to do.At the beginning of that week, Stalin had secretly told me that when his delegation was about to leave Moscow, the Japanese ambassador had sent him an unaddressed telegram.It was inferred that the telegram was sent to himself, Chairman Kalinin, or other members of the Soviet government. The telegram was sent from the Emperor of Japan.Japan could not accept an unconditional surrender, but was prepared to compromise on other conditions, Nechu said.Stalin once replied that since there was no clear proposal in the telegram, the Soviet government could not take any action.I explained to the President that Stalin was reluctant to tell him directly because he was afraid he would think that the Russians were trying to influence him towards peace.Similarly, I think that as long as the United States thinks that the war should be fought, we should avoid saying these things, making people think that we don't want to continue the war with Japan. But I dwell on the enormous loss of American life, and to a lesser extent British life, if we had to get the Japanese to accept unconditional surrender.This is for the President to consider whether it is possible to put it another way, so that we can obtain the main guarantee of future peace and security, and let them, after satisfying all necessary guarantees of the victors, retain some appearance of military honor and obtain Some guarantees of national survival.The President replied bluntly that he thought Japan had given up military honor since Pearl Harbor.All I can say is how generous they are anyway for a cause which we probably don't value as much as they do. So he became very sympathetic, and spoke of his terrible responsibility, as Stimson said, for the unending bloodshed of the American people. I don't think it is necessary to strictly insist on unconditional surrender other than what is necessary for world peace and future security, and to punish the actions of criminal plots.Mr. Stimson, General Marshall, and the President are obviously thinking things over, so we don't have to push them.Of course we knew that the Japanese were ready to give up everything they had gained in the war. Finally, it was decided to issue an ultimatum demanding the immediate and unconditional surrender of the Japanese army.This document was published on July 26. July 26, 1945 Yu and others: The President of the United States, the Chairman of the National Government of the Republic of China, and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, on behalf of Yu and other hundreds of millions of citizens, have discussed and agreed that Japan should be given a chance to end this war. 2. The huge land, sea and air forces of the United States, the British Empire, and China have been multiplied by the reinforcements of troops and air forces transferred from the West.The final blow to Japan is about to be struck.Their military forces, backed and encouraged by the determination of all the Allies, fought against Japan until her resistance ceased. 3. Germany's fruitless and unconscious resistance to the power of free men aroused all over the world, the results obtained are so obvious that they can serve as a lesson for the Japanese people. Such a force had to destroy all the land, industry and way of life of the German people when it faced the resisting Nazis.But the power concentrated against Japan now is larger and immeasurable.Our military power, backed by our firm will, if fully implemented, will surely bring about the complete destruction of the Japanese army, and the inescapable destruction of Japan's homeland will eventually be completely destroyed. 4. The time has come when Japan must decide whether she will continue to be governed by her willful and miscalculated soldiers, who have brought the Japanese Empire to total ruin, or whether she will move towards reason. 5. The following are our conditions.We will never change.There is no other way.Hesitation and procrastination are even more unacceptable to us. 6. The authority and power that deceived and wrongly led the Japanese people to conquer the world must be permanently eliminated.For we insist that a new order of peace, security, and justice will be impossible until responsible militarism is driven out of the world. 7. Until such a new order is established, and until there is convincing evidence that Japan's war-making powers have been destroyed, points on Japanese territory designated by the Allies must be occupied so that the basic purposes we hereby state may be accomplished. 8. The conditions of the Cairo Declaration shall be implemented, and Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and other small islands as we shall determine. 9. After the Japanese troops are completely disarmed, they will be allowed to return to their homeland and have the opportunity to live peacefully and productively. 