Chapter 11 Volume 1, Chapter 7, Loss of Air Balance

1934｜1935 Germany's Shortcut 25th October 1933 East Fulham Elections Debate 7th February 1934 Mr Baldwin's Guarantee of Air Balance November 28, 1934 I issued a formal warning of Mr. Baldwin's contradictions. March 1935. Hitler declared that Germany had achieved an air balance. Mr. Macdonald's panic. May 22. Mr. Baldwin's admission of error Labour's and Liberal's attitude Air Ministry's view Philip Cunliffe-Sir Lister succeeding Lord Londonderry as Air Secretary. The German General Staff did not believe that the German army could be re-established before 1943 to a size larger than that of France with corresponding arsenals and weapons.The German navy, with the exception of submarines, is unlikely to be restored in twelve or fifteen years, and in rebuilding the navy there will inevitably be fierce competition with other plans for war readiness.However, due to the unfortunate invention of the internal combustion engine and flight technology by an immature civilization, a new weapon suddenly appeared for all countries to use in war, which can quickly change the balance of national war power.A first-class power, provided it has its own share in the accumulated knowledge of mankind and in the progress of science, needs only four or five years of hard work to establish a powerful and perhaps invincible air force .This time limit can of course also be shortened by prior preparation and consideration.

The reconstruction of the Luftwaffe, as in the case of the Army, was the result of long and careful secret preparations.As early as 1923, Seekert had decided that the future Luftwaffe must be part of the German war machine.At that time, he was temporarily content to build a detailed and complete air force skeleton within the Army without an air force that would be imperceptible to outsiders, at least in the first few years.Of all the military powers, the strength of the air force is the most difficult to measure, or even to express in exact terms.The military value and importance of the factories and training grounds of civil aviation at any one time is not easy to judge, let alone to account for with precision.There are many opportunities and ways of disguising, disguising, and evading treaties.The air force, and only the air force, could have made it possible for Hitler to take a short-cut path, enabling him to achieve a balance of power in the first step, and in the second step to surpass France and Britain in this important armament.But what about Britain and France?

In the autumn of 1933 it became clear that Britain's efforts at disarmament, no matter what it warned and how much it set an example, were not going to succeed.The pacifism of the Labor Party and the Liberal Party did not change because of the major event of Germany's withdrawal from the League of Nations.The two parties continue to insist on British disarmament in the name of peace, and call those who disagree with warmongers and terrorist mongers.It seems that their feelings are supported by people who are not aware of the current situation.In the by-election in East Fulham on October 25th, the tide of pacifist sentiment added almost nine thousand votes to the Labor Party and lost more than ten thousand votes to the Conservative Party, and the victorious elector, Mr Wilmott, After voting, he said: The British people demand that the British government immediately propose a policy of general disarmament, so as to set an example for the whole world.Lansbury, then leader of the Labor Party, said that all countries must reduce their armaments to German levels as a first step towards general disarmament.Mr. Baldwin was so impressed by this election that he mentioned it in a noteworthy speech three years later.In November, when the Reichstag held elections in which no candidate had been endorsed by Hitler, the Nazis won ninety-five percent of the vote.

The yearning for peace animates an ignorant or misunderstood majority of the English people, and seems to put so much pressure on any party or statesman who dares to take a different course that it almost threatens to be politically wiped out.If this is forgotten, no correct comment can be made on British policy at the time, but that certainly does not excuse political leaders who failed to hold themselves accountable.It is better for a political party or a politician to go to the countryside than to bring disaster to the country.And, never in our history has there been any record of any government being refused when it demanded that Parliament and the people take the necessary measures of defense.Those who intimidate and lead the cowardly MacDonald/Baldwin government astray should at least not speak.

