Chapter 9 Volume 1, Chapter 5: The Years of Being Eaten by Locusts【1】

1931｜1935 MacDonald｜Baldwin Coalition Disintegration of India Disruption throughout Germany Hindenburg and Hitler Schleicher fails as replacements Hitler becomes chancellor Reichstag fires February 27, 1933 Hitler wins elections Majority New Owners Qualitative Disarmament Germany 1932 1933 British Air Force Budget Equalization MacDonald Plan Thank God For The French Army Hitler Quit The League Of Nations Adventures In New York At Chartwell A Quiet Life Some Wise Friends Marlborough's Ancient Battlefields Puzzy's Conservative Attitudes Crisis in the Far East Japan's Attack on China's Responsibility.

【1】Four years later, Sir Inskeep, the defense coordinator who was well versed in the Bible, quoted a vivid saying in the Bible, calling the bleak period before he took over the job the age of being eaten up by locusts (" Old Testament Joel, chapter 2, verse 25). (It means the era that was abandoned. Churchill meant that during this period Hitler came to power and Germany had begun to rearm its armaments, while Britain was still talking about peace and disarmament during this period and did nothing.) Translator The British government produced by the 1931 general election was, on the face of it, the strongest government in British history, but in fact it was the weakest.Prime Minister Macdonald split with the Labor Party he had devoted his life to creating, and the antagonism between the two sides was deep.His government is a coalition government in name, but in fact the Conservative Party is dominant. Therefore, although he is at the top of the government, he feels free.Mr. Baldwin prefers power to form; he retreats to hold power.The post of Foreign Secretary is held by Sir John Simon, one of the leaders of the Liberal Party.Mr Neville Chamberlain presided over the main work of the Home Office and he soon succeeded Mr Snowden as Chancellor of the Exchequer.Labor, blamed for failing to resolve the financial crisis, was badly hit at the election and is now led by ultra-pacifist George Lansbury.During the more than four years of this government, from August 1931 to November 1935, the entire situation on the Continent was turned.

At the first meeting of the new parliament, the government called for a vote of confidence in its India policy.On this issue, I then filed the following motion to amend: The policy does not oblige this court to make a constitution for the Dominion of India as prescribed by the Act of Westminster and that during this period any question concerning Indian self-government shall not prejudice the interests of Parliament in maintaining the peace, order and good of the Indian Empire fundamental responsibility for governance. My speech this time lasted for an hour and a half, and everyone listened intently. But on this issue, just like on the issue of national defense later, no matter what people say, there will be no slight variation.On this minor Eastern road we have now also come to a terrible end: hundreds of thousands of wretched people, who only hoped to make a living in peace and justice, are now caught in the blood.I boldly say to the uninformed MPs of all parties:

The old animosity between Moslems and Hindus would revive for a single moment in the relaxation of British power, intensified to the point of extreme viciousness.Their hatred is beyond our imagination.In India, people who have lived next to each other all their lives, once dominated by this emotion, will kill each other, involving men, women, and children.Relations between Muslims and Hindus have deteriorated more than they have in a hundred years since it was believed that Britain was about to lose its rule and that Britain could be withdrawn by simply asking. In the lounge of the House of Commons, we could only muster more than forty people to confront the three parties in the House of Commons.This must be seen as an unfortunate milestone on this downhill road.

At the same time, the whole of Germany is in turmoil, and major events follow one after another. In the year following the resignation of the Brüning Cabinet in May 1932, a lot happened.Papen and the political general Schleicher had always tried to rule Germany by cunning and intrigue, but this opportunity had now passed.Papen, who succeeded Brüning as prime minister, hoped to win the support of the cronies around Hindenburg and the extreme nationalists in Congress.On July 20 he took a decisive step.The socialist government in Prussia was forced to step down.Papen's opponents were actively plotting to seize power.According to Schleicher's reckoning, the tools for seizing power were those shadowy and hidden forces that were impacting German politics behind Hitler's growing fame and influence.He wished to make the Hitler movement the tame servant of the German Army and thereby bring both into his grasp.Schleicher's contact with the Nazi SA leader Rohm began in 1931 and developed into a more formal relationship between Schleicher and Hitler himself in the second year.The only obstacle to the power of these two men seems to be the confidence of Papen and Hindenburg in Papen.

In August 1932, Hitler was secretly summoned by the president to Berlin.The opportunity to take a step forward seems to be at hand.Behind this leader, there are thirteen million German voters.As long as he speaks, he must have a prominent official position.He is now in much the same position as Mussolini was on the eve of the march on Rome.But Papen ignored recent Italian history; he had Hindenburg's backing and had no intention of resigning.The senior marshal received Hitler, but did not have a good impression.This man wants to be prime minister?I could make him a postmaster, and he could lick a postage stamp with my face on it.Hitler did not have the influence in court circles that his rivals had.

