Chapter 35 Volume 1 Chapter 31 A Dark New Year

The continuation of the stupor The final stages of the Catherine project Tensions with Russia Mussolini's doubts Mr. Hall Berisha's departure from the War Office Operations Obstacles The factory is in ambiguity Mid-May Intercepted German plans to attack Belgium Great Britain Work and Development of the Expeditionary Force No Armored Division Decline of the French Army Communist Conspiracy German Invasion of Norway Plans for the Supreme Military Council on February 5th My First Attendance at the Supreme Military Council The Altmark Incident Captain Philippe Vian Rescues British Prisoners Chamberlain's effective defense Hitler appoints General von Falkenhorst to command the German attack on Norway first Norway and then France Speech on the Naval Budget, February 27.

At the end of 1939, the war was still in an ominous lethargy.Only occasional shelling and reconnaissance patrol aircraft broke the silence on the Western Front.From behind their increasingly fortified fortifications, the armies of both sides looked at each other across an admittedly no-man's-land. The current situation is somewhat similar to that at the end of September 14 (I wrote to Pound at Christmas).The period of transition from peace to war is now over.Overseas, enemy surface ships have been cleared, at least temporarily.The defense line in France showed a static state.Moreover, we have repelled the initial submarine attack at sea, whereas in the last great war submarine warfare did not begin until February 1915; and we have found countermeasures against the novelty magnetic mine way.Moreover, in France, there is a defensive line along the frontier, unlike in the last war, when six or seven French departments and Belgium were already in the hands of the enemy.Therefore, I think our current situation may be much better than it was in 1914.And I also feel that Kaiser Germany is a more tenacious opponent than Nazi Germany (however, this perception can be revised at any time).

At this difficult time, I can only take the above thoughts as a Christmas card. I was now even more convinced that the Catherine Plan would not be possible in 1940. Sending a fleet of the best fleet into the Baltic, I wrote to Pound (January 6th), although very desirable, is not a necessary means of taking and holding the ironfields.Therefore, although all preparations for sending the fleet into the Baltic should still be continued and vigorous efforts should be made, unless we can manage to save the fleet from air attack, light attempts will inevitably lead to mistakes; It would be even more wrong to send a fleet on the sea to occupy the iron ore area.Let's move forward with confidence and see how the Navy plays out as events unfold.

So after another week: Lord of the Admiralty to First Sea Lord January 15, 1940 (1) I honor that I have carefully studied the various reports sent in response to my various drafts of Catherine's plan.I am compelled to conclude with reluctance but with absolute certainty that the operations we have planned for the fall will not be possible this year.We have not yet obtained sufficient means of subduing submarines, mines, and raiders to dispatch many of the necessary smaller ships to their special duties.The problem of how to make our ships relatively safe against air raids has not yet been resolved.Dive bombers remain a formidable threat.As for rockets (also called U‧P‧weapons for secrecy, that is, non-rotating projectiles), although they are rapidly approaching the production stage, even if all goes well, they will not be fully developed for many months to come. quantity available.Until now we have not been able to give our larger ships more armor protection.The political situation in the Baltic Sea is always unpredictable.On the other hand, the arrival of the Bismarck in September will greatly increase the naval resistance we are about to encounter.

(2) But the war is likely to rage violently in 1941, and no one can say what opportunities will be there then.I hope, therefore, that the preparations for all the various ships and auxiliaries listed in your table as favorable should be continued as soon as the time permits; Every effort will be made so as not to delay their return to the team for service. Another point, in view of Russia's attitude, is to continue to prepare our destroyers for operations on winter seas.Of course, this is just a cautious attitude we should adopt.We all agree on this, which pleases me. Until now, not a single ally has supported our cause.The attitude of the United States is more indifferent than at any other time.I have been insisting on correspondence with the President of the United States, but there has been little response.The chancellor lamented our dwindling dollar reserves.

We have concluded a treaty of mutual assistance with Turkey, and are considering what assistance we can give it from our own limited resources.The serious situation created by the Finnish war made our already discordant relationship with the Soviet Union worse.If we were to take any action to aid Finland, it might start war against Russia.The fundamental hostility between the Soviet government and Nazi Germany did not prevent the Kremlin from actively helping Hitler develop his power with various provisions and facilities.The communists in France, and the kind that existed in England, condemned imperialist-capitalist war and did everything they could to obstruct the work of the munitions factories.They did have a demoralizing and destructive effect on the interior of the French Army, which had long since grown dull from inactivity.We continued to win over Italy with courtesy and favorable terms, but we could not feel any security or make any progress towards friendship.Count Ciano treated our ambassador with civility.Mussolini took a cold and distant attitude.

