Chapter 52 Volume 20 Chapter 10 Bordeaux Armistice

The move of the French government to Bordeaux General Weygand's attitude General Weygand and Mr. Renault Chaudant's insidious proposals A permanent alliance General de Gaulle hoped that this would strengthen Mr. Renault. Mr. Renault was satisfied. My telegram of June 16 temporarily suspended my plan to visit Bordeaux by cruiser with the leaders of the Labor and Liberal parties. The British proposal was not accepted. Renault's cabinet collapsed Renault's resignation Talk to Monsieur Monet and General de Gaulle in Downing Street Marshal Pétain formed a French government demanding an armistice My telegram to Marshal Pétain and General Weygand June 17th Broadcast on the 17th Admiral Spears for General de Gaulle's planned escape Rediscussion of Mandel's intentions to resist Mandel in Africa Fate is a presumption that presupposes my unwavering faith.

Leaving aside the battlefields of military defeat, we now turn to the upheaval of the French Cabinet and the characters surrounding it at Bordeaux. It is not easy to determine the clear outcome of the development of events.The British war cabinet met almost continuously, making decisions at any time, and sending telegrams at any time.Because it takes two or three hours to decipher the telegram, and it may take another hour before it can be sent out, the officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs always use the phone to inform our ambassador of the content of the decision, and the ambassador often answers by phone, so , there will be confusion such as duplication and short circuit.The evolution of the situation on both sides of the Taiwan Strait is so rapid, if we continue to debate step by step and then make a decision, things will be delayed.

M. Renault arrived from Tours on the evening of the 14th to the new premises of the French Government.He received the British ambassador at about nine o'clock.Sir Ronald Campbell informed him that His Majesty's Government was to uphold the provisions of the Agreement of March 28, that neither party should make peace with Germany.He also proposed that once the French government decided to move to North Africa, Britain would supply all necessary transport ships.Both statements are in line with the ambassador's current instructions. On the morning of the 15th, Reynaud received the British ambassador again and told him that he had decided to divide the government into two parts and locate the center of power overseas.This policy was clearly intended to divert the French fleet to ports out of reach of German forces.Before noon that day, President Roosevelt's reply to Raynaud's appeal of June 13 was received.In my telegram to the French Prime Minister, I tried to talk about the merits of Roosevelt's answer, but I knew that it would also disappoint him.If approved by the (U.S.) Congress, material assistance can be given, but there is no question of the U.S. participating in the war.France cannot at present expect the United States to declare war, and the President himself has neither the power to declare war, nor can he induce Congress to do so.There has been no Cabinet meeting since the evening of the thirteenth at Canjar, near Tours.Now that all the cabinet members have arrived in Bordeaux, a cabinet meeting was held in the afternoon of the same day.

General Weygand had for some days considered that all continued resistance would be futile, and therefore he intended to force the French government to call for an armistice while the French army remained sufficiently disciplined and strong enough to maintain domestic order after the defeat.He had long hated the parliamentary system of the Third Republic.As a devout Catholic, he saw the utter devastation of his country as God's punishment for apostasy from the teachings of Christ, and so far exceeded his duty (though his duty was great) To the extent permitted, to use the power of his highest military position.He contradicted the French Prime Minister, declaring that the French army could not fight any longer and that this horrific and futile massacre should be stopped before the country fell into anarchy.

Paul Reynaud, on the other hand, had realized that the war in France was over, but he still wanted to continue it with the French fleet from Africa and the French Empire.None of the countries ravaged by Hitler withdrew from the war. In fact, these countries only fell into the hands of the enemy at home, but their governments raised their flags overseas and kept the country alive.Renault is willing to follow in the footsteps of these countries, and he has more reliable means.He wanted to find a solution by the way of the surrender of the Netherlands.This, while allowing the chiefs of the Army and Army to have refused to go on fighting and to lay down arms where they come into contact with the enemy, has left the country sovereign to fight on with all the means at its disposal.

The prime minister and the supreme commander had had a bitter debate over the issue before the cabinet meeting.Renault suggested that Weygand be authorized in writing by the government to order a ceasefire.Weygand angrily rejected the suggestion of military surrender. He will never allow such a shameful thing to pollute the standard of the French army.He believes that although the surrender is imperative, it should be carried out by the government and the country, and the army under his command is only doing so according to the duties of a soldier.General Weygand, though a man of integrity and selflessness, was wrong in this matter.He believes that the military has the right to dominate the legitimate government of the republic, and thus pushes the entire war of resistance, not only of France but of the French Empire, in a direction that runs counter to the choice of his legitimate political leaders.

Apart from these forms and arguments about the honor of the French army, there is still a practical problem here.If the armistice agreement is officially signed by the French government, it means that France has ended the war.Through negotiations, part of France may not be occupied, and part of the army enjoys freedom; but if the fighting continues from overseas, all those who do not escape from France will be directly controlled by the Germans, and tens of thousands of French will be killed. Brought to Germany as prisoners of war, without the protection of any agreement.This is a practical question, but it should be decided by the Government of the Republic and not by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army.It seemed to Weygand that the armies under his command were no longer willing to fight, and that the French Republic should submit and order the armed forces to obey the truce which Weygand was happy to enforce; There is no basis in the law and practice of the military, or in the bounden duty of the soldier.At least in theory, the prime minister has a way of coping.He could answer thus: You are fighting against the Constitution of the Republic.You are relieved of your command from this moment on.I will get the necessary presidential approval.

