Chapter 38 Volume 1, Chapter 34, Narvik

Hitler's deliberate tricks on Norwegian atrocities Norwegian revolt Appeal to Allies for Sweden's position Expedition to Narvik Instructions to General Maxey Instructions to Lord Cork Questions of direct attack General Maxey's objections I wish to focus on Nar Siege of Vic Harbor 13th April War Cabinet Conclusions Discussion of the Trondheim Plan Disappointing news from Narvik 17th April My Memorandum to the Military Coordinating Council Ours to the Commanders of the Navy and Army Telegram Narvik's standoff. For generations, the simple, straightforward people of Norway have engaged in trade, seafaring, fishing and farming, completely isolated from the turmoil of world politics.Long gone are the days when the Vikings of Europe came out suddenly in great numbers to conquer and plunder most of the then known world.In the Hundred Years' War, the Thirty Years' War, the wars of William III and Marlborough, the Napoleonic turmoil, and all subsequent conflicts, Norway, although it had seceded from Denmark, was otherwise unaffected and unaffected. damage.Therefore, up to this time, the majority of the people thought only of neutrality.A small army and a people who wished only to live in their own semi-Arctic, mountainous country were now the victims of a new German aggression.

It has been the policy of Germany for many years to express sincere sympathy and friendship to Norway.After the end of the last war, thousands of German children were boarded and lodging in Norwegian homes.These children are now grown up in Germany, many of them ardent Nazis.In addition, there was Major Quisling, who led a small number of youths to imitate a small fascist movement in Norway.In the past few years, Germany has often held Nordic national conferences, and many Norwegians have been invited to participate.German speakers, actors, singers and scientists all visit Norway successively to promote a common culture.All of these activities intertwined with the specific deployment of Hitler's military plans, thereby laying out a pro-German conspiracy widely distributed in Norway.In this respect, every German diplomat or consular officer, every German trade agency, operates under the instructions of the German legation in Oslo.The infamy or intrigue they are now inflicting may perhaps be compared with the massacres of the French by the Sicilians and the massacres of St. Bartholomew in history.The Speaker of the Norwegian Parliament, Karl Hambro, wrote:

【1】Refers to the massacre of French Huguenots in Paris on August 24, 1572, St. Bartholomew's Day, by King Charles IX of France.translator As happened in Poland and later in Holland and Belgium, both sides exchanged notes and issued ultimatums.But the situation in Norway is different. Under the mask of friendship, the Germans tried to wipe out a country in one fell swoop, quietly and viciously, without declaring war or warning, in the dark.What alarmed the Norwegians more than the act of German aggression itself was the sudden discovery by the entire Norwegian people that a large country which had been friendly for many years had suddenly become a sworn enemy; The German men and women who had been warmly welcomed into their homes in the past turned out to be spies and saboteurs.The people of Norway were horrified to discover that their German friends had for years been devising the most elaborate plans for the invasion and subsequent enslavement of their country.This shocked them more than breaking treaties and all international obligations.

The Norwegian king, government, army, and people were outraged as soon as they realized what was happening, but it was too late.German infiltration and propaganda, which had blinded them in the past, now weakened their resistance.Major Quisling appeared on a radio station that had been taken over by the Germans, becoming the pro-German ruler of the conquered country.Almost all Norwegian magistrates refused to serve him.The army had been mobilized, and under the command of General Ruge, began immediately to fight the invaders advancing north from Oslo.Patriots who were able to obtain weapons went into the mountains.The king, cabinet and parliament initially retreated to Hamar, a hundred miles from Oslo.German armored vehicles were in hot pursuit, and the Germans attempted to destroy them using brutal methods such as bombing from the air and machine gun fire.But they still continued to issue orders to the whole country, calling for the most vigorous resistance.The rest of the people were so intimidated and terrified by the bloody instance that they were dazed, or mournfully capitulated.The Norwegian peninsula is about 1,000 miles long, sparsely populated, and there are not many roads and railways, especially in the north.The swiftness of Hitler's conquest of Norway was a remarkable military and tactical achievement, and an indelible example of the thoroughness, viciousness, and cruelty of the Germans.

