Chapter 10 Volume 1, Chapter 6, An Increasingly Dark Landscape｜1934

Warning signs of spring July 30 Bloody purges in Germany End of the Disarmament Conference July 25 Dr. Dolfuss assassination Hindenburg's death August 2 Hitler becomes German head of state Italian dilemma October 9 King Alexander Assassinated with Bartou in Marseilles November Laval became French foreign minister December Italy and Abyssinia clashed in the Var|Var region Franco-Italian agreement of January 6, 1935 193 Referendum in Saar on January 13th, five years. The inauguration of Hitler as Chancellor in 1933 did not elicit a warm response in Rome.Nazism was seen as a crude, barbaric version of Fascist theory.Greater Germany's ambitions for Austria and southeastern Europe are well known.Mussolini foresaw that Italian and new German interests in the two regions would be irreconcilable.He didn't have to wait long for it to be confirmed.

Germany wanted to acquire Austria, which was Hitler's long-planned ambition.On the first page of "Mein Kampf" there is such a sentence: Germanic Austria must return to the great Germanic motherland.Therefore, from the day the Nazi German government came to power in January 1933, it set its eyes on Vienna.Hitler was then powerless against Mussolini, whose interests in Austria had long been outspoken.Germany, as a country still militarily weak, had to proceed with caution even in infiltration and underground activities.Nevertheless, within the first few months, Germany began to put pressure on Austria.The Austrian government has been continuously asked to force the Austrian Nazi party members who obeyed it into the cabinet and government positions.These Austrian Nazis were trained in the Austrian Corps established in Bavaria, Germany.Their indiscriminate bombing along railway lines and tourist centers, together with leaflets dropped by German planes over Salzburg and Innsbruck, seriously disrupted daily life in the Austrian Republic.Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss was confronted both by the pressure of the Socialist Party at home and by the conspiracy of Germany, which attempted to undermine Austrian independence from abroad.But this is not the only danger for the Austrian state.Following the bad example of their neighbor Germany, the Austrian Socialists created a private army to overturn decisions at the ballot box.All these dangers gradually loomed before Dollfuss in 1933.The only place to which he could reach out, and which had already received the promise of support, was Fascist Italy.In August 1933 he met Mussolini in Licioni.There is a deep understanding between them both personally and politically.Dollfuss believed that Italy would maintain a non-interventionist attitude, so he thought he had enough strength to deal with one of his opponents, the Austrian Socialist Party.

In January 1934, Suvic, Mussolini's chief foreign adviser, visited Vienna as a gesture of warning to Germany.On January 21 he issued the following public statement: As we all know, because Austria is located in the heart of Central Europe and the Danube basin, its importance is far beyond its size and population. If it is to fulfill the mission entrusted to it by centuries of tradition and its geographical situation, it must first be guaranteed independence and the normal conditions of a peaceful life.This is Italy's consistent position in dealing with political and economic issues for a long time on the basis of unchanging principles.

Three weeks later, the Dollfuss government took action against the Viennese Socialist Party.The Society for the Defense of the Fatherland, which belonged to Dollfuss' own party and was headed by Major Fay, was ordered to disarm the evenly matched and equally illegal contingents controlled by the Austrian Socialist Party.The latter resisted fiercely, and on 12 February street fighting took place in the capital.Within hours, the armed forces of the Socialist Party were routed. This event not only pushed Dollfuss closer to Italy, but also made him more determined to fight the infiltration and conspiracy of the Nazi Party in the next stage.But on the other hand, many failed socialists or communists turned to the Nazi camp in resentment.In Austria, as in Germany, the feud between the Catholics and the Socialists gave the Nazis an advantage.