The military budget for March 1934, totaling only £20 million, included the establishment of four new air squadrons, increasing the strength of the front-line air force from 850 to 890 aircraft Aircraft costs.The financial expenditure for the first year was £130,000. About this layer, I say: Everyone admits that our air force only ranks fifth, if it is considered a position.Compared with our nearest neighbor France, its strength is only half of it.Germany is arming very fast, and no one intends to stop it.This seems to be a very obvious thing.No one proposed a defensive war to prevent Germany from breaking the Treaty of Versailles.It has decided to arm, and it is arming; and it is already arming.I don't know the details, but it's clear that these highly gifted men, with their science and their factories plus what they call aeronautical movement, have the potential to build up at a tremendous rate in a very short time Create the most powerful air force that can be used both offensively and defensively for all purposes.

I dread the day when the means which threaten the heart of the British Empire will fall into the hands of those present in power in Germany.We shall come to a deplorable position, deeply distressing to every human being who cherishes freedom of movement and independence, and at the same time exposing the great danger to the peace-loving masses who go about their daily work.I am deeply afraid that there will be such a day, and it may not be far away.Maybe only one year, or maybe eighteen months.At least not yet, and hopefully not, I hope and pray; but in fact it is not far off.There is still time to take the necessary steps, which are what we need.We need measures to achieve parity in the air.Any country, as long as it plays the role we play and we hope to play in the world, should not be in a position to be blackmailed by other countries

The resentment between the victors and the vanquished has not been eliminated in the slightest.The spirit of aggressive nationalism, whether in Europe or in the world, has never been so rampant as it is today.Long gone are the days of the Locarno Conference, when we ardently hoped for a reconciliation of the European family I demand action from Mr. Baldwin because he is the one with the real power.He has the power and the responsibility.In reply, Mr Baldwin said: If our efforts to reach an agreement fail, and if such equality cannot be achieved on the issues I have raised above, then any government in this country, especially the Coalition Government, which is this Government, will guarantee the In terms of air power, it will never be inferior to any country whose attack force can reach our shores.

This was an extremely solemn and unequivocal pledge which, had there been massive affirmative action then, it can be assured that it would have been fulfilled now. Although Germany has not openly violated the terms of the peace treaty that prohibited it from forming an air force, the tremendous development of civil aviation and gliding has enabled it to quickly expand and strengthen the already established secret and illegal air force.Hitler's loud accusations of communism and Bolshevism did not prevent Germany from secretly sending arms to Russia.On the other hand, since 1927, many German pilots have been trained by the Soviet Union for military purposes.There were many twists and turns in the relationship between the two countries, but according to a 1932 report by the British ambassador to Berlin, the German Army had close technical ties with the Red Army.Just as the fascist dictator of Italy first entered into a trade agreement with the Soviet Union when he came to power, so the relationship between Nazi Germany and the vast Soviet state now seems not to have been damaged by open ideological disputes.

Nevertheless, on July 20, 1934, the government, in an effort to strengthen the Royal Air Force, made some belated and insufficient proposals for the expansion of forty-one squadrons or About eight hundred and twenty aircraft.However, at this time, the Labor Party, with the support of the Liberal Party, held a vote of no confidence in these proposals in the House of Commons. This motion deplores the expansion of the Air Force: The fact that His Majesty's Government should pursue a policy of arms expansion, neither because of new international obligations nor because of national security, will certainly damage the prospects for international disarmament and will encourage the revival of a dangerous and wasteful arms race.

In support of the Opposition's refusal to accept measures to strengthen the Air Force, Mr. Attlee said in the name of the Opposition: We deny the need for an increase in Air Force armaments. We deny the premise that an increase in the Royal Air Force will be conducive to world peace. We also oppose the demand for an air balance. .The Liberals support this motion of no confidence, although they would rather have their own motion, which reads: This Court is deeply concerned by the renewed tendency of the nations of the world to engage in an arms race, which has always been proved to be the harbinger of war.Unless the Conference on Disarmament has failed, and unless there are definite reasons, this House will not approve the increase of our armaments; as to the proposed extra expenditure of £20,000,000 on air armaments, this Court will refuse to assent, as these conditions do not meet.