The Norwegian government, which had previously treated us coldly because of its fear of Germany, made an urgent appeal to us for help.But from the very beginning, we were obviously unable to help southern Norway.Almost all our trained and many half-trained troops have been sent to France.Our small but growing air force is fully committed to supporting the British Expeditionary Force, home defense and rigorous training.We have less than a tenth of the anti-aircraft guns required to defend important and vulnerable points.However, we still feel it is our duty to assist them as best we can, even if it seriously interferes with our own preparations and interests.It seemed that Narvik, in the interest of the whole cause of the Allies, could certainly be taken and defended.Here, the King of Norway can fly his unconquered flag.In order to defend Trondheim, we should also fight hard.This will at least delay the invasion of the invaders to the north until Narvik is reoccupied by us and becomes the base of the army.It appeared that this base could be supported from the sea, but with a force greater than that of any army by land over five hundred miles of mountains.The Cabinet expressed its full approval of all possible measures for the aid and defense of Narvik and Trondheim.The troops which had been put aside because the plan to aid Finland had not materialized, and the elite detachment which had been retained for the attack on Narvik, would soon be ready to go.

But they lack aircraft, anti-aircraft guns, anti-tank guns, tanks, as well as transport and training. The entire northern part of Norway has been covered in snow, thick as our soldiers have never seen, felt or imagined.We had neither snowshoes nor sleds nor skiers.However, we must do our best.Thus began the sloppy campaign. We have every reason to believe that Sweden will be the next victim of Germany or Russia, or even of both.If Sweden came to the aid of its beleaguered neighbor, the military situation would change for the time being.Sweden has a good army.They can easily enter Norway.They can concentrate a large force at Trondheim before the Germans arrive, and we can join them there.But what will be the fate of Sweden in the months to come?Hitler came out to retaliate and would deal a devastating blow to it.And the Russian bear will come to hurt it from the east.Sweden, on the other hand, could supply the Germans with all the iron ore they need throughout the summer in exchange for neutrality.For the Swedes, their choice was to remain a profitable neutrality, or to be subjugated?Its views on this question are not based on the position of our unprepared but now enthusiastic island nation.It can't be blamed either.

On the morning of April 11th, after the Cabinet meeting, I wrote the following abridged account of our sacrifices for the rights of small nations and for international law, which justifies me to make the following arguments: prime minister: Foreign Secretary: I am not entirely satisfied with the outcome of this morning's discussions, nor with my own comments.What we need is that Sweden should not remain neutral, but declare war on Germany.What we do not need is to supply it with the three divisions we have set aside for the Finnish plan, or to feed it well for the duration of the war, or to bomb Berlin when Stockholm is bombed, etc.It's just not worth it to bet these bets right now.On the other hand, we should endeavor to encourage it to enter the war by giving general assurances that we will do everything to aid it, that our troops will be active in Scandinavia, that we will treat it as Friendly allies, unite with her, and we will never make peace with Germany alone, or until she is restored to her original position, without her.Have we already made the Anglo-French military delegations establish such a concept?

If not, we still have time to remedy it.In addition, our diplomatic activities in Stockholm should also be actively carried out. We should remember that if we offered to defend Gallivare, the Swedes would say no thanks, since it could easily defend itself.Its difficulty is in our helpless south.But if we can assure it that we intend to open the route from the Atlantic via Narvik to Sweden with the main force at the earliest opportunity, we also plan to clear the German positions along the Norwegian coast in order to open access to other places access, so that there may be some effect. If the war breaks out in Flanders[1], the Germans will not be able to send more troops to Scandinavia. On the other hand, if Germany does not attack on the Western Front, we can also withdraw from the Western Front as Germany In proportion to the lower army, the army was sent to Scandinavia.France intends to persuade the Swedes to join the war.I don't think we should throw cold water on this kind of thinking.It would be most unfortunate if they were allowed to remain neutral and buy off Germany by shipping iron ore from Gallivare down the Gulf of Bothnia.

【1】The full name of Belgium, Holland, and northern France.It was originally a country in medieval Europe.translator Sorry for not knowing enough about this question this morning.But when I came in for the meeting, the discussion had already started, and I didn't make my point very clearly. The answer of the Foreign Secretary also has reasons for convincing me.He said that the Prime Minister and he generally agreed with my opinion, but expressed doubts about the method I proposed to negotiate with Sweden. April 11, 1940. According to all the information we have received from Sweden, which is friendly to the allies, any proposal we make, which is likely to be understood in their minds as an attempt to involve them in the war, will have the same result as ours. Expect the opposite.Their immediate reaction would probably be to think that, until we have gained a foothold in one or more Norwegian ports, we are trying to get them to do what we cannot or will not do ourselves.Therefore, the result will be more harm than good for us.