In China, the vast majority of voters are restless, hesitant and at a loss as to what to do.In November 1932, Germany held its fifth election of the year.The Nazi Party lost power in the election, from 230 seats to 196 seats, and the Communist Party gained a pivotal position.Hitler's bargaining power was thus weakened.Perhaps General Schleicher could dispense with him altogether.The general had the patronage of Hindenburg's advisers.On November 17, Papen resigned and Schleicher succeeded him as Chancellor, but the new Chancellor was more suitable for manipulating behind the scenes than for governing publicly.He offended too many people.Hitler, Papen, and the National People's Party were now united against him; and the Communists, fighting the Nazis in the streets and fighting the government with strikes, made Schleicher's rule impossible.Papen used his personal power of influence over Hindenburg.In order to appease Hitler, wouldn't it be the best way to push Hitler out to become an official and take responsibility?Hindenburg finally reluctantly agreed.Thus, on January 30, 1933, Hitler became Chancellor of Germany.

Those who would or might oppose the new order soon got a taste of the new master's hand.On February 2, all rallies and demonstrations of the German Communist Party were banned, and the Communist Party's secret weapons were searched throughout the country.On the evening of February 27, 1933, the situation reached its climax.The Capitol suddenly caught fire, and the brownshirts, blackshirts, and other affiliated organizations were ordered to go out.Four thousand people were arrested overnight, including members of the Communist Party's Central Committee.These measures were carried out by Goring, the newly appointed Prussian Minister of the Interior.This is preparing for the next elections to ensure the defeat of the new government's worst enemy, the Communist Party.Organizing the electoral campaign was Goebbels' job.Of course he is skilled and enthusiastic.

However, in Germany, there are still many forces that are unwilling to accept Hitlerism, or firmly oppose it, or even actively oppose it.As a result of the elections, the Communist Party won eighty-one seats, and many people voted for them in distress; Under the leadership of the German National People's Party in alliance with Hitler, it won fifty-two seats.Thirty-three seats were allocated to the smaller right-wing center group.The Nazi Party won 17.3 million votes and 288 seats.The election results allowed Hitler and his ally the National People's Party to manipulate the Reichstag.Hitler used all means and all kinds of intrigue to get this majority of votes among the German electorate.According to the general situation of parliamentary politics in civilized countries, such a large minority will have a huge impact on the country, and it will receive considerable attention.But in the new Nazi Germany, minorities are now learning that they have no rights at all.

On March 21, 1933, Hitler convened the First Reichstag of the Third Reich in the Garrison Church in Potsdam near the tomb of Frederick the Great.Seated in the middle of the church are: representatives of the Army, which symbolizes the continuous power of Germany, and senior officers of the newly distinguished SA and SS in the revived Germany.On March 24, a majority in the Reichstag overwhelming or overwhelming all opposition, by a vote of 441 to 94, granted Hitler Chancellor full powers of emergency measures for a period of four years.When the resolution was announced, Hitler shouted to the Social Democratic seats: I don't need you any more.

The election was full of excitement, and the jubilant National Socialist team held a torchlight parade on the streets of Berlin.Pagan salutes were performed as the procession passed their leader.It is a long struggle that is hard to comprehend for foreigners, especially those who do not know the pain of defeat.Hitler finally arrived, but he did not come alone.From the abyss of defeat Hitler aroused the hidden and furious rage dormant in Europe, the most numerous and productive, yet cruel, contradictory, and unhappy people.He summoned a terrible idol of the all-consuming god Morlock, of whom he became the priest and avatar.How this institution of hatred and tyranny was formed with unimaginable cruelty and infamy, and how it was perfected, is beyond my scope to describe.All that is necessary here to suggest to the reader is that, in this still bewildered world, this new and terrible fact has arisen: Germany is under Hitler, and Germany is arming itself. While these extremely serious and ominous changes were taking place in Germany, the Macdonald-Baldwin