Chapter 51 Volume II, Chapter IX, The Pain of France

Telegram to the President: My visit to Tours, the deterioration of the situation, M. Baudouin, the conversation between the great Mandel and Renault, and my refusal to release France from its obligations on March 28, 1940, Ms. Herriot and Ms. Jeanné The resolute attitude of the people who came into being The decision of the French government to move to Bordeaux June 13th Telegram from President Roosevelt to Monsieur Reynaud My telegram to the President Telegram to Reynaud A disappointing telegram from the President of the permanent union of Great Britain and France I June 14th and 15th Telegram to the President June 9th Battle of the Aisne French Army defeated Maginot Line vain resistance Our small contribution General Brooke's new command Concerning the establishment of bridgeheads in Brittany Talks at the position Brook declares that the military situation is irretrievable. I agree with the retreat of our army on June 16 and 17 and embark on the ship. Transport of Polish Troops to Britannia Lancastria Tragedy I wrote to the Prime Ministers of the Dominions on June 16 of my hopes for the air battle over Britain.

Our posterity may find it remarkable that the all-important question of whether we should continue to fight alone was never placed on the agenda of the War Cabinet.This was because people of all parties in the government at the time took it for granted and for granted, and at the same time we were indeed too busy to waste time on such an unrealistic or tasteless question.Furthermore, we all approach this new situation with confidence.We resolved to tell the Dominions the full facts.The War Cabinet asked me to write a letter of the same meaning to President Roosevelt, and express my determination to support the French Government and assure them that we will give them the best assistance.

former navy personnel to president roosevelt June 12, 1940 I spent last night and this morning at the French High Command, and General Weygand and General Georges explained the situation to me in the most serious terms.No doubt you have received all the details from Mr. Bullitt.It is a very practical question what would happen if the French front collapsed, Paris fell, and General Weygand formally declared to his government that France could no longer continue his so-called coordinated operations.The old Marshal Pétain did not do very well in April and July 1918, and I fear that he will now use his personal name and prestige to conclude a peace treaty for France.Reynaud, on the other hand, advocated continuing the fight, and he had a young general de Gaulle under his command, who thought there was a lot to be done.Admiral Darlan announced that he would send the French fleet to Canada.If the two new giant ships fall into the wrong hands, they will cause great damage.It seemed to me that there must be many in France who were willing to continue the fight, either in France, or in the French colonies, or both.So now is the time for you to support Renault as much as you can, and hope that you will turn the situation in favor of the most effective and long-term French resistance.While I know you are as fully aware of this as I am, I take the liberty of bringing it up to you.

On June 13th, almost the same day four years later, I made my last visit to France.The French government had by this time retreated to Tours, and the situation was growing tense.I took Edward Halifax and General Ismay, and Lord Max Beaverbrook volunteered to go with us.In difficult times, he always cheers up.This time it was clear and cloudless, and we were surrounded by a Spitfire escort, weaving a wider turn south than before.When flying over Tours, I found that the airport had been heavily bombed last night.Although there are many huge craters on the airport, we and all the escort planes landed smoothly.We felt immediately that things were getting worse.There was no one at the airport to welcome us or expect us to come.We borrowed an army car from the Airfield Garrison Commander and drove into the city to the city hall, where the French government is said to have its headquarters.There was no one of importance there, but it was said that Renault was driving up from the country, and that Mandel was coming soon.

It was almost two o'clock now.I advocated eating first, and after discussing for a while, we drove through several streets, which were crowded with refugee vehicles, most of which had mattresses on the roof, and the cars were full of luggage.We found a cafe, which was closed, and after some explanation, got a meal.While we were eating, M. Baudouin, who has grown in power these days, called on me.He immediately and mildly stated that French resistance was hopeless. If the United States declares war on Germany, France can continue to fight.What do I think about this matter?I didn't talk to him further about it, I just said I hoped America would go to war and that we should keep fighting.I was told that he spread the word afterward that I had agreed to this: unless the United States entered the war, France could surrender.

Then we went to the city hall, where Minister of the Interior Mandel was waiting for us.The man who had been Clemenceau's faithful secretary and continuation of Clemenceau's life's work seemed to be in good spirits.He was the embodiment of energy and defiance.His lunch was a fat roast chicken, which was still uneaten on the plate before him.He is like a ray of sunshine.He held a telephone receiver in both hands, and he was constantly using the phone to issue orders and decisions.His idea was simple: fight to the last in France in order to cover as many people as possible going to Africa.It was the last time I saw the heroic Frenchman.After the recovery of the French Republic, the murderer who had been hired to assassinate him was shot, which is completely right.His countrymen and allies alike deeply admired him throughout his life.