Until the middle of 1934, His Majesty's Government was still able to basically control the situation without risking war.They can cooperate with France at any time, and can exert strong pressure on the Hitler movement through the institutions of the League of Nations, and there are still great differences on the Hitler movement within Germany.This could have been done bloodlessly, but the time is ticking away.Armed Germany under the Nazis is getting closer.Incredibly, until the end of this fateful year, Mr. Macdonald, backed by Mr. Baldwin's political power, continued to work on disarming France.I am compelled to cite my disregarded protest in Parliament on February 7th:

Suppose, for example, that we reduce the French army to the level of Germany, and claim equal status for Germany; such a change must again provoke an emotional reaction in Europe.Then Germany will go a step further: How can you prevent a great country with a population of seventy million from having a naval force equal to the strongest fleet at sea?If so, how will things be?You will then say: No, we disagree.The army, that is a matter for other countries.Navy, this issue affects British interests, we must say, no.But how could we stand if we said no at that time? The outbreak of war often comes very suddenly.I lived in a time when everyone was extremely anxious and uncertain about what was going to happen in the future, just like we are today.Suddenly, something actually happened. It was terrible, swift, thunderous, overwhelming.Let me remind the House of Commons of what happened in 1914.At that time there was no dispute between Germany and France.One July afternoon, the German ambassador drove to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and said to the French Prime Minister: We are forced to launch a war against Russia, and we are about to declare war.What position will France take?The French prime minister replied that his cabinet had decided that France would act in accordance with principles it believed to be in its interests.

The German ambassador asked: You have an alliance with Russia, don't you?Yes.The French Prime Minister replied.In this way, within a few minutes, the already serious battlefield in the East was enlarged several times due to the involvement of the two major Western powers.Sometimes even declaring neutrality doesn't help.As far as we know now, at the said conference the German government had authorized its ambassadors to accept the French government's obligation to their Russian allies if they expressed their reluctance to be involved in a war which Germany had decided to wage. France, which had declared neutrality, was required to hand over the forts of Tours and Verdun to the German army as a guarantee of not changing its mind in the future.

We, all of you here, if we are not under proper security, may at some point in our lives meet with the presence of an ambassador, and be compelled to give an answer which, should the answer not please us, In a few hours, then, bombs will explode in London, buildings will fall, and the fire and smoke will point out to us the weaknesses of our air defense that we have always ignored. We have never been more vulnerable than we are today.Before the war, I used to hear criticism of the Liberal government. Now, if a catastrophe happens against our wishes, then those in power should be criticized even more severely.

The lessons of the past are neither remembered nor applied, and the situation is much more dangerous than in the past.At that time we had a navy, and there was no threat of an air force.Back then, the navy was a reliable shield for Britain. We can't say the same now.That damned, diabolical invention and the development of aerial warfare have fundamentally changed our situation.We are not the island nation we were used to twenty years ago. I therefore call for three clear decisions to be taken immediately, without delay.In the army, as in all the countries of Europe, we should convert civilian factories so that they can be quickly converted to military production; in the navy, we should regain freedom of design.We should abolish the Treaty of London, which prevents us from building the ships we need, and prevents the United States from building a giant battleship that it may need, which we have absolutely no reason to object to.Since one of the countries of the Treaty of London (Japan) has decided to restore the freedom of building ships, this will help us in this matter; thirdly, in terms of air force, we should have an air force that can compete with France or Germany, whichever is stronger Air Force to match Air Force.The government has overwhelming majorities in both the upper and lower houses, so they have little to lose.As long as they put forward their suggestions with confidence and determination for the sake of national security, the people of the whole country will definitely support them.

At this time, in Europe, there emerged a glimmer of hope for national unity against the German threat.On February 17, 1934, the governments of Britain, France and Italy put forward a joint declaration to safeguard Austria's independence.On March 14th I spoke again in Parliament: The most dire danger of our present foreign policy is our constant demand that France reduce their strength.How do we persuade them?We said: You cut down your strength.We always give them this hope: if they encounter any disaster after reducing their strength, then we will try to help them, although we are also empty-handed and helpless.I cannot conceive of a more dangerous policy.Whether arguing for isolation or for alliances, there is always something to be said.However, there is little justification for weakening a Continental country with which it is about to enter into an alliance, only to plunge itself deep into Continental disputes in order to reconcile the Continental nations.In this way, nothing can be gained, and all that is gained is two sides.