government, forced by financial crisis, felt that it was necessary for some time to greatly reduce and limit the already small armaments.They have always turned a deaf ear to the disturbing omens in Europe.MacDonald and his Conservative and Liberal colleagues were zealously committed to disarming the victors to a level equal to that imposed on the defeated by the Treaty of Versailles.They have made a series of proposals in the League of Nations and by all practicable avenues.For her part, France, though her political state was still in pointless flux, she firmly maintained the French Army as the center and support of the life of France and of all the Allies.This attitude has come under fire in both the UK and the US.Newspapers and public opinion are completely out of touch with the facts, and the countercurrent is very strong. In May 1932, when the parties were applauding the virtues of disarmament in the House of Commons, the Foreign Secretary proposed a new line of division between arms which should be allowed to be kept and those which should be abolished.He calls it qualitative disarmament.This kind of statement is enough to expose its absurdity and it is difficult to convince the legislators.I said: The Foreign Secretary told us that it was difficult to divide weapons into offensive and defensive categories.This is certainly true, since nearly every weapon imaginable can be used both offensively and defensively; by the aggressor as well as by the innocent victim of aggression.In order to make it more difficult for the aggressors to carry out aggression, it is said that heavy artillery, tanks and poison gas are included in the criminal category of offensive weapons.But those weapons were not used at the height of the German invasion of France in 1914.Heavy artillery is known as an offensive weapon.It is quite permissible to place heavy artillery in a fortress; it is there, and its nature is good and peaceful; but if it is moved to the field, and, if necessary, it will of course be moved to the field, it will immediately become vile, criminal and militaristic, and must be regarded as unacceptable to human civilization.Take tanks, for example. After the Germans invaded France, they dug deep trenches; within two years they killed 1.5 million French and British soldiers trying to liberate French territory.The tank was invented to subdue the machine gun fire that the Germans were using to defend the French-occupied territories, saving many lives in the battle to drive the invaders away.Now, it is clear that the machine guns used by Germany to keep the thirteen provinces of France it occupied are to be regarded as good, defensive machine guns, while the tanks used to keep many lives in the Entente are to be regarded by all The reproach and cursing of the just and just The more correct classification, I think, of the weapons that should be banned are those that, when used indiscriminately, cause casualties not only to combatants on the battlefield, but also to civilians, men, women, and children far from the battlefield. casualties.In my view, this is the direction in which the countries meeting in Geneva can hope to achieve the outcome of the negotiations. At the end, for the first time, I formally warn of the approaching war: I should be very sorry if Germany's military strength came close to that of France.Some people think that this approach seems reasonable, and even think that this is a fair treatment for Germany. They all underestimate the seriousness of the situation in Europe.I would like to say to those who would like to see equal arms between Germany and France: do you want to fight?Personally, I sincerely hope that in my life or my children's life, I will never see a situation where the armaments of Germany and France are close.When I say this, I do not mean in the least that I do not respect or admire the great qualities of the German people, but I am sure that the argument that Germany deserves a military status equal to that of France, if it is realized in fact, will certainly be true. Take us to unimaginable disaster. The Air Force Budget of March 1933 showed a complete lack of awareness of the evolution of the situation, both in the government and in opposition, the Liberal and Labor parties.I have to speak (March 14, 1933): I heard the deputy minister say that we are only the fifth air force nation and that the 10-year plan will be postponed until next year.I am deeply sorry.I was troubled to hear him proudly declare that the Air Department had not created a single new unit this year.The development of events made these ideas more and more absurd.We should heed the advice and use more energy to strengthen our