Sir Samuel, leader of the Liberal Party, said in his speech: How is the situation in Germany?From what we have seen or heard, there is no indication that our existing air force is insufficient to meet the present threat from this direction. We can see how serious the danger is in our country if we remember that these are the considered words of the leaders of the two political parties.This is still in the gestation period, when, if we exert our best efforts, we may still retain the air power that will enable us to operate independently.If Great Britain and France were in numerical parity with Germany, then combined, England and France would be twice as powerful as Germany, and we might, without losing a single soldier, root out Hitler's violent cause in its germination state.The timing is missed and everything is too late.We cannot doubt the sincerity of the leaders of the Labor and Liberal parties though.But they are completely wrong, and they have to bear their responsibilities in front of history.Strangely enough, in subsequent years, the Labor Party continued to claim superior foresight, while their opposition was blamed for failing to prepare for national security. This time it was convenient for me to press for rearmament as an apologist for the government.The Conservative Party listened to me with uncharacteristic friendliness. It might be thought that the nature of His Majesty's government, and the consistency of the leading cabinet members in it, would give the opposition parties a considerable confidence and weight to consider the demand for increased defense.I think such a government with peace in mind is unprecedented.Our Prime Minister, in the Great War, proved with extremes and great courage what he believed in, and how much he would sacrifice for the cause of pacifism in which he believed. [1] In the public mind, the thought of the Privy Council brings to mind the words that are so often said in prayer, that give peace to our time. It was presumably thought that if these ministers came forward and said that they wanted a slight increase in the existing armaments for public safety because they felt it was their duty, it would convince the opposition and be regarded as It is a proof that the times are dangerous, and the government is trying to protect us from danger. [1] Refers to MacDonald who was arrested and imprisoned for anti-war during the First World War.translator Just look at the justification put forward by the government!Its proposals are as mildly worded as no one else has been able to.Every word they have said since the subject was first brought up for discussion has been characterized by humility.We can see for ourselves how small the proposal's requirements are, they said.They assure us that this proposal can be stopped at any time as long as the Geneva Conference on Disarmament is productive.We are also assured that the steps we are taking, which, to some shallow minds, may seem to be connected only with the idea of ​​national defense, are in fact connected only with the great principle of collective security. However, all these justifications and mitigations are always pushed back by the opposition party with an extremely flippant attitude.Their only answer to these efforts to appease them is a motion of no confidence to be voted on tonight.It seems to me that the period on which it is worthwhile to conciliate certain opinions on this subject is drawing to a close.We have before us an attempt to establish a dictatorship of public opinion which, if sustained, would seriously damage the stability and security of the country.We are rich and easy to plunder, and no country is as vulnerable as we are, and no country is as good at retaliation to looters. In our magnificent capital, the world's largest target, as bound A fat and precious cow came to lure the beast.The situation we are in now is something that has never been encountered before, and it is also something that other countries have not encountered now. Let us remember this: our weakness is not only a harm to ourselves, but also to the stability of Europe. Then, I further argue that Germany has achieved an air balance close to that of Great Britain. First of all, I want to point out that Germany violated the peace treaty and established an air force, whose strength has reached two-thirds of our