The Romans had a saying: Hold your arms tight and extend your borders.But our motto seems to be: Cut down your arms and increase your obligations.Also, your friend's weapons will have to be cut. Now Italy is making a final attempt to fulfill the adage stated above. On March 17, Italy, Hungary, and Austria signed the so-called Rome Protocol, stipulating that any of the three countries should conduct consultations if they encounter external threats.But Hitler's influence has grown stronger, and on May 6, sabotage activities in Austria have intensified.Dollfuss immediately wrote a report on these horrors and sent it to Suvic, along with an ultimatum lamenting the destruction of Austrian commerce and tourism by the terror. With this document in hand, Mussolini went to Venice for his first meeting with Hitler on June 14.Wearing a brown tape raincoat and a hamburger hat, the German chancellor stepped off the plane and into a procession of glittering fascist uniforms led by a radiant, corpulent Mussolini.After seeing his distinguished guest, Mussolini said softly to his adjutant: I don't like him like that.In this peculiar meeting, apart from exchanging exaltations of the virtues of the German and Italian dictatorships, there was only a general exchange of views.Mussolini was evidently baffled by the character and language of his guest.He boiled down his final impression to these few words: chattering monk.He did, however, obtain some assurances that Germany would ease the pressure on Dollfuss.After the meeting, Ciano told reporters: You see, nothing will happen again. After the meeting, Germany's activities were somewhat restrained, but this was not due to Mussolini's appeal, but because Hitler himself had to concentrate on dealing with domestic issues. After taking power, a serious schism arose between the Führer and many of those who supported him.The brownshirts, under Roehm, increasingly represented the more revolutionary elements of the party.Some old party members, such as Gregor Strasser, who was keen on social revolution, feared that Hitler would be bought by the privileged classes such as the army, bankers and industrialists as soon as he ascended to the top.Hitler would not be the first revolutionary leader to cross rivers and tear down bridges.From the point of view of the average member of the Stormtroopers, the brownshirts, the victory in January 1933 meant that they were free to plunder not only the Jews and those who had lost their fortunes, but also the rich and the middle of society. vested interests. Rumors of the leader's treachery soon spread among some in the party.Chief of the General Staff Rohm, motivated by this situation, is fully engaged in activities.In January 1933, the Brownshirts numbered over 400,000.By the spring of 1934, he had recruited and organized nearly three million people.Hitler, in his new situation, was deeply disturbed by the development of this vast institution; an institution, for all its professed loyalty to him, and indeed its deep affection for most of its members, the fact that the brownshirts began to drift away from him. personal control.Before that, he had a private army, now he has a national army.He doesn't intend to substitute one for the other.He wanted to have both and, if necessary, to tie the two together, so now he had to deal with Roma.He told the leaders of the brownshirts: I am determined to suppress severely any attempt to overthrow the existing order.I will oppose the winds of the second revolution with the most severe force, because it will inevitably lead to chaos.Anyone who dares to defy the established state authority, regardless of his status, will be severely sanctioned. Although Hitler was suspicious, he still couldn't easily believe the rumored infidelity of the comrade who rioted in Munich.For the past seven years, this man had been the chief of staff of his brownshirts.In November 1933, when the unity of the party and the state was announced, Rohm became a member of the cabinet.One of the results of the unity of the party and the state was the merger of the brownshirts and the German army.The rapid development of rearmament throughout the country made the question of the status and command of the