air defense construction. Under the so-called coalition government, British public opinion appeared to be increasingly relaxed about Germany.On July 21, 1931, France inconclusively stated correctly in a memorandum: According to the provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty, following the unilateral abolition of armaments by Germany, all countries will implement the general guarantee of general reduction of armaments , does not constitute a treaty obligation, let alone an obligation that must be enforced regardless of the circumstances and circumstances.However, when the German delegation to the Disarmament Conference in 1932 explicitly demanded the removal of all restrictions on their right to rearm, it received strong support from the British press. The Times called it a timely remedy for unequal treatment. The New Statesman called it an unconditional recognition of the principle of the equality of nations.That is to say, seventy million Germans should be allowed to rearm and prepare for war, without the victors of the last bitter war being allowed to raise any objections.This is the equality between the victor and the vanquished, between France, with a population of thirty-nine million, and Germany, which has almost twice as many! The German government was emboldened by the British gesture, which they saw as the fundamental weakness and deep-seated decadence which a democratic and parliamentary society had inflicted on a Nordic race.Backed by Hitler's national movement, they took a haughty line.In July their delegations packed their briefcases and withdrew from the Conference on Disarmament.Thereafter, coaxing them back to the conference table with kind words became the main political objective of the victorious Entente.In November, under continued heavy pressure from Britain, France proposed the ill-named Project Heriot.The requirement of the plan is to reorganize the national defense forces of all European countries into short-term service with a certain number of troops. It recognizes that the status of all countries is equal, but it does not necessarily accept equality of strength.However, since equality of status is recognized, equality of strength must be accepted both in principle and in fact.This allowed the Allied governments to offer Germany equal rights under a system that guaranteed the security of all nations. France grudgingly accepts this meaningless formula under certain fanciful guarantees.Germany thus agreed to return to the Conference on Disarmament.The event was sung as a worthy peace victory. Driven by popular public opinion, the British government proposed on March 16, 1933 a MacDonald Plan named after its initiator and drafter.It started from the acceptance of the French concept of short-serving armies (at that time eight months were stipulated), and went on to establish a fixed number of troops for each country.The French army should be reduced from its usual strength of 500,000 men to 200,000 men, and Germany should be expanded to an equal number.The military strength of Germany at this time, although it still lacks a large number of trained reserves, because this can only be achieved by enlisting a certain number of personnel every year.Germany, however, already has probably more than a million and a half armed eager volunteers, armed with many of the latest weapons from converted and partially converted factories. At the end of the First World War, France, like Britain, had a large stockpile of heavy artillery, while the German army's cannon had in fact been blown to pieces in accordance with the peace treaty.To remedy this apparent inequality, Mr. MacDonald proposes to limit the caliber of the cannon of the Mobile Artillery to 105 centimeters, or 4.2 inches.Cannons with a caliber below 6 inches must still be retained, but subsequent replacements must be limited to 4.2 o'clock.British interests, unlike those of France, could be secured by maintaining the peace treaty's limits on German naval armaments until a new Naval Conference was proposed in 1935.During the period stipulated in the agreement, Germany was not allowed to maintain military aircraft, but the three Allies had to reduce their air forces to only 500 aircraft each. I am deeply dissatisfied with this attempt to undermine the military strength of France and bring France and Germany to an equal; on March 23, 1933, I said in Parliament: I doubt the wisdom of forcing France to accept the plan at this time.I don't think France will agree.They must be very concerned about what is happening in Germany and about the attitude of some of their neighbours.For several years I have been saying: thank God for the French Army.In