Soon, Mr. Renault also came.He was a little frustrated at first.General Weygand had reported to him that the French army was exhausted.Much of the front line has been breached; across the country roads are flooded with refugees, and many armies are in disarray.The Supreme Commander thought that a truce should be demanded while France still had enough troops to maintain order until peace came.This is the opinion of the military.On the same day, he would send another telegram to Mr. Roosevelt, explaining that the last moment had come and the fate of the Allies' cause was in the hands of the United States.Thereafter, either an armistice or peace must be chosen.

Mr Reynaud went on to say he had been instructed by a cabinet meeting the day before to ask what the UK's attitude would be if the worst happened.He himself was well aware of the solemn oath that no one of the allies could make peace alone.General Weygand and others said: France has sacrificed everything to the common cause.It has nothing left; however, it has also succeeded in greatly weakening our common enemy.Under these circumstances, if England does not recognize that France is too incapable of continuing to fight, if she wants her to continue fighting, the French people will be at the mercy of ruthless experts who play tricks on the noses of conquered peoples. The inevitable depravity and deterioration would be shocking.

That's the question he's asking now.Will Great Britain realize the difficult truths facing France? Here is the official UK record: Mr. Churchill said that Great Britain realized how great the sacrifices France has suffered and is suffering.Now it is Britain's turn to make sacrifices, and Britain is ready for it.Britain was saddened to find her present contribution to the ground war too little, having suffered setbacks in the campaign by adopting a consensual strategy in northern France.The British have not yet tasted the taste of the German whip, but they are fully aware of how powerful it is.Even so, the British had only one idea: to win the war and eliminate Hitlerism.Everything is to be subordinated to this purpose; no difficulty or scruple can hold back the English people.He is convinced that the British people have the ability to endure everything, persevere, counterattack the enemy, and win the final victory.They therefore wanted France to continue fighting from south of Paris all the way to the Mediterranean and, if necessary, from North Africa.Buy time at all costs.The waiting time will not be endless: a word from the United States can shorten the time considerably.On the contrary, France must be destroyed.Hitler would not keep any promises.On the other hand, if France continues to fight, with its excellent navy and vast French Empire, and an army it still has the power to conduct large-scale guerrilla warfare, if Germany does not destroy Britain (Germany must want to destroy Britain, otherwise it will lose ), if the air power of Germany is smashed at that time, then this evil Nazi empire will all collapse.If the US had given aid right away, or even just issued a declaration of war, victory would not be too far away.Whatever the case may be, Britain will keep fighting.Britain has not and will not change its resolve: never to make peace, never to surrender.To it it is either victory or death.These are his answers to Mr. Renault's questions.

Mr Reynaud said he never doubted Britain's resolve.But he was anxious to know how England would react in the event of some unexpected situation.The current government of France or another government might say: We know you will keep fighting.If we see the hope of victory, we will continue to fight.But we do not see full hope of an early victory.We cannot count on American assistance. ‧There is no ‧light‧brightness at the end of ‧tunnel‧road‧.We cannot abandon our people and subject them to German domination forever.We must compromise.We have no other choice.It was too late to establish a defensive base in Brittany.There is no place on the French mainland where the true French government can escape capture by the enemy.The question, therefore, is to be posed to England: France has given her best, her youth and her blood; The right to make peace separately does not violate the spirit of solidarity contained in the solemn agreement signed three months ago, do you admit it?