armed forces of Germany as a whole a political priority.In February 1934, Mr. Eden visited Berlin, during which Hitler tentatively agreed to certain guarantees regarding the non-military character of the Brownshirts.Röhm, who was already at odds with General Blomberg, chief of staff of the army, feared that the party army he had built up over the years would be sacrificed.Despite warnings about the seriousness of his actions, he publicly challenged them on April 18: The revolution we are making is not a national revolution, but a national socialist revolution.We're even going to put emphasis under the word socialism.Our stormtroopers are currently the only bulwark against reactionary tendencies, because they are the absolute embodiment of revolutionary ideas.Brownshirt fighters have sworn from day one to march on the path of the revolution and not waver until our ultimate goal is achieved. This time, he left out the inevitable conclusion of the brownshirt speech, Heil Hitler. In April and May, Blomberg kept telling Hitler about the arrogance of the Brownshirts.Hitler had to choose between his disgruntled generals and the brownshirt thugs who had done much for him.He decided to take the generals.In early June, Hitler had a five-hour conversation with Roehm, a last-ditch effort to appease and compromise Roehm, but no compromise was possible with this ambitious, psychopathic fanatic.Between Hitler's dream of a mystical Greater Germany ruled by privileged classes and Rohm's longing for a proletarian republic of the people's army lay an insurmountable gulf. Within the brownshirt system, there is a small but highly trained cadre of players.They wore black uniforms and were called the SS and later the Blackshirts.This organization is intended to protect the head of state personally and to perform special confidential work.They were commanded by Heinrich Himmler.Himmler came from a poor poultry farmer.He foresaw an imminent conflict between Hitler and the German Army on the one hand and Rohm and the Brownshirts on the other.He tried every means to throw the black shirts into Hitler's camp.Rohm, on the other hand, has the support of powerful figures in the party such as Strasser.They saw that their plans for a drastic social revolution had been brushed aside.The German Army also had its rebels.The former chancellor, Schleicher, never ceased to brood over the humiliation of January 1933 and the failure of the then army generals to elect him as Hindenburg's successor.In the conflict between Hitler and Rohm, Schleicher thought his opportunity had come.He rashly suggested to the French ambassador in Berlin that Hitler's downfall was not far off.It was a replay of the role he had played in the Brüning affair, but the situation had become more dangerous. Did Hitler have to do it because Rohm's coup plot was imminent, or did Hitler and his generals, fearing what might happen in the future, decide to carry out a thorough purge when they took power?This will long be a matter of debate in Germany.According to Hitler's interests and the interests of the victor, of course it must be a case of conspiracy.In fact, Rohm and the brownshirts are unlikely to get that far.They are a menacing movement, not a coup plot; but the line between the two can be crossed at any time.It is true, however, that they were gathering forces at the time and were later struck preemptively by the other side. Things move fast.On June 25, the German Army was ordered not to leave the barracks, and the black shirts were issued ammunition.On the other side, the brownshirts were ordered to be on alert.With Hitler's agreement, Rohm called a meeting of all senior brownshirt leaders in Wiesel, on Lake Bavaria, for June 30.On the 29th, Hitler was warned of the seriousness of the situation.He flew to Goldesberg, where he met Goebbels.Goebbels brought him the startling news of impending events in Berlin.According to Goebbels, Ernst, Rohm's adjutant, had received orders to stage an uprising.This seemed unlikely, since in fact Ernst was in Bremen at the time and was leaving the port for his honeymoon. Hitler made an immediate decision based on this seemingly false information.He ordered Goering to preside over Berlin.He flew to