The Narvik Expeditionary Force, which was disbanded a few days ago, is only a small force, and it is very easy to regroup it now.A British brigade and its auxiliaries began embarking immediately, and on April 12 the first convoy sailed for Narvik.A week or two later, three battalions of the French Alpine Infantry followed with other French units.In the north of Narvik, there are still Norwegian troops stationed, which can help us land.On April 5, Major General Maxey was selected to command the possible expeditionary force to Narvik.The instructions he had received were, in terms of wording, perfectly suitable for a friendly neutral country of which we must demand certain facilities.The appendix to the order contains the following instructions regarding the bombing:

Knowing that there is a legitimate target in a densely populated area, it must not be bombed unless its location can be accurately located or proven to be infallible.It is obviously illegal to bomb. In view of the fierce German attack, on April 10, a new and more resolute order was issued to General Maxey.These orders gave him greater freedom of movement, but the above-mentioned special prohibition was not lifted.The content of the instruction is as follows: His Majesty's Government and the Government of the French Republic have resolved to send a field force to northern Norway to begin the war against Germany.The purpose of this force is to clear the German army in Narvik District and occupy Narvik itself.Your initial tasks will be to station troops in Harstad, secure contact with Norwegian troops who may still be there, and gather the intel necessary for you to be able to plan further operations.We do not ask you to force your way in despite resistance.But you may face resistance for being mistaken for an enemy.Therefore, before you abandon your landing attempt, take appropriate steps to make the nationality of your troops known to the opposing party.Whether you should land or not will be decided after consultation with you by the senior naval officer.If it is impossible to land in Harstad, try to make a test in other suitable places. Landings must be implemented when you have enough troops. Meanwhile, General Ironside, Chief of the Imperial General Staff, wrote a personal letter to General Maxey, in which he said: You may have an opportunity of taking advantage of naval warfare, and if you do, you should take advantage of it, and you must do so boldly. This tone seems to be different from the formal instruction. During the long months of active discussions on the Baltic strategy, I came into close contact with Lord Cork-O'Leary.Although opinions on Catherine's plans differ slightly, his relationship with the First Sea Lord is cordial.From long and arduous experience, I fully understand, and venture to put things in writing so that it can be explored and tested, that there is a gap between intellectual exploration and actual working and completion.Admiral Pound and I, from somewhat different points of view, were of the opinion that Lord Coke should be in command of the navy in the amphibious operations which were ventured in the North.We all urged him not to hesitate for fear of risk, but to press forward and take Narvik.Since we were in complete agreement and could have a full discussion together, we gave him a special right to act cheaply, without giving him any written orders.He knew exactly what we needed.In his report he said: I left London with the most definite impression that His Majesty's Government wished to drive the enemy out of Narvik as soon as possible.I should work as quickly as possible to achieve this. At this time, our staff work was not tempered by war experience, and the actions of various military departments lacked a consistent procedure, except in the meetings of the Military Coordination Committee that I had just begun to preside over.As the chairman of the committee, neither I nor the Admiralty knew the content of the instructions given by the War Department to General Maxey, and the instructions given by the Admiralty to Lord Coke were oral, so there was no written document to send to the War Department for reference.Although the instructions of the two ministries are based on the same purpose, they are somewhat different in tone and emphasis; this may have something to do with the differences of opinion that soon arose between the two commanders of the army and navy. Lord Coke set off from Rosyth on the night of April 12th, and sailed through the waves at high speed on the Aurora. [1] He wishes to meet with General Maxey in Harstad.Hallstad, a small port on the island of Hinoy in the Vargasfjord, although about sixty miles from Narvik, had been chosen as a military base.But on the 14th he received a telegram from Admiral Whitworth of HMS Waspite, who had destroyed all the German destroyers and supply ships the previous day.This call said: I am convinced that Narvik can now be taken by direct attack without fear of serious resistance upon landing.I think the main force of the landing, only a very small force, Lord Cork therefore diverted the voyage of the Aurora, sailed to the Hill Fjord in the Lofoten Islands, flanked the passage to Narvik, and ordered the Southampton to go. Meet him there.His purpose was to organize a force for direct attack, including two companies of the Scottish Guards carried by the Southampton, and the sailors and land fighters on the Wospite and other ships already on the Hill Fjord. Team.But he had to go through the Admiralty to communicate with the Southampton.There will inevitably be a delay.The reply from the Admiralty read: We deem it imperative that you join Admiral Maxey and act in concert with him.Do not attack except in joint operations.So he left the Hill