Mr. Churchill said that under no circumstances would Britain waste its time and energy in blaming and blaming each other, but this did not mean that Britain would agree to acts contrary to the recently signed agreement.The first step should be for Mr. Reynolds to send another letter to President Roosevelt, telling him the truth about the current situation.Ask them to wait for a reply before considering any steps.If England had won the war, France would have regained its dignity and greatness. Nevertheless, I consider the question to be very serious as it is raised at this time, and I beg that my colleagues and I should be allowed to go out for a consultation before I reply.So Lord Halifax and Beaverbrook, with the rest of their entourage, went out into a dripping but sunny garden, and talked there for half an hour.When we got back, I reiterated our position.Whatever the circumstances, we cannot agree to a separate peace.The purpose of our war is to completely defeat Hitler, we think we can still achieve this, therefore, we cannot agree to release France from its obligations.Whatever happens, we do not blame France; but that is not the same thing as agreeing to release it from fulfilling its promises.I urge France to issue a new appeal to President Roosevelt, which we will support in London.M. Reynaud consented to this, and promised that France would hold out until the result of his final appeal was known. Before leaving, I made a special request to Mr. Renault.More than four hundred German pilots (most of them shot down by the RAF) are now imprisoned in France.Given the current situation, they should be placed in our custody.M. Reynaud readily agreed, but after a while he had no power to keep the promise.These German pilots all went back to the Battle of Britain and we had to shoot them down again. When our conversation was over, M. Reynaud took us into an adjoining room, where Mr. Herriot, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and M. Jeanné, the President of the Senate, were seated. Both French patriots said very excitedly that they must fight to the death.As we entered the courtyard along the crowded aisle, I saw General de Gaulle standing expressionlessly at the door.I greeted him in French in a low voice, and called him the man who came into being [1], but he still didn't feel anything.There were about a hundred French leaders in the courtyard, all of whom looked miserable.The son of Clemenceau was brought to me.I shook hands with him tightly.The Spitfire was in the air and I slept soundly on my safe and speedy return.This is very sensible, because there are many things to do before bedtime at night. 【1】Lhommedudestin refers to Napoleon Bonaparte.translator After we left Tours at about five-thirty, Reynaud held a meeting with his cabinet at Gunjah.They were upset that my colleagues and I did not attend their meetings.No matter how late it was for us to fly home, we would love to attend their meetings.But no one came to invite us at all, and we had no idea that there was going to be a French cabinet meeting. A resolution to move the French government to Bordeaux was passed at Gonjar.Raynor sent a telegram to Roosevelt, urging the United States to enter the war, demanding at least the American fleet to participate in the war. At ten fifteen in the evening I made a new report to the War Cabinet.My report was endorsed by two of my companions.While we were still sitting and talking, Ambassador Kennedy arrived with a telegram from President Roosevelt in reply to Reynolds' appeal of June 10. President Roosevelt to Mr. Reynolds June 13, 1940 I was very moved by your telegram of June 10.As I have told you and Mr. Churchill, my Government is doing everything in its power to get the Allied Governments what they desperately need, and we are redoubled for greater assistance.We do this because we believe in and support the ideals our Allies fought for. The heroic resistance of the French and British troops made a deep impression on the American people. I am particularly moved by your declaration that France must continue to fight for democracy, even if it is slowly withdrawing, even to North Africa and the Atlantic Ocean.It is of the utmost importance to remember that the French and English fleets shall continue to control the Atlantic and other great seas; and that vital