It is a pity that Mr. Reynaud was not fully confident in his own position.Behind this domineering general loomed the well-known Marshal Pétain, who was at the center of that group of defeatist ministers that Renault had so miscalculated recently brought into the government and cabinet, all determined for a truce. .Behind them crouched Laval, a very insidious man. He had become the mayor of Bordeaux, and gathered around him a small group of senators and deputies ready to move. Laval's policy had the efficacy and merit of simplicity.France must not only make peace with Germany, but must turn against her; she must form an alliance with the conqueror, and faithfully cross the channel to fight against the common enemy, and use this credit to preserve her interests and provinces, and end on the side of victory. war.Evidently M. Reynolds was exhausted by the trials he had endured, and he had neither the mental nor the physical strength to meet such a personal ordeal.It is a test indeed that only the likes of Oliver Cromwell, Clemenceau, Stalin or Hitler have the means to meet.

During the discussion on the afternoon of the 15th, in which the President of the Republic was also present, Renault, having explained the situation to his colleagues, asked Marshal Pétain to persuade General Weygand to obey the cabinet.The lobbyist he picked couldn't have been worse.The marshal went out, with a pause in between.After a while, he walked back with Weygand, and it was Weygand's position that he was now supporting.At this critical juncture, Mr. Xiao Dang, an important cabinet member, put in a seemingly compromised and insidious proposal, which is quite attractive to wavering elements.On behalf of the leftists of the cabinet, he said that Reynaud was right to think that compromise with the enemy was impossible, but it was also very wise to make a gesture that would unite France.

France could ask Germany what the terms of an armistice would be, while retaining full freedom to reject them.Of course, once on this slippery slope, it was impossible to hold back.The mere announcement that the French government was inquiring what conditions Germany would allow for an armistice was enough in itself to destroy what little morale remained in the French army.After sending such a deadly signal, how can the soldiers be ordered to resist tenaciously regardless of their own lives?However, since the cabinet members had witnessed the performance of Pétain and Weygand, Chautan's proposal had an extremely profound impact on most of them.It was unanimously agreed to consult His Majesty's Government on this step, and to inform the British Government that the French Fleet would not surrender under any circumstances.At this time, Renault stood up from the table and announced that he was resigning.But the President of the Republic stopped him and said that if Renault resigned, he would also resign.A confused discussion was thus resumed; lingering between the question of not surrendering the French fleet to Germany and sending it to ports outside France to escape German influence.They agreed to ask the British government to allow France to inquire about the terms of the German armistice.The telegram was sent immediately.

The next morning, Reynaud received the British ambassador again, who told him that the British government would accept the French request on condition that the French fleet be kept out of German influence, in fact, that the French fleet be transferred to British ports.To save time, Ambassador Campbell was telephoned with these instructions from London.At eleven o'clock, the chaotic cabinet meeting was held again, and President Le Brun was also present.Mr. Jean Nane, the President of the Senate, was invited to express his support for the Prime Minister's proposal to move the government to North Africa, both on behalf of himself and on behalf of his colleague, the President of the House of Representatives, Mr. Herriot.Marshal Pétain stood up and read a letter (everyone believed that someone else had written it for him) that he was resigning from the cabinet.After he finished speaking, he was about to leave the room.The President of the Republic dissuaded him on the condition that he be given an answer that day. The Field Marshal also complained about the delay in calling for an armistice.Reynolds replied that if one of the Allies asked the other to release him from his obligations, it was the custom to wait for a reply from the other.This concludes the meeting.After lunch, the ambassador handed over the British government's written answer to Renault, who had informed the French Prime Minister of the main points of the answer he had learned over the phone in his conversation with Renault that morning. These days the