The Italian dictator, however, was not without his own worries.On January 3, he wrote a revealing letter to Hitler expressing his distaste for the German-Soviet pact: I have forty years of political experience, so no one knows better than me that a policy, especially a revolutionary policy, has its strategic requirements.I recognized the Soviet Union in 1924.In 1934, I signed a treaty of friendship and commerce with them.So, I understand that, especially since Ribbentrop's prediction that Britain and France would not pursue a policy of intervention did not come true, you have to try to avoid creating a second front.You have to pay for it, because Russia has already benefited enormously from the wars in Poland and the Baltics without a single soldier.

However, as a person who is born with a revolutionary temperament and has never changed his revolutionary will, I want to tell you that you cannot always sacrifice your revolutionary principles to meet the strategic needs of a certain time and I also have a certain responsibility to tell you that if Your further relations with Moscow will provoke reactions in Italy with serious consequences.In Italy the sentiment against the Bolsheviks was absolutely united, as solid as granite, and unbreakable. I very much hope that doesn't happen.To solve the problem of your living space, you must go to Russia, not other places. Only when we can crush Bolshevism will we be able to fulfill our wishes for the revolution on both sides.Then it will be the turn of the major democracies, because these democracies, suffering from cancer, cannot survive.

On January 6, I visited France again and explained to the French High Command two ordnance designs of my No. 6 cultivator and floating mines (Royal Navy combat plan) [1].That morning, before I left, the Prime Minister summoned me and told me that he had decided to replace Secretary of the Army with Mr. Hall Berisha in place of Mr. Oliver Stanley.Late that night, Mr. Hall Berisha called me at the British Embassy in Paris and told me what I already knew. I tried without success to get him to take one of the other positions offered to him by the government.At this time, the government itself was in a bad mood, and the national newspapers were almost unanimous in saying that the government had lost a very effective and active figure.Hall Belisha left the War Department to unanimous praise from the press.Parliament does not take the opinion of the newspapers, and indeed its arguments often lead it to act in the opposite direction.A week later, when the House of Commons sat, Mr. Hall Berisha had only a few supporters, and he himself did not make any speeches.I wrote to him as follows:

January 10, 1940 We parted ways shortly after we worked together, much to my great regret.I went through the same experience as you did in the last war, so I know how heartbroken and anguished this must be for anyone who has devoted himself to his work.I did not participate in the deliberations about the proposed personnel changes this time.I'm only notified when things are decided.At the same time, I would be very dishonest if I did not tell you that I thought you would be best served by the Trade Department or the News Department; willing to accept. A notable achievement of your service in the War Department was the passage of conscription laws in peacetime.You can take comfort in that.I hope we will still be colleagues again soon.This temporary setback is by no means a serious hindrance to your future chances of serving your country.

Although I wanted to realize this hope, it was never realized; it was not until May 1945, after the dissolution of the coalition government, that I organized the so-called caretaker government and invited Berisha to be the Minister of National Insurance.During his absence, he had been one of the harshest critics of our policies; but I am indeed very pleased to be able to recruit such a talent to rejoin the government. Throughout January the Finns held their positions, and towards the end of the month the Russian army, which was growing in number, was still contained in their old positions.The Red Army's air force continued to bomb Helsinki and Viipuri, and the Finnish government's calls for aircraft and military supplies became louder and louder.As the Arctic night shortens, the