supplies from abroad are necessary to maintain the whole army. I was also deeply encouraged by what Prime Minister Winston Churchill said a few days ago about the continued resistance of the British Empire.This determination also seems to apply to the French Empire, which covers the whole world.In world affairs, naval power can still vindicate the lessons of history, as Admiral Darlan knows all too well. We all agree that the President has been of great help.He authorized Reynolds to publish his telegram of June 10, stating its full meaning, and now he has sent such a forceful reply.If France therefore decides to endure the pain of the war further, the United States will further undertake the obligation to enter the war.In any case, the president's reply contained two points that amounted to a state of belligerence: first, the promise of material aid of all kinds, which was self-evidently a positive aid; Also keep fighting.I immediately telegraphed our thanks to the President and tried to comment on the President's telegram to Reynolds with the utmost approval.Perhaps I should not emphasize these points, but we must make the best use of all favorable factors that exist or can be obtained. former navy personnel to president roosevelt June 13, 1940 Ambassador Kennedy has reported to you the meeting between Britain and France in Tours today, and I have shown him the minutes of the meeting.I cannot overstate the seriousness of this meeting.They're almost done.Weygand argued that he should call for an armistice while he still had enough troops to save France from chaos.Reynaud asked us if we could relieve France of her obligation not to make a separate peace, in view of her great sacrifice and suffering.In spite of our deep sorrow at the inevitable loss of this vicious battle, I do not hesitate, in the name of the British Government, to agree to an armistice or a separate peace with France.I urge this question to wait until Reynaud makes another appeal to you and to the United States; I support his appeal.We have agreed on this point, and Renault and his ministers are in a better mood at the moment. Reynaud felt deeply that he could not inspire the French people to continue fighting without the hope of final victory, which can only be produced when you try to get the United States to intervene as much as possible.As he said, they hope there is a light at the end of the tunnel. You had sent this solemn telegram when we flew home, and Ambassador Kennedy sent it to me as soon as I arrived.The British Cabinet was deeply moved by the telegram.I want to thank them in their place, but I must tell you, Mr. President, that in order for this telegram to be decisive in reversing the course of world history, I deem it absolutely necessary that it be published tomorrow, June 14th. of.I am sure that this must make France reject Hitler's deceptive peace.Hitler needed this peace in order to destroy us, to take a giant step towards his goal of world domination.If France now withdrew from the war, all the far-reaching strategic, economic, political and moral plans you have outlined in this telegram will come to naught.I therefore urge that this telegram be published now.We are fully aware that Hitler will turn his flames on us as soon as he discovers that he cannot enforce a Nazi-style peace in Paris. We will do our best to resist, and if we succeed, the new way out to the future is very wide, and on the day of success all hopes will come true. To Monsieur Renault I sent the following telegram: June 13, 1940 On our return, a copy of President Roosevelt's reply to your appeal of June 10 was received.The Cabinet is unanimous in the opinion that this august document is absolutely in favor of continued French resistance in the spirit of your own manifesto of June 10, which said that France would be in front of Paris, behind Paris, in a department, or , in Africa or across the Atlantic if necessary.This document, on the one hand, promises to redouble its material assistance, and on the other hand, expresses its exhortations, encouraging France to continue to fight even in what you call the most difficult situation.If France had continued to fight, to continue to fight, in accordance with this telegram from President Roosevelt, I felt that the United States would have been irrevocably bound to take the last