national defense air force today.This is the first point I make to the Government for its consideration.Second, Germany is rapidly expanding that air force, not only with the huge numbers listed in the budget, but also with contributions from the public, often compulsive contributions, which are being practiced and have been practiced throughout Germany up.By the end of 1935, even if this government proposal were to be implemented, the Luftwaffe would be almost equal in numbers and efficiency to our Wehrmacht. The third note is this: if Germany continues to build up its air force and we continue to pursue our plans, then by some time in 1936 Germany will certainly and firmly be stronger than Britain in the air.Fourth, and here's the worrying point: Once they get ahead in this area, we may never catch them. If my words are undeniable, the apprehensions of all quarters of the House of Commons are justifiable; not only because of the material power of the Luftwaffe, but also, I must say, because of the current nature.If the government has to admit that the Luftwaffe is stronger than ours one day in the next few years, then they will have to be responsible. I think they should be responsible, because they have not taken the main responsibility for the country. I conclude by saying: The Opposition, like most of us, has always been unabashed in speaking out about what the Nazi government was doing in Germany.But none have been more critical than Labor or the Liberal faction that sits across from me.Their great papers, now united for a common purpose, are the most prominent in terms of severity of censure.Those in power in Germany resented the criticism.If we ask our friends to disarm, we have no allies; we offend powerful nations, but we completely ignore our own defense.This is a tragic and dangerous situation.In fact, they are trying to place us in dire and dangerous situations, as they have always done, by asking us to vote for them.If we vote against them tonight, we hope to discover a better path for our country's security than the one they lead us to follow. Labour's motion of no confidence, of course, was defeated by an overwhelming majority.I am fully convinced that if these issues are properly prepared to be appealed to the nation, the measures necessary for national security will gain national support. To tell about this period, it is necessary to describe some of the milestones on our long journey from safety to the brink of death.In retrospect, I am amazed at how long we enjoyed it.In 1933, or in 1934, Britain might well have built up an air force strong enough to put the necessary check on Hitler's ambitions, and perhaps even to make the German military generals somewhat restrained from Hitler's rampage .There are a good five more years before we face an extraordinary test.Even then, if we had acted with reasonable prudence and vigor, this extraordinary test might not have come.Great Britain and France, with their superior air forces, could safely call upon the League of Nations to intervene, and all the other European nations might unite at their backs.The League of Nations could have been an authoritative body for the first time. On November 28, 1934, the British Parliament held its winter session.On behalf of some friends, [1] I propose some amendments to the statement of defense, to say that our national defense, especially our air force, is not sufficient to ensure the peace, security, and liberty of Your Majesty's loyal subjects.In the parliament, the seats were packed, and everyone was eager to hear me speak.I give reasons to emphasize the grave danger to us and to the world, and then I proceed to the exact facts. [1] The amendments are signed by Mr Churchill, Sir Horne, Mr Amory, Captain Guster, Lord Winterton and Mr Boothby. First, I affirm that Germany now has an air force, that is to say, squadrons of combat aircraft, with the requisite ground forces, with the requisite reserves of trained personnel and materiel, which can be assembled and become public There are complete squadrons of air forces, and this illegal air force will soon be equal in strength to our air force.Second, in the next year, if Germany implements its existing plan, it does not need to speed up, and we will implement our plan on the current basis, without slowing down, and implement the plan