War Cabinet is in an uncharacteristically agitated state.What the cabinet members never forget is the fall of France and the fate of France.As for our own predicaments, the situations we face and face individually, seem to take a backseat.The unanimous sentiment is that we are saddened by the sufferings of our allies and hope to help them as far as humanly possible.Besides, there was the incomparably important matter of securing the French fleet.It was from this spirit that the proposal for a permanent alliance between England and France arose. I didn't come up with this suggestion in the first place.I first heard of this definite plan on the 15th at a lunch at the Carlton Club in the presence of Lord Halifax, Mr Corbain, Sir Vansittart, and one or two others. Clearly, there had been ample discussions beforehand.On the 14th Vansittart and Desmond Morton had met Monsieur Monet and Monsieur Previn (both members of the French Economic Mission in London) and General de Gaulle, who had arranged for the ships Transport is here by air in order to transport the French government and as many French troops as possible to North Africa.These gentlemen have drawn up a draft of the manifesto of the Anglo-French alliance, with the object, besides speaking of the advantages of the alliance in general, of presenting to Renault some living and exciting new facts which will enable him to put most of the Cabinet members moved to North Africa to continue the war of resistance.My initial reaction to this was not great.I asked many critical questions, and no one could convince me.However, at the end of the lengthy cabinet meeting that afternoon, the issue was raised again.I was somewhat surprised to see the staid and experienced statesmen of all parties so zealously in favor of a major project whose meaning and consequences had not yet been fully considered.I did not resist, but was immediately overwhelmed by the passion and generosity which determined us to perform a selfless and dauntless noble act. When the War Cabinet met before noon the next day, we first discussed how to respond to Reynaud's request to formally release France from its obligations under the Anglo-French Agreement, which had been delivered the night before.The Cabinet authorized the following reply, and at your request I went to the next room to draft it.The reply was sent at 12:35 p.m. on the 16th.In the reply, it formally acknowledged and reiterated the order notified to Campbell by telephone that morning. The Foreign Office to Sir Campbell would like to forward to Mr Raynaud the following telegram which has been approved by the Cabinet: Mr. Churchill to Mr. Renault June 16, 1940 at 12:35 pm The agreement that no armistice or peace negotiations should be carried out separately was concluded between our country and the French Republic, not with any individual French regime or political figure, and it therefore concerns the honor of France.Nevertheless, on the assumption, and only on the assumption, that the French Fleet proceeds immediately to English ports during the negotiations, His Majesty's Government fully consents to the French Government's inquiry to learn the terms of the armistice in France.His Majesty's Government, determined to continue the war, will take no part in the above inquiry into the terms of the armistice. Shortly after noon the Foreign Office sent a second telegram of the same wording to Sir Ronald Campbell (June 16th at 3.10pm). The language expressed in both telegrams was strong, reflecting the main purpose of the War Cabinet in the morning meeting. Foreign Office to Sir Campbell Please notify Mr. Renault as follows: We expect France to consult with us as soon as it receives an answer on any terms of armistice.It was negotiated not only because our two countries had a treaty not to make a separate peace or armistice, but, especially as the British were fighting alongside the French, we had to consider what a truce of any kind would have on us.You should give the French government the impression that by agreeing to transfer the French fleet to English ports, we have France's interests as much in mind as our own.We believe that if the French government shows that the French navy is to be kept outside the German sphere of influence, that will strengthen France's hand in any armistice negotiations.As for the French Air Force, unless the French Government is willing to transfer to England, we think that every effort should be made to fly to North Africa. We expect that the French government will do everything possible before and during the armistice negotiations to rescue the Polish, Belgian and Czech troops currently in France and send them to North Africa.Britain is making arrangements to take over the Polish and