Chapter 53 Volume 2, Chapter 11, Admiral Darlan and the Incident at Oran, the French Fleet

Will Britain surrender?My Speech June 18th Their Brightest Hour Admiral Darlan's Chance His Last Letter to Me Armistice Article VIII A Sad Decision July 3rd of the Ballista Operation Plan Scheduled date for our terms to the French The tragedy at Oran My report to Parliament on the 4th of July The world is impressed with the removal of the French navy. After the collapse of France, the question was in the minds of all our friends and foes: would Britain also surrender?On behalf of His Majesty's Government, I have repeatedly declared our determination to continue the fight alone.After the Dunkirk evacuation on June 4th, I said this sentence: If necessary, fight it for a few years, if necessary, fight alone.

These words were not added without purpose, and the French ambassador in London was sent the next day to find out what I meant by them.I answered him, whatever he said it meant.These words were reminded of the House of Commons when I addressed the House of Commons on June 18, the day after the collapse of Bordeaux.I then sketched out some solid reasons for our unwavering determination to continue fighting.I can assure Parliament that the officers of our three armed forces are convinced that there is a good and reasonable hope of final victory.I told them that I had received telegrams from the Prime Ministers of all four Dominions, all of whom supported our decision to continue the fight, and stated that they were willing to share our fate.With this dire picture in view and our perils soberly watched, I think we should all be on guard and redouble our efforts, but there is no reason for panic or dread.I went on to say that during the first four years of the last war the Allies had suffered disasters and defeats.We have repeatedly asked ourselves in our hearts: How can we achieve victory?No one could answer this question with complete certainty, until at last, very suddenly and unexpectedly, our vicious enemy collapsed before us; The fruits of victory are lost.

Whatever may be the future of France or the French government or another French government, we will always maintain, on this island and within the British Empire, our feeling of solidarity with the French people.If our struggle wins the final victory, they will share in the fruits of victory. Yes, all will be free again. We will never lower our legitimate demands; we will not yield an inch.The Czechs, Poles, Norwegians, Dutch, Belgians have united their cause with ours.They will all restore their homes.I concluded my speech by saying: What General Weygand called the Battle of France was now declared over.I expect the Battle of Britain to begin soon.The life and death of Christian civilization depended on this battle.Our own survival as Englishmen, and the viability of our institutions and our empire, also depend on this war.All the flame and violence of the enemy will soon be upon us.Hitler knew he had to destroy us on this island, or he would lose.If we can stand him, all Europe will be free, and the people of the world will have access to a vast, bright and beautiful place.But if we fail, the whole world, including America, including all that we know and cherish, will plunge into the abyss of a new dark age, and our misuse of scientific wisdom will be more destructive, and Perhaps it will be longer, so let us take up our responsibilities so bravely that after a thousand years of the British Empire and its Commonwealth, people can also say: This is their proudest hour .All these oft-quoted words, which will be fulfilled in the hour of victory, are now only lip service.Some foreigners do not understand the temperament of the British nation that spreads all over the world.When the Britons' blood boiled and their emotions were high, they might have thought it was just a bluff, set up as a beautiful prelude to peace negotiations.Hitler's urgent need to end the war in Western Europe was obvious.He is able to put forward the most attractive conditions.Those who have studied his motives, as I have done, do not think it impossible that he could agree to leave Britain and the British Empire and its fleet intact, and conclude a peace treaty which would secure Ribbentrop's The freedom to act in Eastern Europe of which I was speaking in 1937 was the freedom to act in Eastern Europe which was the main desire in Hitler's mind.So far we have not done Hitler any serious damage.While he was victorious against France, we really had only defeats.Is it any wonder that the most brilliant strategists in many countries do not understand the problem of naval invasion and the quality of our air force, and that the overwhelming impression in their minds is that Germany is strong and terrible, and therefore do not believe it?Not every government (whether born of democracy or despotism), nor every nation (when utterly isolated and threatened to be deserted), can stand up to the horrors of aggression and despise the good chances of peace. What's more, there are many plausible excuses for peace that can be cited.Sweet rhetoric is no guarantee that another government may emerge.The warmongers had been arrogant for a while, but in the end they failed.America stands far away.No one has assumed any obligations to Soviet Russia.Why can't the UK join the spectators in Japan, the United States, Sweden, and Spain, with an attitude of having nothing to do with it, or even sit on the mountain and watch the tigers fight with admiration, watching the Nazi Empire and the Communist Empire kill each other, and both sides will suffer?Posterity will find it hard to believe that the issues I have outlined here were not thought worthy of being on the agenda of Cabinet at the time, and were never brought up even in the most secret private conversations.These doubts can only be clarified by action.The action is about to begin.