this anxious month, I am sure many of you have said the same.When we look at what is happening in Germany, when we see with astonishment and sorrow the ferocious and militaristic tumult, the brutal abuse of minorities, the abrogation of the normal safeguards of civilized society, the persecution of large numbers of people on mere grounds of race. When we see all this happening in the most gifted, learned, scientifically powerful nation in the world, we cannot help but congratulate it that it was Germany who gave vent to this diabolical mood, except to them Apart from venting myself, I have not vented to other places.It seems to me that at this point in time, asking France to halve its army while Germany doubles, and asking France to halve its air force while the Luftwaffe keeps the status quo, is a proposal, at least for the time being, that the French government is likely to Think it's a bit out of place.The figures specified in the plan for the strength of the land and aircraft ensured that France could have as many aircraft as Italy could have, while nothing was given as to the air force that Germany could have. In April of the same year, I said again: Germany demands equality of arms, equality of organization of armies and navies, and we have heard it said: you cannot keep such a great power in a low position for long.They should have what other people have.I always disagree with this statement. This is the most dangerous request.Nothing lasts forever in life, but as long as Germany, while her resentments and dissatisfactions are still in the mood of which we have had the misfortune to see, actually acquires a military power exactly equal to that of her neighbours, then, To be sure, we ourselves will face the looming resumption of the Great War in Europe. We heard after the war that Germany would become a parliamentary democracy, which would give us security.All of these are now gone.Now there is the harshest dictatorship.There is militarism and ways of invoking various fighting spirits, from the reintroduction of dueling in colleges and universities to the instruction by the Ministry of Education to make full use of the whip in elementary schools.There's these militant phenomena, and the persecution of the Jews that many MPs have talked about Let me put aside Germany for now and talk about France.Not only is France the only great surviving great democracy in Europe, but I'm happy to say it's also one of the most powerful militarily.France is the leader of a system of several states and peoples.It was the guarantor and protector of the small states throughout the crescent from Belgium around the bend to Yugoslavia and Romania.They all count on France.All these smaller powers must have been shocked and outraged if England or any other great power took any step which would weaken France's diplomatic or military security.They are afraid that this protective power in the center will be weakened. If so, they will have to bow their heads to the great Teuton country. If these are considered to be indisputable facts, it is difficult to understand why a responsible government composed of honorable gentlemen should have taken these actions, and that public opinion should have so flocked to support them .It was as if covered with an eiderdown quilt, which was suffocating.I remember that when I said in the House of Commons that I thank God for the French Army, I especially noticed the embarrassment and disgust on the faces of the MPs from all sides.All words are in vain. But France stubbornly insisted that four years must pass before destroying their heavy weapons.The British government accepted the amendment, but only if the French agreed to specify the destruction of their artillery in a forthcoming document.France agreed.Sir John Simon presented these draft proposals at the Conference on Disarmament on 14 October 1932, after complaining about Germany's change of attitude in the previous weeks.The result was unexpected.Hitler, now chancellor and master of Germany, once in power issued orders to move boldly across the country, whether in military training camps or factories.He already felt that his position was very secure.He didn't even bother to heed the quixotic advice being offered to him.In contempt he ordered the German government to withdraw from the Disarmament Conference and the League of Nations together.Such was the fate of McDonnell's plan. The folly of the English government, and the weakness of the French government, are rare indeed, but they do reflect the opinion of both parliaments in this deplorable period.The United States cannot escape the blame of history.They are preoccupied with their own problems, absorbed