Belgian governments there. We met again at three o'clock that afternoon.I reminded the Cabinet that, towards the end of the Cabinet meeting the day before yesterday, there had been some discussion on a renewed declaration of a closer union between Britain and France.General de Gaulle, whom I met this morning, said that in order to give M. Renault the necessary support to enable his government to continue fighting, certain dramatic actions must be taken; A manifesto would serve this purpose, and his words touched my heart very much.Both General de Gaulle and M. Corbain were concerned that the resolution passed this morning by the War Cabinet and embodied in the telegrams it had sent was too sharp. I have heard that a new manifesto has been drafted for consideration, and that General de Gaulle has telephoned M. Renault.As a result, it was considered better to hold off on action for now.Accordingly, another telegram was sent to Sir Ronald Campbell, ordering him to hold off on sending the message. The foreign secretary then said that after the morning's meeting he had met with Sir Vansittart and said he had asked him to draw up a compelling manifesto that would strengthen Renault's position.Van Sitta consulted General de Gaulle, M. Monnet, M. Previn and Major Morton.Several of them jointly drafted a manifesto. General de Gaulle stressed to them that the document should be published as soon as possible, and that he would bring the draft back to France that evening.General de Gaulle also suggested that I should go to France to meet M. Renault the next day. Everyone circulated the draft manifesto, and everyone read it attentively.Everyone saw all the difficulties at a glance, but in the end, the alliance declaration seemed to win everyone's unanimous agreement.I said that my first instincts were against such an idea, but we must not be accused of lack of imagination at this critical juncture.Clearly, some kind of dramatic statement was necessary for France to continue its resistance.This proposal must not be dismissed lightly, and I was heartened to see that the majority of the War Cabinet was in favor. At 3:55 p.m., I heard that the French cabinet meeting will meet at 5:00 p.m. to make a decision on whether to continue the war of resistance.Second, de Gaulle had received a phone call from Mr. Reynolds saying that if he received a reply in support of the Union Declaration at 5 p.m., he felt he could stick to his position.On this basis, the War Cabinet approved the final draft of the Declaration of the Anglo-French Alliance and authorized General de Gaulle to transmit it to M. Renault.We'll call Mr. Renault right away and tell him about it.The War Cabinet again invited me, Mr. Attlee and Sir Archibald Sinclair, representing the three parties in England, to meet Mr. Reynaud as soon as possible in order to discuss the draft Declaration and related matters. The final draft is as follows: Union Declaration At this most critical juncture in the history of the world today, the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the French Republic hereby issue a declaration declaring a permanent alliance between the two countries, an unflinching determination in the common cause of safeguarding justice and liberty, and opposing the plunge of mankind into The institution of mechanical life and slavery. The two governments announced that France and the United Kingdom would no longer be two countries but a Franco-British alliance. The union's constitution will provide for joint institutions to carry out defence, foreign, fiscal and economic policies. Every French citizen would immediately enjoy the citizenship of Great Britain; every English subject would also become a French citizen. Wherever the war has devastated the territory of both nations, the burden of recovery will be shared by both nations, and the resources of both nations will be devoted to this purpose equally and as one nation. During the war there was only a single War Cabinet, and all British and French armed forces, whether land, navy or air, would be placed under the command of that War Cabinet.Command from where is most suitable.The parliaments of the two countries will formally merge.All the countries of the British Empire are already forming new armies.France will continue to maintain its existing forces on land, sea and air.The alliance will appeal to the United States to vigorously supplement the economic resources of the allies and provide substantial material assistance to the common cause. No matter where the battle takes place, the Alliance will focus all its efforts on striking the enemy. In this way, we will surely defeat the enemy. All this was duly notified to Parliament, but by this time the matter was hopeless. As can be