Soviet air offensive is about to intensify. Not only Finnish towns, but also the lines of communication of the Finnish army will become targets of attack.Until now, only a small amount of military supplies and a few thousand volunteers from the Scandinavian countries have reached Finland.In mid-January, a recruiting agency opened in London, and dozens of British planes were flown to Finland, several of them directly by air.Actually, none of this helps. Delays concerning the deployment of Narvik continued indefinitely.While the cabinet is prepared to consider pressure on Norway and Sweden to allow aid to pass through their borders to Finland, they have remained opposed to the relatively minor act of mining waterways.Of the two actions, the first is a noble one, while the second is only a strategic one.Moreover, it can be seen that Norway and Sweden would have refused to offer conditions for assistance, so that the plan came to nothing. After a cabinet meeting, in my distress, I wrote to a colleague: January 15, 1940 The restlessness in my mind arises chiefly from the great difficulties which our institutions of directing operations pose to active action.I see such high walls that the forces that hinder us have built or are building up, that I doubt whether any plan will ever have a chance of getting over it.Just look at the arguments we had to overcome in discussing the deployment of Narvik during the seven weeks.The first is the opposing arguments of various economic departments, such as the Ministry of Supply and the Ministry of Trade.The second is the joint planning committee.The third is the Committee of the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services.Fourth, there is the ulterior rhetoric about not compromising big plans for small things. In fact, there were very few opportunities to try big plans resolutely at that time.Fifth, there are legal and moral objections, which were gradually suppressed later.Sixth, is the attitude of neutral countries, especially the United States, but look at how well the United States has responded to our actions!Seventh, it is the cabinet itself, which has different opinions and opinions.The eighth is to wait until all these problems are successfully resolved, and then go to discuss with France.Finally, it is necessary to harmonize the Dominions and their conceptions of justice with ours, since they have not beforehand participated in the whole process of our domestic discussion of the question.All these circumstances make me feel that, under the present arrangement, we have nothing to do but wait for the enemy to make a terrible attack.For such an attack we cannot make concerted steps and prevent it without mortally draining the strength of the nation. I have two or three projects in progress, but my fear is that all of them will evaporate before the great fortress of negative rhetoric and negative forces.So please forgive me if I show annoyance.One thing is absolutely indisputable, that the line of least resistance will never be victorious. However, the whole story about Narvik has now been put aside for the time being due to the threats facing the Low Countries.If this threat were to materialize, the situation would have to be studied in the light of completely new events.A major war in the Low Countries might have a decisive effect on Norway and Sweden. Even if the war ends in stalemate, they may feel far freer than before, and we may even be more in need of a diversion. Plus, there are reasons for uneasiness.The progress that has been made in transforming our industry into wartime production has not been as rapid as it needs to be. In a speech I delivered at Manchester on January 27th, I endeavored to illustrate the immense importance of enlarging our sources of labor, of enrolling women in large numbers in industry, to replace the men conscripted into the army, and to increase the strength of our nation. significance.I went on to say: We must expand enormously, especially to absorb skilled and semi-skilled workers.In this we must especially look to our fellow Labor and trade union leaders for assistance and guidance.I was the Minister of the former Ministry of Military Commodities in its heyday, so I can discuss this issue with the qualifications of someone who knows some inside information.We will need