announced to Parliament in July this year. The expansion plan, then, by next year today, the German Air Force will be at least equal to ours, and perhaps even stronger than ours.Thirdly, on the same basis, that is to say, if both sides carry out the existing plans according to the present method, then in another year, that is, two years from now, by the end of 1936 the Luftwaffe will have more than Ours is about 50 percent, and by 1937 it will almost double ours.All this, as I said, is on the assumption that Germany is not speeding up and we are not slowing down. Immediately afterwards, Mr. Baldwin made a direct rebuttal to me on this question based on the information provided by his Air Force adviser: It is not true that Germany will soon be as powerful as we are.I once pointed out that the figures for Germany are total and not the figures for the front-line combat power. I also pointed out the figures for our front-line, and explained that they are only the figures for the front-line. Considerably larger; even when compared with the strength of the Luftwaffe and the RAF that Britain could immediately use in Europe.Germany is now actively producing military aircraft, but its true strength is less than fifty percent of what we have in Europe today.As for the situation in the next year, if Germany implements its existing air force plan without accelerating the pace, and we continue to implement the expansion plan announced to Parliament in July this year at the rate currently approved, then the strength of the German air force , will never be equal to us, or stronger than us. According to our estimates, we will exceed them by nearly 50% in Europe alone.I cannot predict what will happen two years from now.Mr. Churchill spoke of what might happen in 1937.As much research as I can do leads me to believe his figures are quite inflated. This sweeping reassurance from the de facto prime minister reassured the most terrified and silenced many critics.It was a relief to all to hear that my exact account had been disproved by an unquestionable authority.But that doesn't convince me at all.I don't think Mr. Baldwin's advisers told him the truth; anyway, he didn't know the real situation. The winter months passed like this, and I didn't get a chance to ask the question until the following spring.I informed him fully and clearly. Mr. Churchill to Mr. Baldwin March 17, 1935 I propose to bring back the question from last November when discussing the air force budget on Tuesday, and I will try to analyze, as best I can, the figures you have presented for the strength of the defense air forces of Great Britain and Germany at various times, that is, at that time, Current, and calendar year and fiscal year end of 1935 etc. date numbers.In my opinion, Germany's air force is already equal to ours, and may exceed it. I also think that by the end of 1935 or the beginning of 1936 Germany will be 50 per cent more powerful than we are if we carry out the new plans we have formulated.You will see that this is exactly the opposite of what you said last November, when you said that we would be fifty percent ahead of Germany.I will, of course, refer to your assurance in 1934 that our country will never again be inferior to any country whose attack force reaches our shores, and I will state, based on the information I can get That promise has not been kept, and it will soon be proven. I thought it might be useful to you if, as I did last time, I let you know in advance the general course I am going to take.I don't think I could be happier if a spokesman for the government could prove my opinion to the contrary. The air force budget is tabled in the House of Commons on March 19.I restate what I said last November and once again directly challenge Mr. Baldwin's assurances.The Under-Secretary of the Air Force replied confidently.At the end of March, the Foreign Minister and Mr. Eden went to Germany to visit Mr. Hitler. In an important conversation, Hitler personally told them that the strength of the Luftwaffe was already equal to that of the United Kingdom.This conversation is on the record.The government announced the facts on April 3.In early May the Chancellor published in his organ, the Newsletter, an article emphasizing the dangers of German rearmament in terms very similar to those which I had used since 1932.He