10. We have no intention of enslaving the Japanese nation or destroying its country, but war criminals, including those who abuse our captives, will be severely punished by law.The Government of Japan must remove all obstacles to the revival and strengthening of the democratic tendencies of the Japanese people.Freedom of expression, religion and thought, and respect for basic human rights must be established. 11. Japan shall be permitted to maintain those industries which are necessary to her economy and for which compensation in kind can be paid, but not those which would enable her to rearm for war. For this purpose, they are allowed to obtain raw materials, as opposed to controlled raw materials.Japan will finally be allowed to participate in international trade relations. 12. After the above objectives have been achieved and a peaceful and responsible government has been established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people, the occupying forces of the Allied Powers shall withdraw immediately. 13. We hereby notify the Government of Japan to immediately declare the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to give due and sufficient assurances that such action will be carried out in good faith.Otherwise, Japan is about to be quickly and completely destroyed. 【１】 [1] The translation is based on the "International Treaty Collection" (1945|1947), World Knowledge Publishing House 1959 edition, with some changes in some words.translator These conditions were rejected by Japan's military rulers, so the U.S. Air Force made plans to drop an atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. We agree to give the residents every opportunity to prepare.The implementation procedures are drawn up in detail.In an effort to minimize loss of life, leaflets were distributed on July 27 warning eleven Japanese cities of heavy aerial bombardment.Six of them were attacked the next day.A further twelve cities were warned on July 31, four of which were bombed on August 1.The last warning was issued on August 5th.By that time, Skyfortress was said to be distributing 1.5 million leaflets a day, and 3 million ultimatums.The first atomic bomb was dropped on August 6th. By the end of the war against Japan, I had left my post, and I simply wrote them down.On August 9, after Hiroshima, the second atomic bomb fell on Nagasaki.The next day, despite the rebellion of some warlord extremists, the Japanese government agreed to accept an ultimatum if the emperor's prerogatives as head of state were not compromised.The Allied governments, including France, replied that the Emperor should be under the control of the Allied Supreme Command and that he should authorize and guarantee the surrender.Allied armed forces will remain in Japan until the goals of the Potsdam Conference are achieved. These conditions were accepted on August 14th.Mr. Attlee broadcast the news in the middle of the night. The Allied fleet sailed into Tokyo Bay, and the formal instrument of surrender was signed on the American battleship USS Missouri on the morning of September 2.Russia declared war on Japan on August 8, only a week before the enemy collapsed.It nevertheless claimed the full rights of the belligerents. We will not tolerate any delay in the implementation of the terms of surrender.Malaya, Hong Kong, and large parts of the Dutch East Indies remained in enemy hands, and lone armies elsewhere might continue fighting in defiance of the Emperor's orders.Therefore, the occupation of these vast areas has become a top priority.General Mountbatten had been preparing for the liberation of Malaya since the Burma campaign and had made all preparations for the landing near Port Klang (Port Klang).Landing will be implemented on September 9th.There was no fighting when other ports were captured in early September, until Mountbatten held a surrender ceremony in Singapore on 12 September. A British officer, Admiral Harcourt, arrived in Hong Kong on 30 August and accepted the formal surrender of the island on 16 September. Some in the United States believe that Japan can be defeated more economically by making greater use of air forces based in China or in Siberia.They argued that air force action alone could cut off Japan's sea communications and destroy her home resistance without the need for a costly long sea voyage for the prelude to an offensive. Advanced representatives of the air force argued that Political goals in other regions such as Burma, Malaya, and the East Indies can be temporarily abandoned, and they can be won without fighting after the air battle is won.The Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States did not agree with these opinions. It is wrong to think that the fate of Japan depends on the atomic bomb.Its failure was doomed before the first atomic bomb was dropped, and it was caused by the overwhelming power of the sea.This alone made it possible for us to seize bases on the sea, from which to make a final assault, and force its Gyeonggi army to surrender without a fight.Its ships have been destroyed.它開始投入戰爭時有五百五十萬噸以上的船隻，後來由俘獲和新造所得，更大有增加，但是它的護航制度和護送艦隻，力量不足，並且組織得也不好。 被擊沉的日本船隻超過八百五十萬噸，其中有五百萬噸是被潛艇擊沉的。我們是一個島上的強國，同樣依靠著海洋，可以從中吸取教訓，假如我們不能制勝德國的潛艇，我們自己的命運也就可想而知了。