in the various interests, activities, and events of a free society, and just gape at the great changes taking place in Europe, thinking they are none of their business.A considerable number of able and well-trained American officials, with opinions of their own, had no appreciable influence on the lack of foresight and indifference to events in Europe in American foreign policy.Had the United States used their influence, it might have galvanized politicians in Britain and France into action.The League of Nations, despite its repeated setbacks in the past, was an august institution which could have met Hitler's new threat of war with the sanction of international law.But in this tense state, the Americans just shrugged their shoulders.So, in less than a few years, they had to pay a lot of blood and wealth of the New World in order to save themselves and avoid peril. All this was still in my mind seven years later, when I witnessed the sufferings of France at Tours; which is why, even when they proposed a separate peace, I offered only words of comfort and assurance.I now take pleasure in the fact that this guarantee has now been fulfilled. In early 1931 I arranged for an extensive lecture tour in the United States, to New York.There, I had a serious accident that almost cost me my life.On December thirteenth, I went to visit Mr. Bernard Baruch. After the car stopped, I made a mistake and got off on the side of the road. I crossed Fifth Street without thinking of America. The rule of driving on the right happened to be the opposite of that in Europe, and he did not pay attention to the red light signal that was not adopted in the UK at that time, and was violently hit by a car.I was disabled for two months.Later, I recuperated in Nassau, Bahamas, and gradually recovered, and then I was able to walk slowly.Under these circumstances, I traveled all over the United States and gave forty speeches.Sleeping on trains all day and speaking to huge audiences at night.All in all, I consider this the hardest period of my life.During this year, my body was rather weak, but slowly my strength recovered. Meanwhile, on the domestic front, life in the country has gone downhill silently.In Parliament, Mr Baldwin adopted and championed the main principles of Mr Macdonald's India Act, and Sir Samuel Hall, the new Secretary for India, introduced the Bill to the House of Commons.The Simon Commission report was ignored and Parliament was not given an opportunity to debate the bill.I, along with about seventy other Conservatives, formed a group called the India Defense League, which for the next four years opposed the government's India policy if it went beyond the recommendations of the Simon Committee.We brought the issue to party meetings, fought it out, and gained considerable support, sometimes close, but often still in the minority.The opposition Labor Party, which voted for the government in Parliament on India, became, as in the case of disarmament, the link between the ruling party and the front-bench leaders of the opposition left and right.The supporters of the leaders of both parties constituted an overwhelming majority, united against our group, and dismissed us as diehards.The rise of Hitler, the domination of the Nazi Party throughout Germany, and the rapid and active development of the German armed forces have further deepened my differences with the government and the various parties in the country. In the years from 1931 to 1935, apart from my anxiety about the general situation, I was very happy in my personal life.I lived by dictated articles, which were widely published not only in the newspapers of Britain and the United States, but, before the shadow of Hitler came, in the newspapers of sixteen European countries.My life is indeed a combination of mouth and hands.During this period I wrote successively the volumes of The Life of Marlborough.At the same time I kept thinking about the situation in Europe and the question of German rearmament.I live at Chartwell most of the time.Life is fun.There were two cottages and a wide kitchen garden, most of which I had built with my own hands.I also built various rockeries, fountains, and a large swimming pool that could filter and clarify the water, and be heated to supplement the changing sunlight.Therefore, from morning to night, I never have a dull and lazy moment.I live a peaceful life at home with my happy family. During these years, I have often seen Lindemann, professor of experimental philosophy at Oxford University. He has long been an old friend of mine.I first made my acquaintance with him at the end of the First World War, during which he was noted for having