Munich, determined to arrest his arch-enemy himself.At this juncture of life and death, Hitler showed a terrible character.Throughout the flight, he sat in the co-pilot's seat, absorbed in vicious thought.The plane landed at an airport near Munich at four o'clock in the morning on June 30.In addition to Goebbels, he was accompanied by a dozen of his personal guards.He drove to the brown building in Munich, summoned the leaders of the local stormtroopers, and immediately arrested them.By six o'clock he drove to Viser with Goebbels and a few guards. In the summer of 1934, Rohm went to Weisser to recuperate due to illness.He chose for his residence the private cottage of the doctor who treated him.Nothing could be worse than choosing such a place as a headquarters for instigating the imminent insurrection.The villa is located at the end of a narrow cul-de-sac, making it easy to see people entering and leaving. There wasn't a large room in the villa that could accommodate the supposed upcoming meeting of the brownshirt leaders.There's only one phone there.None of these facts tally with the notion that a riot is imminent.If Roma and his disciples were really going to rebel, they would be too rash indeed. At seven o'clock, a train from the Führer arrived in front of Romm's villa.Alone and unarmed, Hitler went straight up the stairs and into Rohm's bedroom. What happened between the two will become an eternal secret.This was completely beyond Romm's expectation, and Romm and his personal staff were captured without any trouble.Hitler and his gang drove back to Munich with their prisoners.On the way they came across a truckload of armed brownshirts who had been sent to Visser to attend a noon meeting to cheer Romm on.Hitler got down from his car, summoned their commander, and, with full confident authority, ordered him to take the men back.He obeyed immediately.Had Hitler been an hour late, or the brownshirts an hour early, the whole picture would have been different. After arriving in Munich, Rohm and his group were imprisoned in the same prison where he and Hitler had been imprisoned ten years earlier.That afternoon, the executions began. A pistol was placed in Rohm's cell, but because he refused to appreciate it, the cell door was opened and within minutes he was pierced by a volley of bullets.In Munich, shootings took place on and off throughout the afternoon.The firing squad consisted of eight people, which were rotated from time to time, so that the spirit of the soldiers would not be overly tense.Every ten minutes or so, a volley of gunfire could be heard for several hours. Meanwhile, on the Berlin side, Goering had received instructions from Hitler to do the same.But here in the capital, the victims are outside the brownshirt system.Schleicher and his wife, who had physically shielded her husband, were gunned down in their home together.Strasser was arrested and executed.Papen's private secretary and cronies were all shot dead, but he himself survived for reasons unknown to outsiders.Ernst was captured from Bremen and ended his life at the Lichterfeld barracks in Berlin.In Berlin, as in Munich, the sound of executions was heard all day long.In the course of twenty-four hours, many people in Germany who had nothing to do with the Rohm conspiracy also disappeared, and they lost their lives because of private threats of revenge, and some of them because of long-standing old grievances.For example, the body of Otto Karl, head of the Bavarian government who suppressed the 1923 riots, was found in a forest near Munich.The total number of people liquidated this time is estimated to be between 5,000 and 7,000. On the afternoon of this bloodbath day, Hitler flew back to Berlin.The massacre is spreading and the time has come to stop it.Some of the SS (black shirts) went too far that night in their enthusiasm for shooting prisoners, and were shot themselves.By about one o'clock in the morning on July 1, the gunfire stopped.Later that night, Hitler appeared on the balcony of the Chancellery, to the cheers of a Berlin crowd, many of whom had thought he himself had been shot to death.Some said he had a haggard face, others that he had the air of a victor.He may have been both.His