remaining step, which was to become formally a belligerent, when in fact it had already It's a belligerent country.As you can foresee, according to the provisions of the U.S. Constitution, it is impossible for the president to decide to declare war on his own. However, if you follow the reply telegram you have received from the president now, I am sure that this step will inevitably follow. .We are asking the President for permission to publish this cable, but even if he does not agree to do so within a day or two, it is on the record and can be used as a basis for your action.We greatly admire the determination of you and your colleagues, and I sincerely beg you not to miss this great opportunity to bring about a world-wide transoceanic and economic union which must deal a fatal blow to the Nazi regime.In front of us, we have a clear plan of action, and we also see what you said is a ray of light at the end of the tunnel. Finally, on the advice of the Cabinet, I sent a formal telegram to the French government encouraging France to continue its efforts, in which, for the first time, a permanent alliance between our two countries was mentioned. Prime Minister to Mr Renault June 13, 1940 At a time when the life and death of Britain and France are at stake, and for the cause of freedom and democracy that both countries are determined to defend, His Majesty's Government pays tribute to the Government of the French Republic and commends the heroism and tenacity of the French army in the outnumbered battle Indomitable spirit.The efforts of the French army, in keeping with the most honorable French traditions, inflicted heavy and lasting wounds on the enemy.Great Britain will continue to give the greatest assistance it can.We would like to take this opportunity to declare that the unity between our two peoples and our two empires is unbreakable.We cannot estimate the magnitude of the various sufferings that will befall the peoples of our two countries in the near future, but we are sure that the test of this war can only melt our two countries together into an invincible whole.We renew our pledge and determination to the French Republic, that we shall continue to fight at all costs, in France, on our island, on the seas, in the skies, wherever the war spreads, we shall fight our Manpower and material resources are used to the maximum extent, and the heavy burden of wound healing should be shared.We will never give up the fight, we will fight until France is safe and restored to its former glory, until the persecuted and enslaved nations and peoples are liberated, and until civilization is freed from the horrors of Nazi rule.We are more certain than ever that this day will come.That day may come sooner than we currently expect. All three telegrams were drawn up by me before going to bed after midnight on the 13th, and were actually written within a few hours of midnight on the 14th. The next day the President sent a telegram saying he could not agree to the publication of his telegram to Leno.According to Mr. Kennedy, the President himself was willing to publish it, but the State Department, while sympathizing with the President's views, saw great danger on the other.The President thanked me for reporting to him the Conference of Tours, and congratulated the British and French Governments on the gallantry of the Anglo-French troops.The President reaffirmed that all material assistance and support will be given.He went on, however, to say that he had told Ambassador Kennedy to inform me that his telegram of the thirteenth had no intention of, nor did it impose, any obligation on the United States Government for war.Under the U.S. Constitution, no one other than Congress is entitled to obligations of this nature. He was particularly preoccupied with the question of the French fleet.At the President's request, Congress has appropriated $50 million to provide food and clothing to refugees in France.He concluded by expressing to me that he valued the significance and utility of the matter I had raised in my letter. This is a disappointing telegram. Those around our table are well aware that the president is in danger of being accused of violating the constitution and thus losing the upcoming election, and that our destiny, and more than our destiny, depends on this The result of the election is