millions of new workers, and millions more women must bravely join our military industry in the shell factories, munitions factories, and aircraft factories.Without extending this source of labour, without allowing British women to fight as they wish, we cannot at all shoulder our share of the common responsibility that England and France share. However, little effort has been made on this matter.There seems to be a lack of a sense that the situation has become extremely urgent.There is ambiguity among the workers and those in charge of production, as well as in military operations.It was not until early May that a survey report on the employment situation of the machinery, power and aircraft industry group was submitted to the cabinet, revealing indisputable facts.This report has been thoroughly studied by the Statistics Department under my jurisdiction under the chairmanship of Professor Lindemann.Although at this time I am distracted and agitated by the uproar over Norway, I still have time to send the following memorandum to my colleagues: Memorandum of the Secretary of the Navy May 4, 1940 This report argues that we have at least barely begun to organize manpower for arms production in this basic industrial group. According to estimates (in previous documents), a considerable expansion of the personnel engaged in the production of the metal industry will be required, amounting to 71.5 per cent, during the first year of the war.In reality, however, the machinery, power and aircraft group discussed in this report, accounting for three-fifths of the entire metal industry, expanded only by 11.1% (122,000 people).This ratio is less than one-sixth of the number of expansions required above.Between 1936 and 1937, without any government intervention, the number increased just as fast as it did this time, simply because of improved trade. Although 350,000 young people leave school every year, the number of employed men under the age of twenty-one in this group has increased by only 25,000.Not only that, but the ratio of women to young people has only increased from 26.6% to 27.6%.In the machinery, power and aircraft industries we now have only one-twelfth as many women workers as there are men.During the last war the ratio of women to men in the metal industry increased from one to ten to one to three.In the first year of the last war, from July 1914 to July 1915, the metal industry absorbed 20 per cent of the original workers.In the group now surveyed, which is representative of the entire metals industry, the increase in the past ten months accounted for only 11 percent. In the departments of the Admiralty, employment has increased to nearly twenty-seven per cent, and is not here taken into account because of the lack of disaggregated figures for workers. On January 10, our fears about the Western Front were confirmed.A major staff officer of the German 7th Air Division was ordered to go to General Headquarters in Cologne with several documents.He missed his train and decided to fly.But his plane skimmed its destination and was forced to land in Belgium.Belgian forces arrested him and confiscated his papers, which he had tried desperately to destroy, but failed.These documents included the entire actual plan for the invasion of Belgium, Holland and France decided by Hitler.Soon, the German major was released and let him report the facts to his superiors.When I heard what happened, it seemed to me difficult to imagine Belgium not drawing up a plan to invite England and France to send troops into their country.But Belgium did nothing about it.The three relevant countries, Britain, France, and Belgium, all discussed this incident, thinking that it might be a trick of the enemy, but this cannot be true.There is absolutely no reason to think that the Germans are trying to convince Belgium that they are planning to attack it in the near future.Because it might lead Belgium to do the last thing Germany wants, which is to make a plan with the French and British armies for a secret and rapid advance of the British and French armies on a clear night.Therefore, I believe a German attack is imminent. On January 13th, Admiral Keyes telephoned me to tell me that the King of Belgium might be able to persuade his ministers to invite British and French troops to march into Belgium at