To Lord Lothian, who, at the request of the United States Naval authorities, had asked anxiously whether or not munitions and repairs for the British fleet should be sent across the Atlantic from England, to which I replied by telegram: June 22, 1940 There is currently no need to take such precautions. I also sent the following telegram to my Dominion friends: To Mackenzie King June 24, 1940 If you re-read my telegram of June 5th, you will realize that, in the event of the defeat of the motherland, there is no question of negotiating with the United States, urging the United States to enter the war and move our fleet across the Atlantic.On the contrary, I think it is not very wise to consider the final state of affairs at present.I have strong belief in our ability to defend this island.In my opinion, there is no reason to prepare for or favor the transfer of the British fleet.I myself would never enter into any peace negotiations with Hitler, but, obviously, I cannot restrain a future government from doing so.If we were abandoned by the United States and routed on the island, the future government would probably be playing Quisling's tricks and preparing to accept German hegemony and protection.If you can draw the President's attention to this crisis as I did in my cable to the President, that will do us a favor.

[1] Quisling organized a Norwegian puppet government under the Nazis in 1940.translator Wish you all the best.We are very pleased: the fine Canadian divisions are fighting with us for Britain. I sent another telegram to Smuts, and the telegram reads as follows: June 27, 1940 Obviously, we must first repel any invasion of Great Britain and show that we can sustain the development of our air power.This can only be proven by testing.If Hitler can't crush us here, he's probably going to turn around and go east.Of course, he could have taken this action without attacking Britain, in order to find a place for his army to use, and at the same time relieve the pressure of the coming winter on him.

I don't think the winter tensions are decisive, but it is not a sustainable way to control all of Europe in a state of starvation by secret police and military occupation alone, without major measures of motivating the masses. The development of our air force, especially in areas not affected by the bombing, will expose Hitler to increasing difficulties in Germany, which are likely to be beneficial to him, whatever his success in Europe or Asia. decisive. The strong forces we have built up for the defense of the British homeland are now being organized on the principle of the offensive, and there may be large-scale offensive operations by amphibious forces in 1940 and 1941.We are still working according to the plan of fifty-five divisions, but now that our munitions supply has increased and the empire's manpower and material resources have been mobilized, it is possible to build more divisions.In any case, we are now in the position of fighting on the inside after all.Hitler had vast starving territories to defend, while we controlled the seas.Therefore, there is a wide range of options for attacking targets in Western Europe.

I am sending you these private telegrams in order to be in closest contact with your views on the general situation, which I have always respected. We have a strong belief that we can survive this greatest test. Prime Minister to Lord Lothian (Washington) June 28, 1940 Of course, I'm going to be giving a radio address soon, but I don't think there's much use in doing so right now.Don't pay too much attention to the eddy current of American public opinion.Only the forces of events govern them.Before the April minute they had been so sure of the Allied victory that they did not think they needed any assistance.And now they are so sure of our failure that aid is no longer possible.I firmly believe that we can repel the enemy's attack and keep the air force active in the air.Regardless, we were determined to give it a try.The President and others should continue to be impressed that if the enemy succeeds in attacking England, and takes a large part of the country after a heavy fight, a Quisling government may make peace with Germany and become a German protectorate.In this case, the British fleet has become a reliable capital for the master and government to bargain with Germany.England will then be as disgusted with America as France is with us now.