transfer.I am convinced that he would be willing to sacrifice his life, let alone the presidency, for the cause of world liberty, which is at great peril, but what good would it do?Across the Atlantic, I could feel his pain, the pain of the White House, which was different in quality from that of Bordeaux or London, but not different in degree from the personal pain. In my calls back, I had made some arguments for the President to persuade others about the dangers America would face if Europe fell and Britain was defeated.This matter is not a matter of feelings, but a matter of life and death. former navy personnel to president roosevelt June 14, 1940｜15 I am very grateful for your call, and I have conveyed the key words of it to Renault and offered him a more optimistic view.I am sure he will be disappointed that you do not agree to publish.I understand the various difficulties you have encountered in American public opinion and Congress, but the situation has taken a turn for the worse. When the situation finally matures, it is beyond the control of American public opinion.Have you considered what conditions Hitler would make of France?He might say: The French fleet surrenders, and I leave you Alsace-Lorraine [1].Otherwise it is: If you don't hand over your warships, I will destroy your cities.I personally firmly believe that the United States will eventually take the last step, but for France at present, it is a crisis of survival.France could be saved if the United States issued a declaration that it would enter the war if necessary.Otherwise, the French resistance will collapse in a matter of days, and we will then be alone. 【1】Alsace｜Lorraine is located in the east of France, close to Germany, and is a disputed area between France and Germany in history.translator If our resistance here fails, the current government and I personally must transfer the fleet to the other side of the Atlantic, but this struggle may reach a point where the present ministers will then be unable to control the development of the situation, as long as the British will Become a vassal of Hitler's empire, then the conditions for peace are very easy.There would inevitably be a pro-German government, peace talks, and the irresistible and total submission of a destitute or starving people to the will of the Nazis.As I have mentioned to you in the past, the fate of the British Fleet will determine the future of the United States for this reason: If the British Fleet is combined with the Japanese, French and Italian fleets, and the vast industrial resources of Germany, then The absolutely overwhelming sea power will be in the hands of Hitler.Of course, Hitler could have used this power quite modestly.But on the other hand, he may not necessarily do so.The balance of power at sea could change rapidly, and certainly long before the United States was ready to deal with it.If we are defeated, you will have before you a European Commonwealth under Nazi rule, far more numerous, stronger, and better armed than the New World. I am well aware, Mr. President, that your eye has penetrated these profound places, but I feel that I have a right to put on record my opinion that the interests of the United States are greatly at stake in our fighting and in the fighting of France. Through Ambassador Kennedy, I am sending you a report on the strength of destroyers prepared by the Naval Staff for your reference.If we have to keep most of our destroyers on the east coast to prevent invasion (which we will do), how can we cope with German and Italian attacks on the food and commodity transport ships we depend on for our livelihood? As I have stated, sending thirty-five destroyers will make up for the lack of ships for a period of time before our new ships are launched at the end of this year.This is an immediate, practical and potentially decisive step, and it is my deepest hope that you will weigh the implications of my few words. At this time, the situation on the French front deteriorated further.During the German operations northwest of Paris, we lost the 51st Division, and on June 9 the enemy reached the lower reaches of the Seine and Oise.On the south bank, the remnants of the defeated French Tenth and Seventh Armies hastily organized their defenses; they were broken through by the enemy from the centre; To close this