seen above, I did not draft this manifesto myself.It was drafted by all of you at the table, and I'm just giving my opinion on it.I then took it to the next room, where General de Gaulle, Vansittart, Desmond Morton and M. Corbin were all waiting.General de Gaulle read the manifesto with great excitement.He contacted Bordeaux by telephone, and when the call was connected, he immediately notified Mr. Renault of the declaration.He hopes as much as we do that the solemn oath of union and friendship and solidarity between these two peoples and empires will enable the struggling French Prime Minister to try to move the government to North Africa with as many troops as possible, and to order the French navy to the present German Uncontrollable ports. Now let us describe the situation of the other party.The British ambassador sent two letters of British replies to France's request to be relieved of its obligations of March 28.According to the ambassador's report, Mr. Renault, in a depressed mood, was not very satisfied with either of these replies.He said at once that the withdrawal of the French Mediterranean Fleet to British ports would entail the immediate capture of Tunisia by Italy, and would also increase the difficulties of the British Fleet.This idea remained with him until General de Gaulle telephoned him with my letter.The ambassador said: This is like a good medicine to boost the spirit.Renault said that for a document like this, he must fight to the end.Just then, Mr. Mandel and Mr. Malan walked in.They were also clearly relieved.Then M. Renaud went briskly to report the document to the President of the Republic.With this strong assurance, he believed, he would be able to get a cabinet meeting to agree to a policy of relocating to Africa to continue fighting.I telegraphed the British Ambassador, instructing him to defer delivery of the two strongly worded telegrams mentioned above, or at any rate to withhold action; this telegram was sent just after the departure of Prime Minister Renault.So he sent someone to catch up with him and told him that the two earlier telegrams should be discarded (it might be better to say that they withheld them temporarily).The War Cabinet did not alter its position in the slightest.We felt, however, that it would be best to let the Declaration of the Union play its full role under the most favorable conditions.If it could revive the spirit of the French cabinet meeting, then the big picture can lead to small things, and the French fleet will automatically sail to the ports beyond Germany's control.If our suggestion is not supported, then again we can fully exercise our rights and make our demands. It is difficult for us to know what is going on inside the French government, and we do not know that this is the last time we will be able to deal with Mr. Renault. I had spoken to him on the phone that day and said I was going to see him right away.Unsure of what was happening in Bordeaux or what was about to happen, my colleagues in the War Cabinet advised me to go by cruiser, and arrangements were made for a meeting off the coast of Brittany next day.I should have gone by plane.But it was too late even to fly. The following telegram was sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: To Sir Campbell (Bordeaux) June 16 at 6:45 pm Accompanied by the Keeper of the Seal, the Minister of the Air Force, the three chiefs of staff of the armed forces and several other entourages, the Prime Minister will arrive at Kangano tomorrow at 12:00 noon on the 17th to meet with Mr. Reynolds.General de Gaulle has been notified of this matter, and he said that the meeting time and place are very convenient.We recommend meeting on the ship, as unobtrusive as possible.The British ship Berkeley has been informed that Mr. Reynolds and his entourage should be at their disposal if they wish to take them. At 8:00 p.m. on the 16th, the Foreign Minister notified again by phone: I told you to temporarily withhold my last two telegrams for the following reasons. After discussions with General de Gaulle, the Prime Minister decided to meet Mr. Renault in Brittany tomorrow in order to further try to dissuade the French government from demanding an armistice.For this purpose, he has adopted the advice of General de Gaulle, and will propose to M. Renaud that they jointly issue a manifesto at once, declaring the immediate establishment of the closest Anglo-French alliance in every field for the conduct of war.The original draft of the Declaration, approved by His Majesty's Government, will be attached to my next telegram to be sent.The original text should be read to Mr. Renault immediately. The outlines of the draft manifesto were communicated to M. Renault by General de Gaulle by