decisiveness, ruthlessness, and swiftness of action saved his target and undoubtedly his life.In that so-called night of sword fighting, the unity of the National Socialist Germany was maintained and it was able to harm the whole world. Two weeks later, Hitler addressed his faithful and beloved Reichstag.In his two-hour speech, he defended his actions with great force.This speech showed that he had a good understanding of German psychology and that he had unquestionable eloquence.The best parts of this speech are: The lightning fast action was necessary because at this decisive moment I had only a few people by my side, and a few days before I would have been ready for leniency, there was no room for leniency at this moment.Rebellions are always suppressed according to iron laws, and have always been so.If someone accuses me and asks me why I do not try criminals in regular courts, I can only say to him: At this moment, I bear the responsibility for the fate of the German people and I am therefore the supreme judge of the German people. The young nation is repeating the mistakes of the old empire.Those whom I ordered to be shot were the principal criminals of this rebellion. Then there is the following nondescript but vivid metaphor: I ordered the sores to be burnt, leaving fresh meat.These sores are poisoning the wellspring of our national life, and the world outside. This massacre by tyrannical evil, however explained, is sufficient to show that Germany's new masters are capable of anything, and that Germany has nothing in common with civilized nations.A dictatorship based on terror and bloody repression has now emerged in the world.The anti-Semitic movement is so brutal and unscrupulous.A system of concentration camps has been vigorously enforced against all undesirable or dissident classes.This episode left a deep impression on me.At that time the whole process of rearmament in Germany was clearly visible, and it seemed to me to have a grim, eerie tone; We may now turn for the moment to the House of Commons.During June 1934, the Standing Committee of the Geneva Conference on Disarmament was in irregular recess.On July 13th I said: It makes me very happy that the Conference on Disarmament is a thing of the past.It would be a grave mistake to confuse disarmament with peace.Only with peace can there be disarmament.However, in recent years, relations between some countries have been deteriorating, malice has grown, and, despite the continual speeches, conclusions, sentiments, and banquets that have been held throughout the years, the armaments are constantly increasing. Expansion, in fact rapid expansion.This is what characterizes our age. If the nations no longer felt in grave danger, as many nations do at present, Europe would be safe, and the pressure and burden of armaments would naturally be removed, as they should be in a long period of peace; Proposals of this nature can easily be signed on the basis of general agreement. I do hope that the period when the government forced peaceful, non-militarist France to weaken its armed forces is over.I am glad that France has never been heeded by the counsels which have been repeatedly put to her from various quarters, which our Leader of the Opposition (Lansbury) would surely have agreed with. We will not see only this one Germany in our lifetime.But we must take into account that, at the present time, three or two, so to speak, desperate men hold that mighty country, that highly scientific, intelligent, tame and courageous nation, with a population of seventy million; Unlike a monarchy, which always has its long-term interests in mind, has many scruples, and therefore is more cautious in determining policy; there is no public opinion at all, there are only radio broadcasts and tightly controlled newspapers. The stuff of the dreaded news machine.Politics in Germany is completely different from ours.There, you can't resign and be in the opposition.You can't leave a government seat to sit in an ordinary MP's seat.You may well be suddenly notified that you will be resigned from your high office within a quarter of an hour, that you will be sent to the police station, and that you may very soon receive a sentence far more severe