gap, the garrison of the capital, the so-called Corps de Paris, was driven out of Paris and into battle. Farther east, along the Aisne, the Sixth, Fourth and Second Armies fared much better.They had three weeks to lay up their defenses and have reinforcements brought in.During the period of Dunkirk and the advance of the enemy to Rouen they were relatively unmolested, but they were not strong enough to hold a line of a hundred miles long, and The enemy took advantage of this time again to gather the strength of many divisions and prepare to deal a final blow to them.On June 9, the front fell.Despite stubborn French resistance, the French fought resolutely, and the Germans established a bridgehead on the south bank of the Aisne from Soissons to Rédère, extending as far as the Marne during the next two days.The German panzer divisions, which had played a decisive role in the long drive down the coast, were also transferred across the river to take part in this new campaign.The eight armored divisions rushed twice, crushing the defeated French army.The number of the French army was greatly reduced, and it was in chaos. It could no longer resist the powerful enemy army superior in numbers, equipment and technology.In four days, by June 16, the enemy had reached Orléans and the Loire; in the east, the Germans stormed past Dijon and Besançon and almost reached the Swiss frontier. West of Paris, the remnants of the Tenth Army, less than two divisions, were forced back to the southwest by the Germans and retreated from the Seine to Alençon.The capital fell on the fourteenth; the Seventh Army and the Paris Corps, which had garrisoned Paris, were routed and scattered; What about the French shields and defenders of the Maginot Line?The Germans did not attack it directly until June 14th, when some combat units left the garrison, and those who could join joined the rapid retreat of the center, but it was too late.That same day the Maginot Line before Saarbrücken was breached and the enemy crossed the Rhine near Colmar;Two days later, the Germans invaded Besançon, cutting off the French retreat.More than 400,000 French troops were surrounded, with no hope of escape.Many of the surrounded defenders fought desperately, and did not surrender until French officers were sent to give orders after the armistice.The last of the forts obeyed on June 30, but the fort commander also protested that every point of his fortifications remained intact. Thus ended a large but poorly organized campaign on the French battlefield.As for the weak role that the British army can play, it will be added later. General Brook made great achievements when he led his army to retreat to Dunkirk, especially in the gap caused by the surrender of the Belgian army.We have therefore chosen him to command the British troops remaining in France, and all reinforcements, until a sufficient number has been assembled to render Lord Gott the Commander of the Army Group. Brooke had by this time arrived in France, where he met Generals Weygand and General Georges on the 14th.Weygand said that the French army was no longer capable of organized resistance or concerted action.The French army had been cut into four, of which, at the westernmost point, was the French Tenth Army.Weygand also told him that the Allied governments had agreed to establish a bridgehead on the Brittany peninsula, to be jointly defended by British and French forces across Rennes roughly from south to north.He ordered Brooke to deploy his troops on a defensive line through the town.Brook pointed out that this line of defense was 150 kilometers long and required at least 15 divisions.Weygand told him that he should take his instructions as orders. Reynaud and I did agree on June 11th at Briard to lay a line similar to the Torrichy-Verdelican front [1] across the lower part of the Brittany peninsula.But the matter was shelved at that time, and the plan, for all its merit, was never carried out.The plan itself is quite correct, but events have made it impossible to realize it.Once the main force of France is defeated or eliminated, although this bridgehead position is of great value, it cannot be held for long under the concentrated firepower of the German army.Even a few weeks of resistance here, however, would have maintained links with Britain, and at the same time allowed for the withdrawal of large numbers of French troops from elsewhere in the vast, now disintegrated front to Africa. If fighting in France is to continue, it will only be fought in the wooded or mountainous regions of Brest and the Vosges.Otherwise, France would have to surrender.Therefore, no one can scoff at the idea of ​​a bridgehead in Brittany.Allied forces under the command of Eisenhower (then still an unknown American colonel) later took it back for us at great cost. 