telephone.Renault replied that such a declaration by the two governments would change the decision of the French government. General de Gaulle will return to France with a copy tonight. On the 16th our war cabinet meeting lasted until six o'clock, after which I was ordered to set off.With me were the leaders of the Labor Party and the Liberal Party, the three chiefs of staff of the armed forces, and various important officials and generals.A special train is waiting at Waterloo.We shall be at Southampton in two hours; at thirty knots, by overnight cruiser, we shall be at the meeting place by noon on the 17th. We are already seated in the train.My wife also came to see off the trip.The drive was strangely delayed.Apparently something had happened.At this moment my private secretary arrived, panting from Downing Street, with the following message from Campbell from Bordeaux: There has been a cabinet crisis.Expect news around midnight.At the moment, the meeting scheduled for tomorrow seems impossible. Hearing the news, I returned to Downing Street with a heavy heart. Here's the final scene from Renault's cabinet. The hopes that Renault had placed in the Manifesto of the Union disappeared in an instant. It is rare for such a sincere proposal to be met with such hostility.The prime minister read the document twice to a cabinet meeting.He declared that he himself strongly supported it, and said that he was arranging to meet with me the next day to discuss all the details, but some of these disturbed cabinet members were well-known and some were not. , and under the heavy blow of failure, they all expressed hesitation.We have heard that some people have been informed of the news by wiretapping the phone.These people are defeatists.Most people are completely unprepared for such a far-reaching project.In the cabinet meeting, the vast majority of people wanted to completely reject the plan.Most people were surprised and distrusted, and even the friendliest and most determined people on weekdays couldn't say yes or no. The Cabinet meeting was called to hear the British answer to the French demand, and they all agreed that Britain would allow France to be relieved of its obligations of March 28 in order to inquire what the terms of the German armistice would be.If our official answer had been shown to them earlier, it would have been possible, and quite likely, to have the majority accept our first condition: to send the fleet to England, or at least to propose some other suitable proposal which would enable them to engage the enemy. Negotiations began, and at the same time, if Germany's conditions were too harsh, they could retain the last option and withdraw to Africa, but at this time a typical order, anti-order, and disorder appeared. Renault was completely unable to overcome the unfavorable impression created by the proposal of an Anglo-French alliance.A band of defeatists headed by Marshal Pétain refused to even examine it.They made all kinds of strong accusations.Said it was a last-minute plan, a surprise attack, a plan to reduce France to a protectorate or seize its colonies.This, they said, would reduce France's status to that of a British dominion.Others complained that the French were not even given equal status, because the French could only acquire citizenship of the British Empire, not of Great Britain, whereas the English could be citizens of France.This statement is inconsistent with the original text of the declaration. In addition to this, many other arguments have been made.Weygand persuaded Petain without further ado that England was finished.The highest French military authorities could say that within three weeks England would be wrung by its neck like a chicken.In Pétain's view, the Union of England was no different from the union of dead bodies.Ibanagaray, who had been so strong during the last war, now cried out: It is better to be a province of the Nazis.We at least understand what's going on.A close friend of General Weygand, Senator Rébel, declared that this plan meant the complete doom of France, and in short the clear subjection of France to England. It was in vain that Raynaud replied that I would rather cooperate with the allies than with the enemy.Mandel also asked: Would you rather be a district of Germany than a dominion of England?But all these words don't help. We know for sure that after Renault presented our proposal at the cabinet meeting, it was not put to a vote.The suggestion just disappeared by itself.For the French Prime Minister who insisted on fighting, this was a fatal blow to himself, which marked the end of his influence and prestige in the cabinet.All subsequent discussions turned to the armistice and inquiries about the conditions of Germany. When