than dismissal. It seems to me that a person in that position is very susceptible to certain temptations to do things that a military dictatorship is not capable of doing.Because the military dictatorship has many shortcomings, but it is based on the precise study of objective reality.And that kind of dictatorship is much more dangerous than a military dictatorship, because those people, in order to get rid of a serious crisis at home, may easily take risks abroad and cause the whole world to suffer horrific disasters. It was not long before the first temptation to such an adventure arose. At the beginning of July 1934, the mountain road from Bavaria to Austria was full of pedestrians.At the end of July, a German courier fell into the hands of the Austrian border police.He carried with him many documents, including secret codes from which it was revealed that there was a general plan for an impending insurrection.The organizer of the coup was Anton Lindtlen, then Austrian Minister to Italy.But Dollfuss and his ministers were slow to respond to the warnings of impending crisis and the signs of impending chaos that were evident on the morning of the 25th.That morning, the Nazis in Vienna were on standby. At one o'clock in the afternoon, a group of armed rebels stormed the Chancellery. Dollfuss was shot twice and bled profusely. No one came to rescue him. He was just waiting to die.Another group of Nazis seized the radio station and announced the resignation of the Dollfuss government, to be succeeded by Lindtren. But other members of Dollfus's cabinet took firm and strong action.President Dr. Miklas issues an official order to restore order at all costs and Dr. Schuschnigg is in charge.The Austrian military and police, most of whom supported the government, laid siege to the Chancellery, which was occupied by a small number of rebels, by which time Dollfuss was dying in the hands of a group of rebels.At that time, rebellions broke out in the provinces of Austria, and various detachments of the Austrian Corps in Bavaria, Germany also crossed the border.At this time, Mussolini heard the news of the Austrian coup, and he immediately telegraphed to Prince Stachenburg, the leader of the Austrian Association for the Defense of the Fatherland, and promised Italy to maintain the independence of Austria.He specially flew to Venice to meet the widow of Dollfus and express his heartfelt sympathy and condolences.At the same time, three Italian divisions were ordered to advance to the Brenner Pass.At this point, Hitler knew that his strength was limited, so he withdrew.The German Minister to Vienna Ritter and some German officials involved in the riot were ordered to recall or dismissed, and the riot failed.A longer deployment was required, and Papen, who had survived the latest bloodbath, was appointed German Minister to Vienna, and ordered to work in more ingenious ways. The apparent purpose of Papen's appointment as minister in Vienna was to instigate subversive activities against the Austrian Republic.He had a double mission. First, to encourage the Austrian Nazi Party, which was operating underground, and then to pay 200,000 marks a month as a subsidy; second, to overthrow or buy important figures in Austrian politics.In the early days of his appointment he did not hide much, almost indiscreetly, in confiding in secrets to the American ambassador in Vienna.The American minister reported to his country: Papen told me in the most daring and indifferent manner that all southeastern Europe to the Turkish border is the natural hinterland of Germany, and he has the task of bringing this entire area under German economic and political domination under.He said bluntly and bluntly that controlling Austria was the first step.He intended to use his own reputation as a good Catholic to win over Austrians such as Cardinal Innitzl.The German government's determination to control southeastern Europe cannot be stopped.American policy, like that of France and England, is not realistic. In the midst of these tragedies and horrors, the aging Field Marshal Hindenburg, who for many months was a puppet of the German Army due to his old age and insanity, is now dead.Hitler became Führer of Germany