once if we agreed to some far-reaching pledge.Immediately, as we understand it, means immediately now, not immediately after the German invasion.The War Cabinet decided to reply that we could give no other guarantees than those already contained in the Treaty of Military Alliance, and that, if Allied troops were required to march into Belgium, the invitation must be given as early as possible so that the Allied troops could Stop German aggression, because the Belgian government apparently believes that German aggression is imminent.On January 15th, Admiral Keyes sent a telegram saying that the King of Belgium considered that it would have very bad effects if he conveyed the British reply to his government, and that if the Allied troops arrived at once, the Belgian With the Netherlands soon to be at war, it would be better to hold Germany responsible for destroying Belgium's neutrality.The Belgian government gave a similar reply to M. Daladier.The French ambassador in London also told us that the Belgian government believed that if Germany were allowed to act aggressively, the aid of England and France would take on a moral character, which would increase the chances of victory. So the King of Belgium and his army staff simply waited, hoping that all would turn out well, and despite the German major's papers, neither the Allies nor the threatened nation took any further action.On the other hand, Hitler, as we know, summoned Göring, became furious when he learned that all the intercepted documents were in fact the entire offensive plan, and ordered a new modification to be prepared. It is evident from this that in early 1940 Hitler had a detailed plan to involve Belgium and Holland in the vortex in order to attack France.Whenever such aggression began, General Gamelin's Plan D would be implemented immediately, which included the dispatch of the French Seventh Army and the British Army. Plan D is formulated in such detail that it can be put into action with just one order.Although the Chiefs of Staff Committee of the British Armed Forces was very sad about this plan at the beginning of the war, it was clearly and formally approved by the Paris Conference on November 17, 1939.On this basis, the two Allies waited for an impending surprise attack, while Hitler waited for the season to deploy troops, because after April, there might be favorable weather. During the winter and spring, the British Expeditionary Force was extremely busy with its own reorganization, fortification of their lines, and preparations for war, both offensive and defensive.From the highest rank to the lowest rank, the officers and men worked hard and hard; and their good performance in the end was largely due to making full use of the opportunities offered by winter.By the end of the obscurity of the war, the British army was much better and stronger than before.The 42nd and 44th Divisions moved to France in mid-March, and continued to advance to the border defense line in the second half of April 1940.During the same month, the 12th, 23rd and 46th Divisions also arrived.These troops were brought into France to complete their training and to augment the manpower on the job at hand.They even lacked the weapons and equipment normally expected of troops, and they had no cannon either.Nevertheless, at the beginning of the war they inevitably got involved and did their part admirably. Looking back at our deployment before the war today, the most terrible defect at that time was that there was not even a single armored division in the British Expeditionary Force.Great Britain, the birthplace of all forms of tank production, was so neglected during the interwar period in the development of this weapon which was soon to dominate the battlefield that during the eight months after the declaration of war our small but The good army, when the serious test came, had only one 1st Tank Brigade, consisting of seventeen light tanks and one hundred infantry tanks.Of the one hundred infantry tanks, only twenty-three managed to mount cannons that fired two-pounders, and the rest had only machine guns. In addition, there are seven cavalry and voluntary cavalry regiments, equipped with transport vehicles and light tanks. These troops are being reorganized into two light armored brigades.Despite its lack of armor, the