discussing these issues, Mr. Xiaodan appeared calm and firm.The two telegrams we sent on the fleet never referred to the Cabinet meeting.Our demand that the French Fleet should sail to English ports before negotiating with Germany has never been considered by the Renault Ministry, which is now completely dissolved.Renault had been exhausted from physical and mental tension for many days. At about eight o'clock, he submitted his resignation to the President and suggested that the President summon Marshal Pétain.The action was simply reckless.He still seemed to wish to be able to meet with me the next day, and he made this known to General Spears."Tomorrow is another government and you can no longer speak for anyone," Spears said. According to Campbell's report (telephone call June 16), the situation is as follows: Mr Reynolds, encouraged this afternoon by the excellent telegram from the Prime Minister, told us later that the forces in favor of inquiring about the terms of the armistice were too great for him to deal with.He read the telegram twice to the Cabinet meeting, explaining its importance and the glimmer of hope it held for the future, but it had no effect. We persuaded him for half an hour, encouraging him to try his best to eliminate those evil forces among his colleagues.After our short meeting with Mr. Mandel, we are again calling on the President of the Senate, Mr. Jeanné, today. Form a new government. We ask him to make it very clear to the President that the proposals contained in the Prime Minister's Telegram do not apply to a government negotiating with an enemy. About an hour later, Mr. Renault informed us that he had failed and had handed in his resignation.The combined forces of Marshal Pétain and General Weygand (who lived in another world and thought they could still negotiate the terms of an armistice around a green table as before) overwhelmed the cowardly ministers of the government, and they exploited the terror of the revolution Convinced those cabinet members. On the afternoon of June 16, M. Monet and General de Gaulle met with me in the Cabinet Office.General de Gaulle, in his capacity as Under-Minister of Defence, had just issued an order for the French steamer Bastille, carrying arms from America to Bordeaux, to proceed to an English port.Monnet was actively drawing up a plan to transfer to England all French arms contracts in the United States if France made a separate peace.He had clearly anticipated this and wanted to save as many supplies as possible from what he believed to be the destruction of the world.His whole attitude in this regard was most helpful to us.Then he changed the subject and asked us to send all the remaining fighter squadrons to France for the final battle, which of course was over by then.I told him that the last battle was out of the question.Even at this stage he uses the same old ideas: decisive battle, no chance, if France falls, it's all over, etc.But in this respect I cannot grant his request.My two French guests stood up and walked towards the door, Monet in front.When they reached the door, de Gaulle, who had not said a word so far, turned around, took two or three steps towards me, and said in English: I think you are doing the right thing.I sensed from his calm and composed demeanor that he possessed a marvelous power to endure pain.Throughout my contacts with this tall, cool-tempered man, I have always maintained the impression that this is the Marshal of France.He went back to Bordeaux that afternoon on the British plane I put at his disposal, but he was not to be there long. Marshal Pétain immediately set about organizing the French government, the main purpose of which was to sign an armistice with Germany immediately.By the middle of the night on June 16, a group of defeatists headed by Pétain had already appeared and united, so the period for forming a cabinet was not long.Mr. Shawden (who sang that inquiring about the terms of the armistice did not necessarily mean acceptance) was the vice-chairman of the cabinet meeting.General Weygand, who thought it was over, was in charge of the Ministry of Defense.Admiral Darlan is Minister of the Navy and Mr. Baudouin is Minister of Foreign Affairs. 唯一的不順當的事情顯然是發生在賴伐爾先生身上，貝當元帥最初想給他司法部長的職位。賴伐爾以輕蔑的態度拒絕了。他要求出任外交部長，他以為單憑這個位置就可以實現他的計劃：完全改變法國的聯盟，顛倒過來打垮英國，在納粹統治的新歐洲中當一個小夥計。在這個可怕的人物的一陣狂呼亂叫之下，貝當元帥便立刻屈服了。博杜安先生雖已到外交部視事，但知道自己的確不能勝任，準備馬上放棄這個職位。但是，當他同外交部常務次長夏爾｜魯先生談到此事時，這位次長很生氣。他背後有魏剛的支持。當魏剛走進房來和這位聲勢渲赫的元帥談話時，賴伐爾竟如此地暴跳如雷，以致兩位軍事領袖都感到愕然。這位次長斷然拒絕在賴伐爾手下任職。面臨這種局勢，元帥又退讓了，在一場激烈的爭執以後，賴伐爾怒氣沖沖地走了。 這時正是緊要關頭。四個月以後，在十月二十八日那天賴伐爾終於就任外交部長的時候，人們對於軍事上的估計已經有了一種新的認識。英國對德國的抵抗，到這時已成為一個影響戰局的因素。很顯然，這個島國是不可輕侮的。無論如何，她沒有在三個星期以內像一隻小雞一樣被人擰住脖子。這是一個新的事實；整個法國都對這個事實感到歡欣。 我們在十六日的電報中曾同意法國探詢停戰條款，條件是法國艦隊開往英國的港口。已經把這封電報正式遞交貝當元帥。