used the sobering word ambush, which must have come from his inner anxiety.We are indeed in an ambush.Mr MacDonald is personally leading the debate.He referred to Germany's announcement of a navy beyond the provisions of the Versailles peace treaty and the construction of submarines in violation of the peace treaty, and then he spoke of the situation in the air: In the debate in November last year, the budget was proposed based on the estimate of the strength of the Luftwaffe at that time, and the Privy Councilor gave assurances on behalf of the government that no matter what kind of air force Germany will establish in the future, we will not be at a disadvantage under any circumstances.If not, we would be in an intolerable position, as this Administration and the Department of the Air Force know full well.The House of Commons heard on April 3 that at the end of March, when the Foreign Secretary and the Keeper of the Seal visited Berlin, the Chancellor stated that the Luftwaffe had reached a level of strength equal to that of Great Britain.This statement, so far as the strength of the Air Force is concerned, no matter how it is interpreted, shows undoubtedly that the development of the Luftwaffe has far exceeded the estimates that we could put forward in this Chamber the previous year.This is a serious fact, and the Government and the Ministry of the Air Force took immediate notice of it. When it was my turn to speak, I said: Even now, we have not taken measures that are commensurate with our needs.The government has proposed military expansion.The government must face the current storm, and it will be attacked by all kinds of injustice.Their motives will be distorted; they will be slandered and called warmongers; many powerful, numerous and extremely loud forces in the country will gather to attack them in various ways.But they always scold anyway.Why not be able to strive for those things that will give us security?Why do we not assert that the air force must be adequately funded?In this way, no matter how severe the censure and blasphemy of His Majesty's government may be, at least there will be a satisfactory result, and they will feel that they have fulfilled their primary responsibility. Although I was being listened to with the utmost attention by all in the House of Commons, I felt a sense of despair.It is the most painful experience of my life that I cannot convince Parliament and the people of my convictions on matters of life and death to my warnings nor convince them to act on the evidence I present. matter.I went on to say: I admit words don't do my best.I recall the occasion in 1708 when the minister of St. John deliberately revealed government secrets.He revealed to the House of Commons that the defeat of the Battle of Almanza was a foregone conclusion as early as the summer of a year ago, because only 8,000 of the 29,000 British troops voted by the House of Commons to send to fight in Spain actually went to Spain . A month later, the government confirmed the news.It is recorded that for half an hour no member of the House of Commons wished to speak, or comment on the shocking announcement.But that event pales in comparison to what we're dealing with now.It was just a policy setback.What could have happened in Spain in that war was not so mortally dangerous to England Tonight there is a broad consensus in this chamber on foreign policy.We must act in concert with France, Italy, and other powers, great and small, who desire to keep the peace.I do not think it right to refuse to cooperate with any government which is manifestly in conformity with this requirement, so long as it is willing to submit to the authority and sanctions of the League of Nations.Such a policy is not intended to close the door to a revision of the peace treaty, but rather to achieve a sense of security and to bring all reasonable nations together for self-defense until that question (revision of the treaty) is considered.In this solemn union of collective security, we must build up our defenses, unite with our allies, and act together so that we may live in peace and quiet, and wake us up from lamentable miscalculations.We are the victims of these miscalculations now, and may one day fall prey to this warning if we do not heed this warning in time. At this time, in my memory, I remembered a few