carried out many aerial experiments which would have been reserved for a very daring pilot, in order to overcome the almost fatal danger.Since 1932 we have been in closer contact, and he often drives from Oxford to stay with me at Chartwell.There we talked many times, late into the night, of the danger that seemed to be approaching.Lindemann, as his friends called him a professor, later became my scientific advisor on modern warfare, especially on air defense, and on various issues involving statistics.This pleasant and useful friendship continued throughout the war. Another dear friend of mine is Desmond Morton.When Field Marshal Haig was selecting young officers fresh from the field to fill his own staff in 1917, Desmond was recommended to him as the artillery pick.He had commanded forward artillery on the Arras front in France during the fiercest spring battles of that year.In addition to receiving the Military Cross, he also has a unique honor. The bullet passed through his heart. Although the bullet is still in his body, he is still alive and well.In July 1917, when I was Minister of Commissariat, I often visited the front as a guest of the Commander-in-Chief, and Desmond Morton, a close aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-Chief, was often ordered to accompany me.We visited many parts of the battle line.During these sometimes dangerous trips, and at the house of the Commander-in-Chief, I developed a great respect and friendship for this distinguished and courageous officer.In 1919, when I was Secretary of State for the Army and Air Force, I appointed him a senior post in Intelligence, which he held for some years.He's my neighbour, just a mile from Chartwell.With the permission of Prime Minister MacDonald, he was able to talk to me very freely, and made me aware of many things.He was one of my closest advisors then and afterwards in wartime until our final victory. I also struck up a friendship with Ralph Wigram, who was at the time a big man in the Foreign Office, a central figure in foreign affairs.He had attained a position in the ministry entitled to voice responsible opinion on policy, with wide latitude over formal and informal contacts.He was delightful and unafraid of anything, and his convictions, based on esoteric knowledge, became the ruling force in his life.He saw as clearly as I did the dire danger approaching us, but he had more certain information than I did.This shared awareness drives us closer to each other.We used to meet at his little house in North Street, and he and his wife used to go to my house in Chartwell.Like other senior officials, he spoke to me with full confidence.All of this has contributed to the formation and strengthening of my views on Hitler's movement.At that time I had many contacts in Germany, France and other countries, which enabled me to give him a considerable amount of information for our joint study. Since 1933 Wigram was deeply concerned about government policy and the evolution of events.He has repeatedly tried to resign, despite his superiors' growing appreciation for his abilities and his growing influence at the Foreign Office.He spoke with great power and propriety, and those with whom he had been approached in important business, and many others, valued his opinions more and more. For many years, I have been able to have a thorough and profound discussion in this small circle, which is of great value to me, and perhaps to the country.On my side, I also collected and provided a large amount of foreign intelligence.I have close contacts with several French ministers and successive heads of the French government.Ian Colvin, the son of the famous Morning Post editorialist, was a reporter for the News Chronicle in Berlin.He penetrated deeply into German politics, and entered into very secret contacts with several important German generals and with some noble people of character who saw that the Hitler movement would lead to the destruction of the country.Several upper-class German figures came to me from Germany to pour out their inner indignation and pain to me.Most of these people were executed by Hitler during the war.I also check and provide information on our overall air defense situation from other sources.In this way, I was as familiar with the situation as many cabinet ministers.I often report to the government the materials I have obtained from various sources, especially from foreign contacts.My personal relations with ministers and many senior officials were close and free; although I often criticized them, there was still a spirit of comradeship between us.As you can see below, they officially let me see a lot of extremely confidential material.