British Expeditionary Force had improved significantly in effectiveness. The situation on the French front was less satisfactory.In a large army that implements a nationwide conscription system, the mood of the people is closely reflected in the army, especially when the army is stationed in the country and has close contact with the people.We cannot say that France between 1939 and 1940 had high spirits or even great confidence in the war.Domestic political turmoil over the past decade has created a phenomenon of division and discontent.Important figures turned to fascism in order to oppose the growing communist forces, credulous Goebbels' ingenious propaganda, and spread it in gossip and rumours.In the Army, therefore, the divisive influence of Communism and Fascism was also at work; and the long winter months, by waiting, gave this poisonous force time and opportunity to consolidate. There are many factors that contribute to good morale in an army, the greatest of which is that the officers and men should devote themselves to useful and interesting work.Idleness is a dangerous breeding ground.There was much work to be done throughout the winter; training required continued attention; fortifications were far from satisfactory and complete, and even the Maginot Line lacked many auxiliary field forts. ;Soldiers are physically strong and need exercise.Yet visitors to the French front were often surprised by the air of detached indifference that prevailed there, the poor quality of the work that was going on, and the lack of any visible activity.On the road behind the French defenses, everything looked deserted, in sharp contrast to the scene behind a section of the British defense line, where the traffic on the road was frequent and extended for several miles. There can be no doubt that the quality of the French army had been degraded by letting it run its course during this winter; it would have been more valiant if it had fought in the autumn instead of the following spring.Before long, it would be overwhelmed by a swift and violent German attack.It was not until the final stages of this short campaign that the true fighting qualities of the French soldiers were brought into full play, rising to defend their country against a foe who had vengeance for generations, but by then it was too late. At the same time that German plans for a direct attack on Norway and the blitzkrieg of Denmark were underway, General Keitel drafted a memorandum on the subject on January 27, 1940: The Führer and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the National Armed Forces hope that Project N should be studied directly under my own supervision and in close connection with general war policy.For these reasons, the Führer has instructed me to take over the direction of further preparations. The detailed planning of this campaign is carried out through normal channels. In early February, the Prime Minister was going to Paris to attend the Supreme Military Council, and he invited me to accompany him for the first time.I propose that we go by boat, and that can be arranged by me.Our whole crew, therefore, sailed from Dover in a destroyer, and arrived in Paris in time for the evening's meeting.During the crossing, Mr. Chamberlain showed me his replies to the peace proposals collected by Mr. Sumner Wells.This answer made a good impression on me.When I finished reading it in front of him, I said to him: I am proud to serve in your government.He listened and seemed pleased. Aid to Finland was the main subject of discussion on February 5, and various plans were approved for sending three or four divisions, while convincing Norway and Sweden that we would send supplies and reinforcements to Finland, with the incidental acquisition of the Yeli Control of the Valle Iron Mine.But the Swedes, as we expected, disagreed, and the whole plan, despite the massive preparations, was a total failure.On behalf of our country, Mr. Chamberlain presided over the meeting himself, while the British ministers present expressed very few opinions.According to the minutes of the meeting, I never spoke. When we recrossed the Channel the next day, an interesting incident occurred.We saw a floating mine.So I said to the captain: Let's blow it up with shells.The mine exploded with a loud bang.A large piece of