根據我的建議，戰時內閣又批准了另外一封電報，強調這一點，但是我們的話白說一陣。 十七日，我給貝當元帥和魏剛將軍發了一封私人電報，電報的副本由我駐法大使分別遞交法國總統和海軍上將達爾朗： 我願向你重申我的堅定的信念：威望素著的貝當元帥和赫赫有名的魏剛將軍我們在兩次對德大戰中的戰友決不會把優秀的法國艦隊交給敵人，從而損害他們的盟國。這一舉動將在千百年歷史上有損於他們的名聲的。但是，當艦隊還可以載著未來的希望和法國的榮譽開往英國或美國港口以保障它的安全時，如再浪費這幾個小時的寶貴時間，便很容易招致這種後果。 為了使這種呼籲在法國不至於缺乏友人的支持，我們派遣第一海務大臣（他認為他本人和海軍上將達爾朗有個人的和業務上的密切聯繫）與海軍大臣A‧V‧亞歷山大先生以及久已被人公認為法國的朋友的殖民地事務大臣勞埃德勳爵一同前往法國。十九日那天，他們三個人費了很大的力氣和新閣員們進行了種種可能的接觸。他們得到了許多莊嚴的保證：決不使艦隊落入德國人之手。但是卻沒有法國艦隻開出德國兵力正在迅速接近的範圍。 根據內閣的願望，我在六月十七日晚廣播了如下的聲明： 從法國傳來的消息很壞，我對陷入重大災難的英勇的法國人民深感悲痛。任何力量也不能使我們變更對法國人民的感情或者使我們失去法蘭西精神終將重振的信念。法國發生的一切並不影響我們的行動和目的。我們現已成為以武力保衛世界正義的唯一戰士。我們要全力以赴，才不辜負這一崇高的榮譽。我們一定要保衛我們本島，只要有大英帝國，我們就要不屈不撓地戰鬥下去，直到把希特勒給人類造成的災禍掃除乾淨。我們確信，我們終將達到一切目的。 十七日上午，我在內閣對同僚們談到我夜間同斯皮爾斯將軍在電話中的談話，斯皮爾斯說，他認為他在波爾多新政府中將不可能做出什麼有益的工作了。他以焦灼的語氣談到戴高樂將軍的安全。斯皮爾斯顯然已經感覺到既然事情這樣發展下去，戴高樂最好是離開法國。我欣然允諾就這件事進行妥善的安排，因此，戴高樂就在當天（十七日）上午到他在波爾多的辦公室，在下午約定了許多約會，以之作為掩護，然後和他的朋友斯皮爾斯一同驅車前往機場，為斯皮爾斯送行。 他們握手告別，當飛機開始移動的時候，戴高樂走上飛機，砰的一聲關上了機艙的門。飛機騰空而去，法國的警察和官員們都弄得目瞪口呆。戴高樂在這架小小的飛機裡載著法國的光榮離去了。 當晚，他對法國人民作了令人難忘的廣播。這裡摘錄其中的一段如下： 法國並不孤立。在它的後面有一個龐大的帝國。它可以和不列顛帝國聯合起來，不列顛帝國控制著海洋並在繼續作戰。法國可以像英國那樣，充分利用美國巨大的工業資源。 其他希望繼續作戰的法國人並沒有這樣幸運。當貝當政府組成之後，前往非洲在德國控制的範圍之外建立中心政權的計劃仍然有實現的可能。六月十八日貝當內閣開會討論了這個問題。當晚，勒布倫總統、貝當和參、眾兩院的議長曾舉行會談。似乎至少是一致同意派遣一個代表團到北非去。甚至貝當元帥也不反對。他本人願意留在法國，但是認為內閣會議副主席肖當到北非去以他的名義行事也未嘗不可。當緊急撤出的謠言在人心浮動的波爾多流傳起來的時候，魏剛卻表示反對。他認為這種行動會破壞根據法國的倡議已在十七日通過馬德里開始進行的光榮的停戰談判。賴伐爾則大為震驚。他深怕在法國以外建立有效的抗戰政權會使他決心採取的政策遭到挫敗。他開始對麇集在波爾多的參、眾兩院議員進行說服工作。 作為海軍部長的達爾朗卻有不同的看法。在他看來，在這個時候把那些對他的行為進行批評的主要人物裝在一隻船裡送走，是解決許多困難問題的一條最便捷的途徑。一上了船，所有這些人就落到他的掌握之中，政府便有充裕的時間來安排做什麼。他取得了新內閣的批准之後，便請所有想去非洲的政界要人搭乘武裝的輔助巡洋艦馬西里亞號前往。 這條船定於二十日從吉倫特河河口啟碇。然而許多打算去非洲的人，包括讓納內和赫里歐在內，疑心這是一個圈套，寧願取道西班牙由陸路前往。除了難民之外，最後一批人裡有二十四名眾議員和一名參議員，此外還有曼德爾、康平契和達拉第，他們都是積極主張遷往非洲。馬西里亞號於二十一日下午啟航。二十三日，船上的無線電收音機播出貝當政府已接受並簽訂了對德停戰協定的消息。康平契立刻試行說服艦長駛往英國，但是，毫無疑問這位艦長事前曾得到過指示，竟對他兩天以前的政治上的長官很冷淡地表示拒絕。這批不幸的愛國者們經歷了多少焦灼不安的時辰，直到六月二十四日晚馬西里亞號在卡薩布蘭卡拋錨時心情才安定下來。 曼德爾現在還是照他平時的決定行事。他同達拉第草擬了一篇建立北非抗戰政府的宣言，由他親自擔任總理。他上岸訪問了英國領事之後，就在艾克賽西爾飯店住下來，然後他想通過哈瓦斯通訊社發表他的宣言。諾蓋將軍讀完這篇宣言稿後，感到不安。他扣留了電文，不把它公佈於世，反而拍給達爾朗和貝當。這兩人現在已經下定決心，決不容許在德國控制的範圍之外，建立另外一個潛在的敵對政府。曼德爾在飯店被捕，拘送到地方法庭，但是地方長官後來被維希政府撤職宣稱他無罪，把他釋放了。然而在總督諾蓋的命令下，他再次被捕，禁閉在馬西里亞號上，從此，這隻船便被扣押在港口，受到嚴密的監視，船上的旅客不許同岸上通任何消息。 當然，當時我還不知道以上所講的種種事情，還惦念著那些願意繼續戰鬥的法國人的命運。 prime minister to general ismay June 24, 1940 在閘門還沒有關閉之前，最重要的事，似乎是馬上就建立一個機構，使法國的軍官和士兵以及願意參加戰鬥的重要技術人員能夠脫身前往各個港口。應當像黑奴從前那樣建立一種地下鐵路【１】，並設立一個紫蘩蔞【２】式的團體。我毫不懷疑，有決心的人會川流不息地到來，我們需要能夠得到的一切人力來保護法國的殖民地。海軍和空軍必須合作。當然，戴高樂將軍和他的委員會將擁有執行任務的權力。 【１】地下鐵路是美國南北戰爭（一八六一｜一八六五）前，北方各州中同情黑人的人使用的一個暗語。當時，在北方幾個州，同情黑人的人互相聯絡，逐漸形成一個秘密的地下系統，幫助黑人逃往加拿大。他們仿照鐵路的辦法，按一定路線沿途設站接送，故名地下鐵路。translator 【２】紫蘩蔞是英國女作家奧爾克齊（Baromess Emmuska Orczy，一八六五一九四七）的小說《紫蘩蔞》（ScarletPimpernel）中主人公的假名。translator 在六月二十五日深夜戰時內閣的會議席上，我們獲悉一些消息，其中有一則是一隻載有許多卓越的法國政治家的船已經開過了拉巴特。我們決定立刻和他們取得聯繫。新聞大臣達夫‧庫珀先生在戈特勳爵伴同下，在黎明乘桑德蘭式飛艇動身前往拉巴特。他們在清晨到達那個小城。全城都下半旗，禮拜堂的鐘聲齊鳴，大教堂在舉行莊嚴的儀式為法國的失敗致哀。他們想和曼德爾取得聯繫的一切嘗試都受到了阻止。副總督名叫莫里斯，他不但在電話裡，而且在達夫‧庫珀請求會見時，當面告訴達夫‧庫珀說，他沒有選擇的餘地，只有服從上級的命令。倘使諾蓋將軍要我開槍自殺，我也要欣然服從。不幸的是，他對我下的命令比讓我自殺還要殘酷。 這一批以前的法國部長和議員們實際是被當作逃犯看待。我們的使團沒有其他辦法，只好原路而回。過了幾天（七月一日），我指示海軍部試行截獲馬西里亞號，營救船上的人，然而想不出什麼辦法來，這隻船在卡薩布蘭卡炮台下面停泊了大約三個星期之久，以後就把這批人送回法國去，聽憑維希政府按照既便於他們自己而又討好他們德國主子的辦法處理。曼德爾開始度他的漫長而痛苦的拘禁歲月，直到一九四四年底被德國下令殺害。因此，無論在非洲或在倫敦建立一個堅強的代表法國的政府的希望便破滅了。 如果設想一下某些重大事件的演變不同或者我們採取了另外一種決策，結果又將出現什麼樣的局面這樣去想像雖然無補於實際，但是卻往往令人神往，而且有時還可以從中吸取教益。法國的淪陷是六月十六日十餘件偶然發生的事所鑄成的，而每一件事的成敗只繫於毫釐之差。如果保羅‧雷諾度過了十六日的難關，那麼，十七日中午我就會和他會面了，我有我國歷來派遣出國的使團中最強大的代表團隨行，並擁有代表英國的全權。我們一定會當面向貝當、魏剛、肖當以及其餘的人提出我們直率的主張：除非法國艦隊開往英國港口，否則決不容許法國解除三月二十八日所承擔的義務。另一方面，我們要提議成立永久的英法聯盟。到非洲去，讓我們並肩作戰到底。我們準可以獲得共和國總統的支持，獲得法國兩院議長和所有集合在雷諾、曼德爾和戴高樂周圍的意志堅決的人們的支持。在我看來，也許當時我們能夠在桌面上鼓起失敗主義者的勇氣，促使他們轉變態度，否則就讓他們成為少數，甚或逮捕他們。 但是讓我們再進一步繼續這樣夢幻似的設想。法國政府會退到北非。英法超國家組織或工作委員會也許實際上會成為這個樣子將和希特勒對峙。英法兩國艦隊可從它們的港口完全控制地中海，所有的部隊和軍需品的運輸在海上通行無阻。所有在保衛不列顛之外能夠節餘的空軍力量，所有法國剩餘的空軍力量，經過美國裝備的補充，以北非法國的機場作基地，不久即將成為進攻的首要因素。馬耳他島將立刻成為我們最活躍的海軍基地，而不再是長期以來令人擔憂的危險地方。用重轟炸機從北非起飛去轟炸意大利遠比從英國起飛便利得多。這將很有效地切斷意大利和它駐利比亞以及的黎波里塔尼亞的部隊的交通線。如果為保衛埃及使用的戰鬥機不像實際投入的那樣多，如果派往地中海戰場的部隊也不像實際派出的或準備派出的部隊那樣多，那麼，加上餘下的法國軍隊，我們便很可能把戰爭從地中海東部轉移到地中海中部，並且在一九四一年中肅清北非沿岸所有的意大利軍隊。 法國絕不會失去其同盟國方面的主要交戰國之一的地位，並將免於陷入可怕的四分五裂的局面，這種局面曾經折磨而且現在還在折磨它的人民。法國本土無疑會屈服在德國的統治之下，但是實際上這是在一九四二年十一月英美發動進攻後才出現的情況。 現在整個這段經過擺在了我們的眼前，沒有人能夠否認，停戰協定並未使法國免遭劇烈的創傷。 要猜測希特勒會採取什麼行動，那就更難令人捉摸了。他會不會不管西班牙是否同意都硬要通過西班牙，並且在襲擊甚或奪取直布羅陀之後，入侵丹吉爾和摩洛哥呢？這是美國非常關心的一個地區，並且在羅斯福總統的心目中也是一件重大的事。希特勒怎能假道西班牙對非洲發動這一大規模進攻而又同時進行不列顛之戰呢？他勢必在二者之中取其一。如果他選定了非洲，由於我們掌握了制海權和法國的海外基地，我們能夠以更快的速度和更大的力量把陸軍和空軍調往摩洛哥和阿爾及利亞。我們當然歡迎在一九四○年秋季和冬季在友好的法屬西北非或從法屬西北非開始進行一場惡戰。 以事後的見解來縱觀整個局勢，看來，希特勒的主要決策和戰爭中的重大事件，即不列顛之戰和德國之大舉東進，即便法國政府退到北非，也不會有所改變。巴黎陷落以後，希特勒欣喜若狂，這時，他自然要應付極端重大的問題。法國一經投降，只要可能，他就必然要征服或毀滅大不列顛。此外，他唯一的另一個選擇就是進攻俄國。假道西班牙進攻西北非的大規模軍事行動，對這兩個巨大的軍事冒險都是有害的，或者，最低限度也會妨礙他對巴爾幹各國的進攻。我深信不疑，如果法國政府曾遷往北非，盟國就會處於比較有利的地位；不論希特勒是否向北非追擊我國或法國，這種看法也同樣是正確的。 一九四四年一月有一天，當我正在馬拉喀什療養的時候，喬治將軍來和我共進午餐。閒談中，我隨口說出了我毫無根據的想法：也許，正是因為一九四○年六月法國政府沒有遷往北非，所以結果才有這麼好。一九四五年八月在審訊貝當的時候，喬治將軍認為應當提出我這段話來作證。我不是埋怨，但是我對於這件事情的事後推測並不代表我在戰時或現在經過深思熟慮的意見。