So far we have indeed received no assistance of any note from the United States. (Rifles and field guns didn't arrive until the end of July, and the destroyers refused to give them to us.) We knew the President was our best friend, but it was no use trying to curry favor with the Republican and Democratic National Committees.The really big question was whether Hitler would be master of Britain within three months.I don't think so.But this is not something that can be debated ex ante.Your mood should be comfortable and calm. No one here is depressed. Admiral Darlan became a very important man in the days that were coming to an end at Bordeaux.My contacts with him were minimal and all formal.I have great respect for the work he has done in rebuilding the French Navy, which, after ten years of his dedicated management, is more efficient than it has been at any time since the French Revolution.In December 1939, he visited England, and we entertained him at a formal banquet at the Admiralty.At the beginning of his reply with a toast, he reminded us that his great-grandfather was killed at Trafalgar.So I concluded he was one of those good-natured Frenchmen who hated England.Anglo-French naval talks in January also showed how jealous the admiral was, by virtue of his professional stature, to anyone who was politically in the position of secretary of the navy.This has become a very stubborn concept of his, and I believe it plays a role in his behaviour.

[1] Trafalgar is at the west mouth of the Strait of Gibraltar on the south coast of Spain. In October 1805, the British Navy defeated the combined fleet of France and Spain here.translator Darlan, who was present at most of the meetings I have spoken of since, as the French resistance drew to a close, assured me repeatedly that whatever happened the French fleet would never fall into German hands.Now, in Bordeaux, came a critical moment in the career of this ambitious, selfish and able admiral.His command of the fleet was virtually absolute in every respect.As long as he ordered the ships to sail to the ports of Britain, the United States or the French colonies, some of them had already set sail, and he would obey them.On the morning of June 17, after the fall of Renault's cabinet, he declared to General Georges that he was determined to issue this order.George met him the next afternoon and asked how he was doing.Darlan replied that he had changed his mind.When asked why, he simply replied: I am the Secretary of the Navy now.The meaning of this sentence is not that the reason why he changed his mind was to become the Secretary of the Navy, but that he had a different view after becoming the Secretary of the Navy.

How vain and futile are the selfish plans of man!We have seldom seen a better example of this than Darlan.As long as Admiral Darlan takes any of his warships and goes to any port outside France, he can get rid of Germany and become the master of all rights and interests in France that Germany cannot control.He will not come with an unconquerable heart and a few like him, as General de Gaulle went to England.He can lead the world's fourth largest navy to move outside the sphere of influence of Germany, and all the officers and soldiers of this navy are loyal to him.If this is done, Darlan will become the leader of the French resistance and hold a powerful weapon in his hands.The shipyards and arsenals of England and America were at his disposal to support his fleet.Once he was recognized, France's gold reserves in the United States would guarantee him sufficient resources.The whole French Empire will rally around him.No force could prevent him from becoming the liberator of France.The honor and the power he so ardently sought were at his fingertips.But he did not, and after two years in a grievous and ignominious office, he came to a deathly and ignominious end, and the French Navy and the French nation in which he had so toilly served cursed his infamy for ever.