從我擔任政府高職的長期經驗中，我也知道一些國家的絕密材料。所有這些，使我可以不憑報紙所載消息來確定和保持我的見解，雖則明眼人從報紙上亦可窺索出許多問題。 在威斯敏斯特議會裡，我繼續提出印度問題和德國威脅問題這兩個主題。我時常在議會發表警告性的演說。這些演說雖引起人們的注意，但不幸並沒有使擠在一起的迷惑不安的兩院聽眾有所醒悟而行動起來。關於德國威脅的問題，同對印度問題一樣，我在議會中找到一群朋友合作。它的組成分子與保衛印度同盟不大相同。奧斯汀‧張伯倫爵士、羅伯特‧霍恩爵士、愛德華‧格里格爵士、溫特頓勳爵、佈雷肯先生、克羅夫特爵士，以及其他幾個人，組成了我們的集團。我們經常定期聚會，基本上彙集了我們的情報。大臣們對於這一個由他們自己的擁護者和以前的同事或上司所組成的有影響的但並非不友好的團體，還是頗為重視的。我們隨時可以引起議會的注意和發起正式辯論。 請讀者原諒，讓我以較輕鬆的心情講一講我個人的一件題外事情。 一九三二年夏季，為了寫我的《馬爾巴羅傳》，我訪問了他曾在尼德蘭和德國打仗的古戰場。我全家連同教授一起同行，沿著一七○五年馬爾巴羅從尼德蘭到多瑙河的著名行軍路線進行了一次愉快的旅行。我們在科布倫茨渡過萊茵河。當我們一路經過這些美麗的地區，經過一個又一個古代名城的時候，我很自然地去打聽希特勒運動的事情，我發現這是每一個德國人心目中的最主要的事情。我感受到希特勒的氣氛。我在布倫海姆的田野走了一天之後，乘車到慕尼黑，在那裡住了差不多一個星期。 在里吉納旅館裡，一個不速之客來拜訪我們中間的一些人。他是漢夫施滕格爾先生，他說了一大堆關於領袖的事，看來他同領袖有密切的關係。看上去他是一個精神飽滿而又健談的人，操著流利的英語，因此我就邀請他共進晚餐。 他給我們生動地講述希特勒的活動和見解，他說得好像著了魔似的。他很可能是受命來同我接觸的，顯然一心要博取我的喜歡。吃完飯後，他走到鋼琴旁邊，又彈琴，又唱歌，彈唱了許多曲子，果然別具一格，我們得到極大的享受。他似乎完全知道我所喜歡的英國歌曲。他是一位極會應酬的人，而且當時我們也知道他是領袖所寵愛的人。他說我應該見見希特勒，而且再便當沒有。希特勒先生每天五點鐘左右都到旅館來，一定很願意和我談談。 當時我對希特勒並不抱有什麼民族偏見。關於他的理論或著作，我只略有所聞，而對於他的為人，更是不了解。在國家戰敗時奮起的人我都很欽佩，即使我是他的對立面。如果他願意，他自然有做一個愛國的德國人的充分權利。我一向要求英國、德國和法國都和睦相處。當我和漢夫施滕格爾談話時，我隨便說起：你們的領袖為什麼對猶太人這樣殘暴？憤恨那些幹過壞事或反對國家的猶太人，我是能夠完全理解的；如果由於他們在生活的任何方面想實行壟斷，因此加以反對，這也是我所能理解的，但是，單單為了一個人的血統便加以反對，這是什麼意思呢？任何人對自己的血統，又怎麼能夠自己作主呢？他一定把我這番話轉告希特勒了，因為到第二天的中午，他帶著很嚴肅的神情趕到我處，告訴我，他為我說好會見希特勒的事不能實現了，因為希特勒在那天中午不能到旅館來。這是我最後一次見到普齊（他的愛稱），雖然我們在旅館還住了幾天。希特勒失去了和我見面的唯一機會。以後他大權在握，曾幾次邀請我，但到那時，情況已發生很大的變化，我都謝絕了。 在這段時期，美國仍然全神貫注地致力於急速變化的國內事務和經濟問題。歐洲和遙遠的日本，凝視著德國軍事力量的勃興。斯堪的納維亞國家、小協約國和一些巴爾幹國家越來越惶恐不安。法國因得到了關於希特勒活動和德國備戰的大批資料，就更為焦慮了。我聽說，法國對德國嚴重破壞和約的情況，有精確的記錄，但我問過我的法國朋友，為什麼不把這個問題向國際聯盟提出，邀請甚至召喚德國出席，要求它解釋它的行動和具體說明它到底在做些什麼，他們回答我說，英國政府一定不會贊成這一個驚人的步驟。這樣，在一方面，麥克唐納在鮑德溫的政治權威的大力支持下，向法國勸說裁軍，而英國更是以身作則，身體力行；在另一方面，德國的實力則可以飛躍增長，公然採取行動的時刻越來越迫近了。 在這裡，有必要替保守黨說幾句公道話。自從一九三二年以來，在每一次保守黨全國代表大會上，由勞埃德勳爵和克羅夫特爵士等有聲望人士所提出的關於要求立即加強軍備以應付國外日漸嚴重的危機的議案，都獲得幾乎一致的通過。可是，這時在下院中的執政黨議會領袖，對議會的控制是很有效的，而政府中的三個政黨和在野的工黨又是那麼麻木不仁，視而不見，以致國內支持者的警告，以及時局的徵兆和情報機構所獲得的證據都不能觸動他們。這是我們歷史上一再發生的不幸時期之一，在這樣的時期中，高貴的英國民族似乎從高位上跌下來，失去一切觀念和目的，對外來危險的威脅畏縮不前，在敵人磨刀霍霍之時，卻迂腐地空談一些陳詞濫調。 在這個黑暗的時期裡，最卑劣的情感得到了各個政黨的負責領袖們的接受或縱容。一九三三年，牛津大學俱樂部的學生，在一位叫作喬德先生的鼓動之下，通過了一項真夠丟臉的決議：本院絕不為國王和祖國而戰。這一類的插曲，在英國國內固然不妨一笑置之，但在德國，在俄國，在意大利，在日本，人們已深深感到英國已萎靡不振了，而且這種看法支配了他們的一些謀算。通過這個決議的傻孩子們絕沒有想到，他們早已注定要在行將爆發的戰爭中，不是取得勝利，就是光榮犧牲，要在戰場上證明他們自己是英國迄今最優秀的一代人；而他們的長輩，由於沒有機會在戰場上來自贖，恐怕就找不到什麼寬恕的理由了。 【１】 【１】我忍不住要講一個故事。有一次，在牛津大學俱樂部的牛津大學保守黨協會的大會上，他們請我演說。我當時推辭了，但我表示願意給他們一個小時，由他們向我提問題。其中有一個問題是：你認為德國是上次戰爭的罪魁嗎？我說：當然是的。有一位獲得羅德斯獎學金的留學英國的德國青年站起來說：對我的祖國如此侮辱，我不能再待在這裡了。說罷，在一片喝采聲中大踏步走出會場。 我想他真是一個有志氣的孩子。兩年後，在德國因為發現他的祖輩中有一個猶太人，他在德國的前途就此斷送了。 一九三三年十一月，我們在下院又有一次辯論。我回到我的主要論題： 我們讀到了（德國）超乎尋常地大量輸入廢鐵、鎳和軍用金屬的消息，我們讀到了關於這個國家盛行全國的軍國主義精神的一切消息；我們還看到他們正以一種嗜血的哲學來向青年灌輸，這是自野蠻時代以來所未有的。看到這些正在活躍起來的力量，我們不要忘記，這就是曾經同整個世界作戰並且幾乎把世界擊敗的那一個強大的德國，在那次戰爭中，它以一個人的生命換取對方兩個半人的生命。【１】如果你知道了這些準備、這些理論和這些公開提出的主張，就難怪德國周圍各國都感到驚慌失措了 【１】俄國的損失還不包括在內。 當在歐洲方面，勝利者與戰敗者之間在戰爭實力的對比上出現了這種可怕的轉變的時候，在遠東方面，非侵略的和愛好和平的國家之間，也出現了完全缺乏協調的情形。那裡的事情成了歐洲事態惡化的復本，這都是由於從前的協約國和未來的同盟國的領袖們在思想上和行動上的麻木不仁而造成的。 一九二九年到一九三一年的經濟風暴，對日本的影響並不亞於對世界其他部分的影響。自一九一四年以來，日本的人口由五千萬增加到七千萬。它的冶金工廠由五十家增加到一百四十八家。生活費用不斷上漲。稻米的生產停滯不前，輸入糧食又很昂貴。原料和國外市場的需要日益迫切。在嚴重的經濟蕭條期間，英國和其他四十個國家都越來越覺得不得不採取限制政策或關稅政策，以抵制以不同於英美標準的勞動條件生產出來的日本貨物。中國不僅一向是日本棉織品和其他工業製品的主要輸出市場，也幾乎是日本取得煤和鐵的唯一的來源。因此，重新確保對中國的控制就成為日本政策的主要目標。 一九三一年九月，日本以一次地方性騷亂為借口，佔領瀋陽和南滿鐵路沿線各地。一九三二年一月，日本要求中國解散一切反日團體。經中國政府拒絕後，日本於一月二十八日在上海公共租界以北登陸。中國進行了英勇的抵抗，雖然缺乏飛機、反坦克炮和任何現代武器，但仍然堅持抵抗達一個月以上。至二月底，在遭到極其嚴重的損失之後，他們不得不撤出吳淞口炮台，退至離海岸約十二哩的新陣地。一九三二年初，日本成立了滿洲傀儡國。一年以後，中國的熱河省又被兼併，而且日本軍隊深入到沒有設防的區域，直達長城。這種侵略行動，是和日本遠東勢力的增長以及它在海洋方面所取得的新的海軍地位相一致的。 日本對華的暴行，從第一槍開始就在美國引起最強烈的反對。但孤立政策卻採取騎牆的態度。如果美國是國際聯盟的會員國，那麼，它就一定會領導國際聯盟對日本採取集體行動，而美國自己也會在集體行動中成為國際聯盟的主要委託國。在英國方面，它表示不願意單獨同美國採取共同行動； 他們也不希望在國際聯盟憲章所規定的義務以外捲入反對日本的漩渦之中。英日同盟的終止，以及因此削弱了英國在遠東的地位及其長久建立起來的權益，使一些英國人士感到不滿。英國政府當時正在為了嚴重的財政問題和歐洲局勢的日漸緊迫而大傷腦筋，它在沒有希望獲得美國在歐洲方面相應的支持的情況下，在遠東方面沒有站在美國一邊發揮重要的作用，也是未可厚非的。 中國是國際聯盟的會員國，雖然它沒有付清應繳納的款項。它向國際聯盟呼籲，完全是正義的。一九三一年九月三十日，國際聯盟要求日本把軍隊撤出滿洲，十二月，還指派了一個調查團赴當地調查。李頓勳爵被任命為該調查團的主席。他是名門世家的後裔。他過去曾任孟加拉省長和印度代理總督，在東方有過多年的經驗。調查團一致通過的調查報告，是一個很值得重視的文件，是認真研究中日衝突的基礎。滿洲事件的全部背景，在報告中有仔細的敘述，提出的結論是明明白白的：滿洲國是日本參謀部的人為產物，這個傀儡國家並不是根據人民的願望而成立起來的。李頓勳爵及其同僚在他們的報告中，不僅分析了形勢，而且提出了國際解決的具體建議。這就是宣佈滿洲自治，但它仍是中國的一部分，受國際聯盟的保護；此外由中日兩國訂立一個全面的條約，規定兩國在滿洲的權益。國際聯盟雖然沒有採納這個建議，但這並無損於李頓調查報告的價值。美國國務卿史汀生就這個文件寫道：它立刻成為、並且迄今仍然是報告所涉及的問題的極為公正的權威。一九三三年二月，國際聯盟宣佈不能承認滿洲國。國際聯盟沒有對日本進行制裁，也沒有採取任何其他行動，日本卻於一九三三年三月二十七日退出國際聯盟。在上次大戰中，德國和日本各在對立的方面；而現在則以完全不同的心情，彼此情投意合了。正當世界局勢非常需要國際聯盟的活動和力量的時候，國際聯盟在道義上的權威卻顯出缺乏任何實質上的支持。 我們必須認為，在這個性命攸關的時期裡，不僅英國這個基本上由保守黨執政的聯合政府的行為，而且政府內外的工黨或自由黨人的行為，都應該受到歷史的譴責。他們陶醉於悅耳的陳詞濫調，而不願正視不愉快的事實；只求譁眾取寵，獲得選票，而不顧國家的根本利益；真心誠意地愛好和平，可悲地相信單憑一心熱愛就能為和平奠定基礎；聯合政府中兩黨的領袖顯然都是理解遲鈍；鮑德溫先生對歐洲的情況毫無所知，一提到歐洲問題就感到厭煩；強烈的和平主義情緒支配著當時的工黨；自由黨人又熱衷於不切實際的想法； 昔日的戰時偉大領袖勞合‧喬治未能繼續為他的事業奮鬥，甚至比這一情況更糟；全部做法都獲得兩院的壓倒多數的支持：所有這些就勾畫出一幅英國的昏庸愚昧、萎靡不振的形象。其中雖無詭詐，但罪責難逃；雖無惡意或陰謀，但對世界之陷入恐怖和悲慘的境地卻起了明顯的作用。這種恐怖和悲慘的情況，就當時已顯示出的程度來說，已是人類經歷中無可比擬的了。