debris was coming at us, and for a second it seemed to be hitting the bridge, where all the politicians, and a few other notables, were assembled.But fortunately, this large fragment fell on the empty foredeck, and no one was injured.So everything passed happily.Since then, the Prime Minister has always invited me and other personnel to accompany him to the Supreme Military Council, but I cannot provide such entertainment every time. The Supreme Military Council decided that the rescue of Finland was the most important thing; if Finland could not get 30,000 to 40,000 trained reinforcements, it would never be able to support it beyond the spring; the mixed volunteer army that is currently pouring into Finland is not enough; And if Finland were to be destroyed, it would be a great failure for the Allies.So allied forces must be sent via Bitsammo or Narvik and/or other Norwegian seaports.Operations through Narvik are preferable, as this allows the Allies to kill two birds with one stone (i.e. aid Finland and cut off iron ore shipments).Two British divisions, which were due to leave for France in mid-February, were supposed to remain in England for the time being, ready to fight in Norway.At the same time, every effort should be made to obtain the agreement and, if possible, the cooperation of the Norwegians and the Swedes.As for how we should deal with Norway and Sweden if they refuse (it seems very likely to refuse), this issue has never been dealt with positively. At this moment a very vivid episode occurred, which sharpened everything in Scandinavia.The reader will recall my concern at the capture of the Graf Spee's auxiliary ship, the Altmark.This warship is also a floating prison for the sunk merchant mariners of our country.We are told by the British prisoners released in the port of Montevideo by the captain of the Graf Spee, Langsdorf, in accordance with international law, that there were about three hundred British merchant seamen on board the Altmark.The warship hid in the South Atlantic for nearly two months. Later, the captain of the ship attempted to sneak back to Germany, hoping that our search had been terminated. Due to luck and favorable weather, it was not spotted by our aircraft until February 14, after it passed between Iceland and the Faroe Islands and entered Norwegian territorial waters. Lord of the Admiralty to First Sea Lord February 16, 1940 In the light of the reports I received this morning, it appears that our cruisers and destroyers should search rapidly north during the day to the coast of Norway.If the Altmark is found, even if it is in Norwegian territorial waters, it should not hesitate to capture it.The warship had violated the neutrality laws by carrying British prisoners of war to Germany.Is it necessary to send one or two cruisers to search Skagerrak carefully tonight?We must regard the Altmark as a very valuable trophy. In the words of the Admiralty Bulletin: A number of Royal warships that are easily dispatched are dispatched.A destroyer fleet, under the command of Captain Vian of the British warship Cossack, intercepted the Altmark, but did not stop it immediately.It then fled into John Starfjord, a narrow bay about a mile and a half long, surrounded by high snow-capped rocks.Two British destroyers were ordered to siege it for inspection.At the mouth of the fjord, they encountered two Norwegian gunboats.The gunboat informed the British warship that the Altmark was unarmed, had been inspected the day before, and had been cleared to sail to Germany through Norwegian territorial waters.Our destroyers then withdrew. The news reached the Admiralty, and I intervened, and after obtaining the consent of the Foreign Secretary, ordered our warships to enter the fjords.I haven't taken direct action in the past, but this time I issued the following order to Captain Wei'an: February 16, 1940 at 5:25 pm Unless the Norwegian torpedo boat is in charge of escorting the Altmark to Bergen, with both British and Norwegian guards stationed and escorted by both sides; otherwise, you should send troops aboard the Altmark, release the prisoners, and occupy the ship , wait for further instructions, and then issue them.If the Norwegian torpedo boat intervenes, you should warn the boat to leave.If the torpedo boat fires at you, it must not return fire until