Fjord and turned to Harstad, leading the convoy transporting the 24th Brigade into the port on the morning of the 15th.His destroyer escort sank the U-boat 49 that was cruising nearby. Lord Cork was now urging General Maxey to take advantage of the total destruction of the German naval power to attack Narvik directly, but General Maxey replied that the enemy was holding the port with machine gun positions, and pointed out that his The troops and materials loaded on the transport ship are not for attack, but only for landing without resistance.He established his headquarters in the inn at Harstad, and his army began to land nearby.The next day, he said, according to the information received, the landing at Narvik was impossible, even under the cover of a naval battery.Lord Cork thought that with superior artillery fire the army could land at Narvik without heavy losses; but General Maxey disagreed and found some excuse in his instructions.Our Admiralty, too, strongly advocates a direct attack.A stalemate thus formed between the heads of the army and navy. At this time, the climate changed suddenly and it snowed heavily.Our troops were neither equipped nor trained for this particular situation, and therefore all operations seemed to be paralyzed.At the same time, the Germans at Narvik, with their machine-gun emplacements, were holding back our growing army.This is a serious unexpected obstacle. Most of our improvised campaign and various affairs have passed through my hands, so I prefer to record it in the words I have at the time as much as possible.Both the Prime Minister and the War Cabinet were equally keen to take Trondheim and Narvik. The campaign, code-named the Morris Project, was likely to be a great one.According to the records of our Military Coordination Committee on April 13: (I) fear that people may suggest that our decision to take Narvik may be weakened.We will allow no obstacle to our decisive occupation of this place.Our plan for attacking Narvik was carefully drawn up. If the plan goes ahead without modification, the chances of success are many. Attacking Trondheim, on the other hand, was a more speculative move.Until we have actually taken Narvik, I cannot endorse any proposal to send the French Alpine infantry there.Otherwise we might have engaged in fruitless combat operations along the Norwegian coast, none of which would have been successful. At the same time, due consideration has been given to the Trondheim area, and plans have been drawn up to obtain landing places there if a large-scale operation becomes necessary.In the afternoon, the Navy will make a small landing at Namsos.The Reich Chief of Staff has concentrated five battalions, two of which will be able to land on the Norwegian coast on April 16; if necessary, three more battalions can be assigned on April 21.The exact place of landing will be decided that night. General Maxey's initial orders were that, after Narvik landed, he should advance swiftly towards the Gallivare Ironfields.But now he is ordered not to cross the Swedish frontier, because if Sweden remains friendly, we need not worry about the iron mines; if Sweden is hostile, the difficulty of occupying the mines will be too great. I said again: For the German forces at Narvik, a siege might be necessary.But unless we have fought a very determined fight, it should never be allowed to degenerate into a siege.On this understanding, I would like to send a telegram to France stating that we not only hope, but think that by surprise we should be able to take Narvik successfully.At the same time, we should state that this was made easier by the change of order, since it was now unnecessary to go across the Swedish frontier for the expedition. The War Cabinet decided to try both the Narvik and Trondheim campaigns.The far-sighted Minister of War warned us that we might soon be forced to draw strength from our troops in France in order to reinforce Norway.He suggested that we should raise this point with France as soon as possible.I agree with him, but do not think it necessary to negotiate with France in a day or two.This opinion was accepted.Another proposal was approved by the War Cabinet to inform the Governments of Sweden and Norway of our intention to reoccupy Trondheim and Narvik; Narvik is also important as a naval base.Let us also state that we have no intention of sending our troops across the Swedish border.We also asked the French government to agree to let us use the French Alpine infantry regiments freely, send them to fight outside Narvik, and inform them of everything we have told the Swedish and Norwegian governments.Neither Mr. Stanley nor I approve of spreading our forces.In addition to making diversionary attacks elsewhere, we still intend to concentrate our forces on Narvik.But we obey the opinion of the majority, and this opinion is not entirely without justification. On the night of the 16th-17th came disappointing news from Narvik. General Maxey seemed unwilling to take the city by a direct attack under cover of the fleet's close battery; and Lord Cork had no means of pushing him.I explained the situation to my committee. April 17 (1) Lord Cork's telegram shows that General Maxey proposed to occupy two unoccupied places at the entrance to Narvik, and then garrison them there until the thawing.That may have to wait until the end of this month.General Maxey wished to have half the brigade of the 1st French Alpine Infantry Regiment at his disposal.This is of course impossible.This policy meant that we would stand still on the Narvik front for a few weeks, while at the same time the Germans would have to claim that they had stopped us and that Narvik was still in their hands.This will have extremely adverse effects on Norwegians