【1】Torres Vedras (Torres Vedras), forty-three miles northwest of Lisbon, the capital of Portugal.In 1810, when British General Wellington was the commander-in-chief of the British, Spanish and Portuguese coalition forces and fought against Napoleon, he established the Torrici-Federician front here.translator After talking to the French commanders, General Brooke took stock of the worsening situation from the perspective of his own headquarters, reported to the War Office, and telephoned Mr. Eden to tell him that the situation was irreversible.All subsequent reinforcements should cease immediately, and the British Expeditionary Force (150,000 men in all) remaining in France should be immediately re-embarked.Because he thought I was stubborn, he called me on the night of June 14th. Fortunately, he finally got through after a lot of trouble, and tried his best to persuade me to accept his opinion.我聽得很清楚，十分鐘以後，我認為他的意見是正確的，我軍必須離開。於是便根據他的意見下了命令。 他從此便不再接受法軍司令的指揮。運回大量物資、裝備和士兵的工作開始了。已經登陸的加拿大師先頭部隊又重新上船，第五十二師，除第一百五十七旅外，還沒有參加戰鬥，也退回佈雷斯特。在法國第十集團軍指揮下作戰的英國部隊沒有撤回來，但是我們所有的其他部隊都在佈雷斯特、瑟堡、聖馬洛和聖納澤爾上了船。六月十五日，我們的部隊不再接受法國第十集團軍的指揮，第二天，當第十集團軍繼續向南撤退的時候，我軍便向瑟堡移動。第一百五十七旅經過激戰後，當夜脫圍，乘卡車撤退，於六月十七十八日的夜間登船。十七日宣佈了貝當政府要求停戰的消息，貝當政府命令一切法國軍隊停止戰鬥，對我國部隊連這個消息也不通知一聲，因此，我們便命令布魯克將軍盡量搶救裝備、盡量攜帶士兵登船歸國。 當時，我們又重演了敦刻爾克撤退那一幕，規模既相當可觀，使用的船隻也比上次大。有兩萬多波蘭軍隊拒絕投降，直奔海岸，後來搭乘我們的軍艦到達英國。德軍從各方面追擊我軍。在瑟堡半島，德軍於十八日晨和我後衛在港口以南十哩的地方接觸。最後一隻船在午後四時離開法國，當時隆美爾指揮的敵第七坦克師離港口不到三哩。我方被俘的士兵為數無幾。 從法國各港口撤退的英國軍隊共十三萬六千名、大炮三百一十門；連同波蘭軍隊總計十五萬六千人。這反映了布魯克將軍手下組織登船的人員的巨大功績，其中，為首的是英國軍官德‧方布蘭克將軍，他因積勞成疾，不久之後便與世長辭了。 在佈雷斯特和西部港口撤退的人數眾多。德軍對英軍運輸艦隻大肆轟炸。十七日在聖‧納澤爾發生了一件可怕的意外事件。兩萬噸的郵船蘭卡斯特里亞號上載有五千人，在將要啟航之際遭到敵機的轟炸。船上有三千多人喪命。其餘的人被小船從繼續不斷的空襲下努力搶救出來。下午，我在寂靜的內閣辦公室裡獲悉這項消息，我禁止發表，我說：今天報上的壞消息已經夠多了。我本打算幾天以後才發表這項消息，但是，意外事件紛至沓來，既令人如此沮喪，而又來得那麼快，以致使我忘記了解除禁令，過了好久公眾才知道這件駭人聽聞的事。 為了減輕人們對即將到來的法國投降感到震驚的程度，這時必須給各自治領的總理拍發電報，向他們表明，即使是單獨作戰，我們也有繼續戰鬥的決心，我們的決心絕不是出於固執或絕望的掙扎，我們要以他們也許並不十分了解的實際理由和技術上的理由說服他們，使他們相信我們在當前的實際力量。因此，在六月十六日，儘管當天已經排滿了許多工作要做，但我在那天下午還是口授了下面這封信。 首相致加拿大、澳大利亞、新西蘭和南非聯邦各位總理 June 16, 1940 （開頭有幾句分別對每位總理單說的話。）我並不認為我們對目前的形勢已經無能為力了。法國是否就不在非洲或海洋上繼續戰鬥，這一點無論如何還難以肯定，但是，不管法國人怎麼做，希特勒已經決心要在這個島上打敗我們，否則他就要失敗。我們面臨的主要危險是：希特勒將集中轟炸，配合傘兵和空運部隊的降落，並試圖以陸軍渡海入侵。從戰爭一開始我們就面臨著這樣的危險，法國根本不能使我們免除這個危險，因為希特勒總是能夠把這危險加到我們頭上。毫無疑問，由於希特勒已經征服了鄰近我們海岸的歐洲沿海地帶，這個危險就更嚴重了，但是，這個危險大體上還是一樣的。我看不出我們為什麼不能對付它。海軍從來沒有說過他們能阻擋五千到一萬人的襲擊；但是我們還看不出：比如說一支八萬到十萬人的大軍，怎能運過海峽，更不用說在我們佔優勢的海軍的炮口下待下去了。只要我們的空軍還存在，就能為我們的艦隊提供火力的援助，阻止敵軍從海上登陸，並且消滅一大部分空運著陸的敵軍。 由於援助法國和從敦刻爾克撤退，我們雖曾蒙受重大損失，但是我們還是設法保存了我們空軍的戰鬥實力，而沒有按法國的強烈呼籲輕率地把空軍投入這場還不能算作是決定性的地面大戰。我們高興地告訴你，我們的空軍現在像以往一樣強大，而飛機的製造比以前任何時候都更為迅速；事實上，目前駕駛員成了一種限制性因素。我們的戰鬥機即便在法國那樣不利的條件下作戰，也經常使敵人遭受到一比二或一比二‧五的損失。在敦刻爾克的撤退中，那地方已是無人地帶，我們使敵人遭受到一比三或四的損失，德國的編隊往往遇到只有他們飛機數目四分之一的我機便望風而逃。所有的空軍權威人士都一致同意，保衛英國免於遭受來自海外的空襲，更有莫大的有利條件，因為，第一我們有各種裝置，可以很清楚地知道敵機從哪裡飛來，其次，我們各空軍中隊的駐地相距很近，能使我們集中力量攻擊入侵的敵機，並能調動足夠的飛機，同時攻擊敵人的轟炸機及其作為掩護之用的戰鬥機。所有他們被擊落的飛機都是徹底的損失，而我們被擊落的飛機和駕駛員則有許多還可以再度參加戰鬥。因此，我認為，狠狠地打擊他們，使他們認識到，白天來犯犧牲太大，這決不是不可能的。最大的危險將是敵人夜間襲擊我們的飛機製造廠，但是，夜間襲擊不如白天襲擊準確，而我們也作好了許多使敵機襲擊的效果減少到最低限度的計劃。當然，他們的飛機比我們的飛機多得多，但是也不是多到使我們不敢抱這樣一個美好而合理的希望：經過幾個星期甚至幾個月的空戰之後，把他們打得精疲力竭，一蹶不振。同時，我們的轟炸機當然要繼續不斷地轟炸他們的重要地點，特別是煉油廠、飛機製造廠和集中在魯爾地區的密集的軍需工廠。我們希望，我國人民經受得起敵機的轟炸和敵人的襲擊。敵我雙方都將以前所未有的規模進行轟炸。所有我們的情報表明，德國人對截至目前所遭受的損失頗感沮喪。 要記住，現在英國遠征軍已經歸國，大部分都已重新裝備或正在重新裝備，如果說不夠大陸作戰的標準，但無論如何是足夠保衛本土的，我們目前在本土擁有的軍事力量比上次大戰或這次大戰的任何時期都強大得多，因此，我們希望能悉數消滅從空中降落或從海上襲來的敵軍，給那些企圖跟在他們後面來犯的敵人一個儆戒。我們當然必須預料到敵人將採取新的攻擊形式並試圖把坦克運過大海。就我們所能預見到的，我們都在作應付的準備。誰也不能預言或保證這種生死存亡的鬥爭的歸趨，但是我們一定要精神百倍地進行這一鬥爭。 我向你這樣詳細地解說，以便表明，我們有確實的理由才下此決心：我們決不讓法國的命運（不論其命運如何）嚇得我們不敢把戰爭打到底。我個人相信，在我們這個島上進行的激烈戰鬥和屍橫遍野的情形將促使美國參戰，即便我們被數量上佔優勢的敵人的空軍力量擊敵，正如我上次在下院的一次講話中所表明的，我們還可以把艦隊調往大西洋的對岸去，從那裡保衛大英帝國，使帝國能夠繼續作戰，繼續實施封鎖。我相信，和美國戮力同心，我們一定可以把希特勒政權打個粉碎。我們在每個階段都會通知你怎樣幫助我們；我們確信，你一定會竭盡全力幫助我們的，至於我們，我們是完全下定決心這樣做的。 以上的電稿是我在內閣辦公室擬的，我一面口述，打字機一面打下來。通往花園的門大開著，外面陽光燦爛，十分溫暖。這時，空軍參謀長紐沃爾空軍中將坐在陽台上，我把草稿修改完了後，拿出去給他看有沒有什麼地方需要修改。他顯然深受感動，立刻說，他完全同意我說的每一句話。當我把我的信念寫成文件以後，感到心情愉快、精神振作，在發出去以前，我最後又讀了一遍，感到心中充滿了堅定的信心。 後來發生的事情確實證明我說的話是正確的。一切都成了事實。