the attack situation is serious.If the situation is serious and self-defense is necessary, the firepower used must not exceed the necessary level; if the opponent stops firing, we should also stop. Wei An took care of the rest.That night he sailed through the floating ice and into the fjord in the searchlighted Kossack.He first boarded the Norwegian gunboat Cher, and demanded that the Altmark must be escorted by the two sides to Bergen, and then interrogated in accordance with international law.The Norwegian captain repeatedly assured that the Altmark had been searched twice to prove that it had no weapons and that there were no British prisoners on board.Wei An then said that he was going to board the ship for inspection by himself, and asked the Norwegian officer to accompany him.This proposal was ultimately rejected. Meanwhile, the Altmark took the opportunity to sail; she attempted to ram the Cossack, but ran aground herself instead.The Cossack forcibly approached the warship, and after the two ships approached, a team of boarding inspectors jumped onto the Altmark.接著發生了劇烈的肉搏戰，在短兵相接中，德國人死了四個，傷了五個；一部分船員逃到了岸上，其餘的都投降了。於是開始搜尋俘虜。霎時間，找出了幾百人，都被禁閉在艙內，或鎖在貯藏室內，甚至被關閉在空的油槽內。 接著響起了一陣叫喊聲：海軍來了！各禁閉處所的門都被打開，被俘者便一擁而出衝到甲板上。總計共有二百九十九個俘虜獲得釋放，他們換乘我們的驅逐艦。搜查的人又發現阿爾特馬克號艦上有兩門高射機關炮，四架機關鎗。原來挪威人雖然曾經兩度登上該艦，實際上未曾加以搜查。在衝突中，挪威炮艇自始至終默然地旁觀。到了午夜，維安離開了峽灣，便向福思進發。 海軍上將龐德和我，一同坐在海軍部作戰室裡，心中有些擔憂。我已經對外交部施加了很大壓力，我也完全明白我們所採取的步驟在技術上的嚴重性。對於這些步驟，如果要給以公正的判斷，我們必須記住，直到那天為止，德國已經擊沉過二十一萬八千噸的斯堪的納維亞船舶，使五百五十五個斯堪的納維亞人喪失了生命。但在我們國內和內閣方面，所關心的是艦上有沒有英國俘虜。當早晨三點鐘消息傳來，有三百名英國俘虜，已被找到而且救出，我們聽了真是愉快。這是一個壓倒一切的事實。 我們以為這些英國俘虜由於飢餓與禁閉的折磨，境況一定十分可憐，所以便派救護車、醫生、新聞記者和攝影師到利思港去迎接他們。但是，看來他們都很健康，在驅逐艦上得到了很好的照料，上岸時，人人興高采烈，因此關於這方面的情況，對外就沒有透露。他們的獲救和艦長維安的行動，引起了英國人士熱烈的歡騰，其情況不亞於擊沉施佩伯爵號以後的情形。這兩件事情，增強了我的力量和海軍的聲望。海軍來了！這句話，便有口皆碑，盛傳一時。 對於挪威政府的行動，應當盡量加以原諒，因為挪威政府懾於德國的恐怖並玩忽英國的寬容，原是很自然的。他們對於英國軍艦進入他們的領海，提出了強烈的抗議。張伯倫先生在下院的一篇演說的內容，包含著英國答覆挪威抗議的要點： 根據科特教授（挪威外相）所表示的見解來看，挪威政府對於一艘德國軍艦，為了達到逃避在公海上被捕並運送英國俘虜到德國監禁營的目的，而利用長達數百哩的挪威領海一節，並不反對。此種主張，同英皇陛下政府所了解的國際法，大相逕庭。在英國政府看來，這種主張將使得德國軍艦濫用中立國水域的行動變為合法化，而且所造成的一種局勢，是英皇陛下政府在任何情況下都不能接受的。 我們前面已經看到，希特勒是在十二月十四日作出了進攻挪威的決定，而軍事參謀工作，則在凱特爾指揮下進行。阿爾特馬克號事件，無疑成為對他們行動的一個刺激。按照凱特爾二月二十四日的建議，希特勒緊急召喚馮‧法爾肯霍斯特將軍到柏林。此時法爾肯霍斯特正在科布倫茨指揮一個軍團。 他在一九一八年曾參加德國在芬蘭的戰役，他和元首開始會談這個問題。後來在紐倫堡審判中，這位將軍曾敘述這次會談的情形。 希特勒向我提起以前我在芬蘭的經驗，並對我說：坐下來，告訴我你做了些什麼。過了一會兒，這位元首打斷了我的話。他領我到一張鋪著地圖的桌子面前。他說：我心中也有一件類似的事情，就是佔領挪威；因為我聽說英國人要想在那裡登陸，所以，我要趁他們未到以前就下手。 於是，他就在房內踱來踱去，把他的理由解釋給我聽。他說：英國要是佔領了挪威，就會造成一種戰略上的迂迴，就可以使他們進入波羅的海地區，而我們在波羅的海地區，既未駐紮軍隊，又無沿岸防禦工事。我們在東方已經獲得的成就和準備制勝西方的希望，都要被摧毀無遺；因為敵人所處的地位可以使它們直向柏林逼進，而攻破我們兩個戰線的中樞。第二和第三點就是，征服挪威可以保證我國艦隊在威廉港灣的行動自由，並且還可以保護我們的瑞典鐵礦石輸入。最後他對我說：我派你去指揮這個遠征。 當天下午，法爾肯霍斯特就被再度召到總理公署，和希特勒、凱特爾及約德爾討論遠征挪威的詳細作戰計劃。最緊要的問題是決定先後的次序。希特勒究竟是在執行所謂黃色計劃（進攻法國）以前，還是在以後，進攻挪威？三月一日，他作了決定；先向挪威進攻。三月三日約德爾的日記上寫道：元首決定先執行威塞爾演習計劃，待完成後稍停幾天，就實行黃色計劃。 最近我國整個東部沿海的航運，開始受到了令人可惱的空襲。除了開往較大港口的遠洋船隻以外，不論哪一天，在海上或沿海港口內，都有大約三百二十艘船隻，它們的噸位在五百噸與二千噸之間，其中許多都是運煤到倫敦或南方去的。在這些小船中，只有少數最近才裝上高射炮，所以敵人的飛機，便集中襲擊這些容易得手的目標。它們甚至襲擊燈塔船。這些為海員們忠實服務的燈塔船，停泊在我國沿海一帶的淺灘附近毫無掩蔽之處，對於一切船隻，甚至從事襲擊的潛艇本身，都有用處，而在上次大戰中，從未遭受過襲擊。 現在竟有幾艘被擊沉或損壞了，最惡劣的事例發生在恆伯海面。那裡有艘燈塔船，在一陣猛烈的機槍掃射下，船中九名船員，竟有八名死於非命。 護航制度，在防禦空襲方面，已經證明和防禦潛艇有同樣的效力，但是現在已經在盡一切努力使每隻船都有若干種武器。在我們缺少高射炮的時候，我們利用了各種各樣的巧妙方法。甚至一個救生用的火箭也打下了一個空中強盜。國內艦隊所剩餘的機關鎗，連同海軍炮手，都分配給沿東海岸一帶的英國及盟國商船。這些人員和武器，在每次航行經過危險地帶時，隨時從此船移到彼船。到二月底，陸軍方面已能給以協助，因而開始成立了一個後來稱為海上皇家炮隊的組織。一九四四年當戰爭達到最劇烈的階段時，擔任這項職務者共有從正規軍調來的將士三萬八千餘人，其中有一萬四千人由陸軍供給。在沿東海岸的護航路線上，有很大一部分，一遇到空襲，可以立刻通知最近的飛機場，取得戰鬥機的保護。 於是陸、海、空三軍便打成一片。空襲飛機被擊毀的數目逐漸增加。敵人對通常毫無防禦的各國商船的掃射，結果所付出的代價遠比預期的損失要大，因此襲擊減少了。 整個前景，並非全部都是漆黑一團的。在外海上，自從十二月中施佩伯爵號被毀後，就不再見襲擊艦活動的跡象，而掃蕩德國海上航運的工作，則在繼續進行。二月中，有六艘德國船，從西班牙出發企圖到達德國。只有一隻船達到了目的；其餘各船，有三艘被俘，一艘自行鑿沉，另一艘在挪威被擊毀。在二月及三月間，另有七艘德國船，企圖衝出封鎖線，被我國巡邏艦隊截住。這七艘船，除其中一艘外，都由它們的船長自行鑿沉。至一九四○年四月初止，由於被俘獲或自行鑿沉，德國人共損失船隻七十艘，計三十四萬噸；另一方面，還有二百十五艘德國船，仍然被困在中立國海港。德國潛艇發現我們的商船都已武裝起來，便放棄炮擊，改用魚雷。 它們下一步的辦法，就是又放棄魚雷，改用最卑鄙的作戰方式不經警告的水雷。我們已經看到如何應付並戰勝磁性水雷襲擊的情形。雖然如此，在一月中，我們的損失，半數以上是由於磁性水雷，而中立國的損失，又佔全數的三分之二以上。 我在二月底的海軍預算中，曾評述海戰的主要特色。據我推測，德國在參戰時擁有的潛艇，已損失了一半。但是同意料相反，就是直到此時，很少有新的潛艇出現。據我們現在所知，實際上至二月底，德國潛艇有十六艘已被擊沉，同時又增加了九艘。敵人的主要努力，尚未充分發揮。我們關於建造小船的計劃，包括護航船隻和補充損失的商船，規模極為龐大。海軍部已經接管商船製造的統制，而格拉斯哥造船業者詹姆斯‧利思戈爵士為了此事參加了海軍部工作。在這次新戰爭的最初六個月中，除去新造的和外國讓與的船隻抵償以外，我們的損失不到二十萬噸，而在一九一七年，僅僅在那個局勢萬分危急的四月分中，便損失了四十五萬噸。同時我們繼續截獲運往敵區的貨物的噸數比我們自己所損失的還要多。 每一個月（我在結束我的演說時說），我們的輸入，都有不斷的增進。在一月中，雖有潛艇、水雷以及冬季的大風與大霧，海軍安然無恙地運進英國港內的物資噸數，同前三年和平時期的平均數相比，大大地超過了五分之四。當我們考慮到大量的英國船隻被調遣來參加海軍服役，或運送軍隊渡過英吉利海峽，或加入運輸部隊的航隊前往世界各地，我們可以謹慎地說，在這些結果中，並沒有使人沮喪或驚惶的地方。