and neutral countries.Moreover, the German fortifications in Narvik will continue to be strengthened, and when the time comes, it will be necessary to use greater strength to reoccupy it.This news was not only unexpected, but also unpleasant. One of the best regular brigades in the Army would thus be wasted, and at the same time sapped by sickness, to contribute nothing in battle.We should now consider whether to send the following telegram to Lord Cork and General Maxey: Your proposals would create an unfavorable stalemate at Narvik and disable one of our best brigades.We cannot send you the French Alpine Infantry.The Wospite needs to be dispatched elsewhere within two or three days.You should therefore carefully consider attacking Narvik under the cover of the Vospite and destroyers.These warships could also operate in the Rombacs Fjord.The capture of this port and city would be an important victory.We would like you to explain why this is impossible, and to tell us what degree of resistance you estimate the seaside positions will encounter.This matter is urgent. (2) The second point to be decided is whether the French Alpine infantry should be sent to join General Caton de Wiart at or beyond Namsos, or whether it is easier to send They remained at Scapa Flow, and on the 22nd or 23rd they were engaged in the battle of Trondheim with other armies which could be the main force of the attack. (3) Two battalions of the 146th Brigade are expected to land at Namsos and Bandersand before dawn today.The 3rd Battalion aboard the Crawbury will make the dangerous voyage to Namsos tomorrow and, if all goes well, can arrive and land around dusk.The berth of Lillejonas was bombed all afternoon, and the two transport ships were fortunately missed. The 18,000-ton large transport ship has now been unloaded and is on its way back to Scapa Flow.If the vanguard of the French Alpine infantry is to be employed at Namsos, they should proceed directly there, and should not muster at Lillejonas. (4) Are there enough troops now available to serve as the main force in Trondheim?This question must also be decided today.The two guard battalions to be mobilized, that is, to be equipped, may not be ready as scheduled.The two battalions of the French Foreign Legion may not arrive as scheduled.But a regular brigade from France could start from Rosyth on the twentieth.The first and second half-brigades of the French Alpine Infantry could also arrive in time.A thousand Canadian troops are at the ready.In addition, there was a battalion of the Home Guard.Were these forces enough to overwhelm the Germans at Trondheim?If there is any further delay, the danger will be great, and there is no need to repeat it here. (5) Admiral Holland set off this evening to meet with the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleet who returned to Scapa Flow on the 18th. He must carry a complete and definite resolution.The Navy must be happy to move troops to Trondheim, of course. (6) The battle for the capture of Andalsnes may take place tonight or tomorrow morning.We hope to land a vanguard from the cruiser Calcutta, and are mobilizing enough cruisers to meet a possible attack by five enemy destroyers at dawn. (7) The navy will start bombarding Stavanger airfield with platoons early this morning. The committee approved the telegram, and the telegram was sent.However, it had no effect.Whether such an attack will be successful will always be a matter of opinion.Although the troops do not have to march on snow for this kind of attack, on the other hand, they must make forced landings from naked ships in the port of Narvik and in the Rombacs Fjord, facing the enemy's machine gun fire.I counted on the effectiveness of close-range bombardment from the guns of this gigantic ship to destroy the coastal positions and fill the entire German machine-gun emplacement with billowing smoke and snow and mud stirred up by shells.Suitable highly explosive shells have been supplied by the Admiralty to battleships and destroyers.Lord Cork, being on the ground and able to assess the nature of the bombardment, was of course very much in favor of such an attack.We have more than 4,000 of the best regular troops, including Guards Brigades and Marines.Once they landed, they would come face-to-face with the defending Germans.The regular German forces, excluding the sailors rescued from the sunk destroyers, do not, we estimate, constitute more than half our force.This estimate is correct as far as we know now.This balance of forces would have been considered a favorable situation had it taken place on the Western Front in the last war, and here, too, there are no other new factors.Later, during the Great War, dozens of such attacks were carried out, often with success. Moreover, the orders issued to the commanders were not only clearly worded and urgent in nature, but also clearly considered that there would be heavy losses, so they should obey.Moreover, should the attack be repulsed, and heavy losses suffered, the responsibility would fall entirely on the domestic authorities, and directly on me.I am happy to take on this responsibility.But nothing I or my colleagues or Cork said or did could move General Maxey in the slightest.He resolved to wait for the snow to melt. As for the bombardment, he could cite against us the part of his instructions about not endangering civilians.If we compare this attitude to the situation of the enemy, who, according to long-term and profound calculations, risked all their lives and ships, and fought with almost crazy energy, so that the German army won many brilliant victories. , and compared with each other, then the various disadvantages we encountered in order to carry out this campaign are also obvious.