while remaining Chancellor of Germany.Now he is the sovereign of Germany.His deal with the German Army had been sealed and consolidated by the bloody purge.The brownshirts had to obey.They reaffirmed their allegiance to the Führer.All enemies and possible opponents of the brownshirts have been wiped out.Since then, the brownshirts have faded away, only serving as guards during ceremonies and ceremonies.On the other hand, the number of black shirts increased day by day, and it became stronger because of its privileges and strict discipline.It has become the Janissary under the leadership of Himmler to defend the Führer, and it stands against the army generals and the privileged class of soldiers.It also became a political force with considerable military power and a growing secret police.These powers, only required to be formally ratified by an arranged referendum, would have made Hitler's dictatorship absolute and complete. The events in Austria brought France and Italy closer; the shock of the assassination of Dollfuss brought the staffs of the two countries into contact.The threat to Austria's independence prompted the readjustment of French-Italian relations, which would inevitably involve the balance of power in the Mediterranean and North Africa, as well as the relationship between Austria and Italy in central and southern Europe.But Mussolini was not only anxious to preserve Italy's position in Europe against a potential German threat, but also to secure the expansion of his empire into Africa.Close cooperation with Britain and France against Germany was an effective approach.However, in the Mediterranean and Africa, conflicts with Britain and France were inevitable.Mussolini contemplated: Will the common need for security in Italy, France, and Britain really motivate these two former allies of Italy to accept Italian expansion plans in Africa?In any case, this appears to be a promising approach to Italian policy. In France, following the Stavetsky scandal and the February riots, the right-wing government under Mr. Doumergue stepped down and Mr. Daladier became prime minister and Mr. Bartoux as foreign minister.自從洛迦諾公約簽字以來，法國就急於在東歐安全措施上達成正式協議，但因為英國不願接受萊茵河以外的義務，德國又拒絕同波蘭和捷克訂立有約束性的協定，小協約國對俄國的意圖有戒心，俄國對西方資本主義國家又有所懷疑，所有這些加起來，就使這個計劃無從實現。 儘管如此，在一九三四年九月，巴爾圖決定採取行動。他原來的計劃，是想訂立一個包括德國、俄國、波蘭、捷克和波羅的海國家在內的東歐公約，由法國保證俄國的歐洲邊界，而由俄國保證德國的東部邊界。德國和波蘭對東歐公約都表示反對，但巴爾圖終於使俄國政府在一九三四年九月十八日加入國際聯盟。這是一個重要的步驟。蘇聯政府代表李維諾夫對外交事務各個方面都很精通。他善於利用國際聯盟，非常成功地用他的道德口氣發言，很快就成為一個顯著人物。 新德國在別國默許之下壯大起來。法國為了尋求盟國來對付德國，就很自然地把眼光轉到俄國身上，希望能夠重新建立戰前的均勢。但在十月裡，卻發生了一幕悲劇。法國為了推行它的巴爾幹政策，邀請南斯拉夫國王亞歷山大去巴黎作正式訪問。國王在馬賽登岸，受到巴爾圖的歡迎，他們和喬治將軍一起乘車，一路上受到拿著兩國國旗和鮮花的群眾的熱烈歡迎。從克洛地亞人和塞爾維亞人社會底層的密室裡，一個惡毒的暗殺陰謀又一次跳上歐洲舞台，正像一九一四年在薩拉熱窩的情形一樣，一群準備拚死的兇手已經準備好。法國的保衛工作做得很不嚴密，缺乏充分的準備。突然間，有一個人從歡呼的人群中衝出來，跳上汽車的踏板，用自動手槍對準國王和其他同車的人連續發射。車上所有的人全部中彈。 兇手企圖從法國騎兵衛隊的後面溜走，但立刻被截住打死。一時秩序大亂。亞歷山大國王當場斃命。喬治將軍和巴爾圖先生滿身鮮血，從汽車裡走出來。那位將軍搖搖晃晃走不動，立刻被送去醫院進行急救。而那位部長則混雜在人群之中，二十分鐘後才有人去照顧他，但還讓他自己上樓梯，到警察局長辦公室去接受醫療。醫生在傷口下面作止血處理。但他流血過多，而且已七十二歲了，幾小時後就死了。這對法國的外交政策是一個沉重的打擊，這個政策，在他的指導下開始有了眉目。他去世後，由賴伐爾繼任外交部長。 後來賴伐爾雖有極不光彩的歷史和結局，但並不能因此就否定他的魄力和能力。他具有清楚而尖銳的眼光。他認為法國必須不惜任何代價來避免戰爭。為了這個目的他打算同意大利和德國的獨裁者進行交涉。本來他對德意兩國的制度並沒有什麼成見。他不信賴蘇俄。他對英國只是有時表示友好，其實並不喜歡，而且認為英國是一個不中用的盟國。那時，在法國，英國並不享有很高的聲譽。賴伐爾的第一個目的，就是同意大利達成一定的諒解，而且他認為時機已經成熟。法國政府對德國的威脅始終不能放心，它準備為了爭取意大利而作出重大讓步。一九三五年一月，賴伐爾先生訪問羅馬，簽訂了一系列旨在消除兩國關係中的主要障礙的協定。兩國一致認為，德國重整軍備是非法的。他們同意，如果將來奧地利的獨立受到威脅，雙方即進行磋商。在殖民地問題上，法國答應對突尼斯的意籍居民的地位給予行政上的讓步，並把與利比亞和索馬里蘭兩地接壤的一些土地割讓給意大利，還把吉布提｜亞的斯亞貝巴鐵路百分之二十的股份權讓給意大利。這些談判，目的在於為法、意、英三國舉行更正式的會談打下基礎，以求成立共同陣線來對付日益增長的德國威脅。 在其後幾個月中，由於意大利突然發動對阿比西尼亞的侵略，所有這一切全部落空了。 一九三四年十二月，意大利和阿比西尼亞兩國軍隊在阿國和意屬索馬里蘭邊界的瓦爾‧瓦爾水泉發生衝突。後來意大利就以此為借口並當著全世界公然對阿比西尼亞提出要求。從此之後，在歐洲，遏制德國的問題就由於阿比西尼亞的遭遇而被擾亂，變得面目全非了。 在這個時候，還有一件事應該提及。凡爾賽和約的條款規定，原來屬於德國的一小塊領土，蘊藏豐富的煤礦和有著重要的鋼鐵工廠的薩爾盆地，應在十五年後舉行公民投票，讓居民自行決定是否願意重歸德國。舉行投票的日期定於一九三五年一月。投票結果本屬確實無疑。居民中的多數肯定會投票贊成重新回到德意志祖國；而且薩爾地區名義上雖由國際聯盟管轄，實際上卻受當地納粹黨組織的控制，從而使投票結果有加倍的保證。巴爾圖雖然知道薩爾最終總要重歸德國，但他還想堅持為那些也許會投票反對立即歸併德國的人提出一些安全保證。他的遇害改變了法國政策的格調。一九三四年十二月三日，賴伐爾在煤礦問題上和德國人進行直接的交易，三天以後，他在國際聯盟上公開宣佈，法國將不反對薩爾重歸德國。 正式的投票於一九三五年一月十三日在國際監督之下舉行，英國曾派一個旅的軍隊參加監督；這一小片被別國領土包圍的地方，除了唯一受國際聯盟主權統轄的土地但澤之外，其中百分之九十點三的居民投票贊成重歸德國。這雖然是一種正常的和勢所必至的結果，但國家社會主義這次在道義上的勝利，使希特勒的威望大大提高，並且似乎給他的權威戴上了德國人民意志的真誠典範這個桂冠。希特勒並沒有因為國際聯盟的公正或光明正大的作風而變得好商量，更談不到有所感動。這只是證明他一向認為協約國都是頹廢的笨蛋這一看法罷了。他開始集中全力來推行他的主要目標：擴充德國的軍事力量。