lines of poems written by an unknown author about the train wreck.I used to read it in one of Punch's comic magazines; I loved it when I was eight or nine years old at school in Brighton. Who is in charge of this rumbling train? Shafts rattled, hooks pulled tight, At a crazy speed, approaching the turning point of the crossing; But drowsiness has deafened the driver's ears, The gleam of the signal passes through the night in vain, Because it is death, it is in charge of this rumbling train. But I did not read these lines in my speech. It was not until May 22 that Mr. Baldwin made his famous self-examination.Here I have to quote the original text: Let me first talk about the fact that I proposed the German aircraft figures last November.Since then, I have not had any intelligence that leads me to suspect that these figures are wrong.I believe the numbers were correct at the time.My mistake was in estimating the future.On this point, I was completely wrong.we were totally cheated on that Let me reiterate here that I don't think we have reason to panic about what we're doing right now.But I would like to state with caution, based on the knowledge of the situation, that I will not be in the government for another moment if the government does not take the resolute steps we are taking now.I think all that should be stated here is that there is currently a great deal of newspaper and verbal criticism of the Ministry of Air Force, saying that they seem to be responsible for the incompleteness of the army building plan, not proceeding at a faster pace, etc. .I just want to repeat it here: we are all very open to criticism, whatever the responsibility, it is not the responsibility of a single minister; place of blame. I hoped then that this sensational self-examination would be a decisive event which would at least lead to the establishment in Parliament of a committee of representatives from all parties to investigate and report on these facts and our security.But the House of Commons reacted differently.As for the Labor and Liberal opposition, since they tabled or supported a no-confidence resolution nine months ago against the government's most modest steps to expand the air force, they are now passive and uncertain.They are looking ahead to the general election and preparing to use their opposition to the Conservative Party's military expansion policy as a rallying cry.Neither Labor nor the Liberal Party spokesmen were prepared for Mr Baldwin's revelations and admissions of error, nor did they intend to alter their speeches to accommodate this momentous episode.Mr Attlee said: We, as a party, do not support unilateral disarmament. We are in favor of collective security through a coalition of nations.We oppose the use of force to enforce policy. We are in favor of disarmament and common security. We have stated that our country must be prepared to make its contribution to collective security.Our policy is not to seek security by armament expansion, but by reduction of armaments.Our aim is the reduction of armaments, and thereby the complete disarmament of all nations, and the establishment of an international police under the leadership of the League of Nations. At least he did not say what would happen if this grand policy could not be realized for a while or before it was realized.He disagreed with what was said in the white paper on national defense issues, such as referring to the situation in the United States, it is necessary for our country to expand its navy, and referring to the situation of the air forces of Russia, Japan, and the United States, it is necessary for our country to expand its air force. Those are outdated arguments, incompatible with the system of collective security.He admitted that Germany has been aggressive in rearming its armaments, but to resist the armed forces of any country, it is not the strength of our country or France alone, but the combined strength of all loyal members of the League of Nations.We must make the aggressor understand that if he dares to challenge the whole world, what he will encounter will not be the armies of several countries working independently, but the world's army working together as one.The only way out is to concentrate the national air forces in the hands of the League of Nations; the national air forces must be united and made into one entity.At the time, he and his party voted against the measures proposed by the government. Lord Sinclair, on behalf of the Liberal Party, has asked the government to convene a new economic conference that would place Germany not only in an atmosphere of international political friendliness, but also enable it to cooperate actively with us in cultural endeavors and in raising the living standards of the peoples of both countries. Put forward detailed and clear bills to abolish the Air Force and strengthen civil aviation regulation.If the proposal is rejected, the place of responsibility must be clearly and properly determined. But (he said) while disarmament should be vigorously pursued, which is the principal object of the government; Its expansion coefficient is larger than that of any other country's air force, and this situation is intolerable. Where there is clear evidence that defense measures are necessary, the Liberal Party will certainly support them. I cannot, therefore, agree that increased defense necessarily conflicts with our obligations to the system of collective security. He goes on to dwell upon the question of profiting from the death of another, quoting a line from a speech recently delivered by the Secretary of State for Education, Lord Halifax: Serious and extremely important matters cannot be entrusted to people who are not so responsible to the country. Sir Sinclair believed that the rapid expansion of the air armament should be left to the national factory; As for the expansion of the Air Force, he said it was indeed necessary. The existence of private munitions factories has long been a loathsome monster in the minds of Liberals and Laborers alike, and an apt subject for grandstanding.At present, it is of course absurd to think that the recognized necessary expansion of the Air Force can be carried out by state factories alone.Most of the domestic private factories are in urgent need of immediate modification to strengthen our existing manufacturing capacity.In the speeches of the leaders of the opposition there was not a single word of the present crisis which they also acknowledged, or of the more serious, latent truth which we now know. Much of the government appears to have been moved by Mr Baldwin's candid remarks.他佔有各種情報資料，卻在他負有責任的重大問題上出錯；但因他能坦率地承認錯誤和承擔責難，因而被認為已贖回他的罪責了。由於這位大臣毫不含糊地承認錯誤，掀起了一種異常的熱情浪潮。的確，許多保守黨議員，由於我使他們所信任的領袖處於困境而遷怒於我。他只憑他天生的剛毅和誠實，使自己擺脫困境，但可惜沒有使他的祖國擺脫困境。 倫敦德里勳爵是我的親戚，又是我童年時的朋友。他是拿破侖時代著名的卡斯爾雷【１】的直系後裔，是一個有著無限忠誠和愛國心的人。自聯合政府成立以來，他就出任空軍大臣。在這時期內，前面所提及的重大變化影響到我國的事務，而空軍部也變成國家最重要的部門之一。在緊縮和裁軍的幾年內，他和空軍部曾竭力從一位嚴峻而專斷的財政大臣那裡爭取到維持原有的、並爭取盡可能多的經費。在一九三四年夏季，內閣採納了增設四十一個空軍中隊的計劃，他們為之歡欣鼓舞。但英國政治，卻是一熱一冷，瞬息更替。外交大臣從柏林返國，整個內閣因希特勒宣稱德國空軍實力與英國相等而不勝震驚和無限憂慮。根據普遍承認的新形勢，鮑德溫先生必須承當他去年十一月反駁我當時所說的話。內閣完全沒想到我們的空軍已被超過，照例又反過來用查究的眼光來看待有關的部和該部的首長。 【１】即第二代倫敦德里伯爵，一八一二｜一八二二年任英國外交大臣及下院議長，曾參加全歐反抗拿破侖。translator 空軍部不知道有一筆新的財產留給他們。財政部的束縛已被打破了。他們只要開口要求，就可以得到較多的經費，但他們不這樣做，卻對希特勒之宣佈空軍均勢大不以為然。空軍部的發言人倫敦德里甚至相信這樣的話：當西蒙與艾登赴柏林時，德國只有一個可供作戰的空軍中隊。從他們的訓練編製中，得知他們希望在那個月底組成十五至二十個中隊。 【１】 【１】倫敦德里：《命運的翅膀》，一九四三年，第一百二十八頁。 所有這些都是專門用語的問題。因為沒有統一的標準，對空軍加以分類，自然就極為困難。什麼叫第一線的空軍，什麼叫可供作戰的單位，也解釋不一。空軍部現在要他們的首長對他們過去的行為提出了精心推敲的辯護，結果同現在的確已警覺起來的政府和公眾氣味大不相投。空軍部的專家和官員曾把數字和預測告訴了鮑德溫先生，這就是他在十一月用以答覆我的根據。他們希望他為這些數字和預測進行辯護；但這在實際政治上已無必要。毫無疑問，當時空軍部的這些專家和官員們自己被矇騙了，因而也使他們的首長上了當。一支至少和我們旗鼓相當的、長期掩蔽起來的強大空軍，終於在德國公開跳出來了。 倫敦德里幾年來總是要求更多的經費，突然間一下子竟變成沒有提出充分的要求，這對他來說，恰如他書中所說的，是一件奇特而痛苦的事情。但除此之外，他的政治觀點也使他不能再擔當部長的職位了，況且這時空軍部又是我國事務的關鍵所在，甚至超乎一般問題之上。此外，人人都可以看出，在這種時勢中，空軍部長應為下院議員。因此在是年年底，在麥克唐納先生辭去首相之職時，當時的殖民地事務大臣菲利普‧坎利夫｜利斯特爵士便被任命為空軍部長，作為大力擴充空軍實力的新政策的一部分。倫敦德里勳爵勉強改任掌璽大臣兼上議院院長；但在大選之後，鮑德溫先生把他這兩項職位都免去了。他在空軍部任內的重大成就，就是主持了著名的旋風式和噴火式戰鬥機的設計和製造。這兩種飛機的原型，分別在一九三五年十一月和一九三六年三月試飛。 倫敦德里在他的辯解中沒有提到這件事，其實他大可以提出來，況且他所受的責難，有許多還不是他的過錯。新任空軍大臣在有利的空氣和新的潮流的鼓舞下，下令立即大量製造這兩種戰鬥機，還儲備了適當的數量。坎利夫｜利斯特比起他的前任來，是一位權勢大得多的政治人物，有更好的機會和一個更振奮人心的任務。他運用非常強大的力量來推進我們的空軍政策，加強空軍的管理組織，他親自努力工作以補回一九三二年到一九三四年期間內閣所失去的時間。但他也犯了一個嚴重的錯誤：他在一九三五年十一月離開下院，成為上院議員，這就使他改任空軍大臣的一個理由給取消了。這個錯誤在幾年後終於使他去職。 頭等大禍降臨到我們頭上來了。希特勒已獲得和英國空軍實力平等的地位。此後他只要用全速來發展他的工廠和訓練學校，就不僅可以保持他在空中的領先地位，而且還可以不斷改進。從此以後，未知的、威力莫測的空襲威脅籠罩著倫敦，並成為我們作出決定時的一個確切的和非考慮不可的因素。而且，我們絕對沒有迎頭趕上的希望，或者至少我們這個政府是絕不去趕上的。英國皇家空軍效率之高，應歸功於政府和空軍部。然而，空中均勢的保證，已無可挽回地成為泡影了。誠然，德國空軍其後的發展也沒有保持它在取得均勢那個時期的速率。德國人為了一躍而取得這種優勢，並在外交上支持和運用這種優勢，確實盡了最大的努力。這就為希特勒接二連三地進行侵略打下了基礎。希特勒早已做好計劃要進行一連串的侵略活動，現在就快要見諸行動了。在以後的四年中，英國政府曾作出相當大的努力，就空軍的質量而言，我們無疑佔有優先的地位，但就數量而言，我們從此就沒有趕上去。戰事爆發後，發現我們在數量上僅及德國的一半。