One last incident which should be recorded here is that Darlan insisted in a letter to me on December 4, 1942, just three weeks before his assassination, that he kept his promise. .As this letter is in his own defense and should be left for the record, I am printing it here.It is an indisputable fact that French ships were never manned by Germans or used against us in war by Germans.It was not entirely the measure of Admiral Darlan; but he did foster this idea in the minds of French naval officers: He should have destroyed the French ship at any cost before it was captured by the Germans, who hated the Germans as well as the English. Admiral Darlan to Mr Churchill Algiers, December 4, 1942 Dear Mr Prime Minister: On June 12, 1940, at the headquarters of General Weygand in Briar, you took me aside and said to me: Darlan, I hope you will never hand over the fleet.I answer you: Never do that, it is against the tradition and honor of our Navy.On 17th June 1940, Alexander the Lord of the Admiralty and Pound, the First Sea Lord, received the same reply from me to Lord Lloyd at Bordeaux.If I did not agree to order the French Navy to sail to English ports, it was because I knew that this decision would entail the occupation of the French mainland and all of North Africa. I confess that my dislike for England predominates over me, both because of the traumatic events of the past that have wounded my heart as a naval officer; if.Lord Halifax sent me the other day through M. Dupuy: No one in England doubts what I say, but thinks I cannot put it into practice.The voluntary destruction of the fleet at Toulon proves that I do what I say, because although I am no longer in command of the navy, the fleet has carried out, against the wishes of the government of Laval, what I have issued before and have not changed. The command.On the orders of my leader, Marshal Pétain, I had to adopt a policy from January 1941 to April 1942 in order to save France and the French Empire from the occupation and ravages of the Axis powers.Due to the rapid evolution of the situation, this policy is in direct opposition to your policy.What else can I do?You cannot help us then, and any gesture to you would have the most unfortunate consequences for our country.If we fail to fulfill our obligation to defend the French Empire with our own arms (I have always refused German help, even in Syria), the Axis Powers have taken North Africa and our own Army will be driven out by them Gone; the British First Army would not be able to fight Germany and Italy in Tunisia today with French troops at all. [1] Dupuy, Canadian ambassador to the Vichy government.translator When the Allied forces landed in Africa on November 8th, I initially carried out my orders.Then, as soon as I saw that this could not be done, I ordered a cease-fire, in order to avoid unnecessary bloodshed and a war that was at odds with the intimacy of the people on both sides.On the one hand, I was criticized by the Vichy government; on the other hand, I did not want to continue this battle, so I have to obey the orders of the US military authorities. Only in this way can I be loyal to my oath.On November 11, I heard the news of Germany's violation of the Armistice, the occupation of France, and the serious protest of Marshal Pétain.It was then that I thought I could regain my freedom of action, and, while being loyal to Marshal Pétain himself, proceed along the path most favorable to the happiness of the French Empire, namely, to fight against the Axis Powers.With the support of the highest authorities in French Africa and public opinion, in my capacity as interim deputy of the head of state, I organized national councils in Africa and ordered French troops to fight alongside the Allies.From this time on, French West Africa recognized my authority.If my actions were not under the umbrella of Marshal Pétain, if I were simply regarded as an alien, I would never have achieved such achievements.I am convinced that there will be a general reconciliation among all the French who are now fighting separately against Germany in their own ways, but I think they must now continue their separate operations.There is a certain resentment, especially in French West Africa, which, as you know, is so strong that it is difficult for me to make further progress.I do my part without attacking anyone.I am asking for reciprocity.The only thing that matters now is the defeat of the Axis powers; the French people will choose their political system and their leaders when they are liberated. Mr. Prime Minister, I thank you for announcing with President Roosevelt that Britain, like the United States, wants France to reestablish the full sovereignty it had in 1939.When my country is restored to full sovereignty and liberty, my only wish is to retire from office with a heart to which I have served my country well. Mr Prime Minister, please accept my highest respect. Francois Darlan Those of us in charge at the highest levels in London understand the physical structure of our island's power, and have full confidence in the spirit of the nation.Our confidence in the immediate future is not entirely based on bold threats or beautiful rhetoric as foreign countries usually speculate, but is based on a clear understanding and estimation of actual facts.When I speak in the House of Commons, I base myself on facts that I and others have studied carefully, some of which we have studied for many years.I will now analyze the intrusion problem in detail as I and my specialized consultants experienced it during these memorable days.But first there is a step to be taken.This is obvious and tragic. A French navy joining the German and Italian fleets, coupled with the growing Japanese threat on the horizon, would expose Great Britain to mortal danger and would seriously affect the security of the United States.Article 8 of the German-French Armistice Agreement stipulated that the French fleet, except for the part reserved for the purpose of defending the interests of the French colonies, should be concentrated in designated ports and demobilized and disarmed under the supervision of Germany or Italy.So it was clear that the French warships would be under German and Italian control in full armor.It is true that in the same article the German government solemnly declares that they have no intention of using French ships for their own purposes in the war, but, considering Hitler's past dishonest words and deeds and the facts of the time, who can believe him What about?Moreover, there is a proviso to this guarantee in this clause: the ships needed for coast guard and mine clearance are not limited to this.How to interpret this sentence depends entirely on the Germans.Finally, the Armistice Agreement can be annulled at any time on any pretext of non-compliance.In fact, it's not safe for us at all.At any sacrifice, at any risk, we will do everything possible to keep the French fleet out of enemy hands, which might lead to the ruin of ourselves and other nations. The War Cabinet did not hesitate.Those ministers who a week before had wholeheartedly favored a common alliance with France were now resolved to take all necessary measures.It was an abominable decision, the most unnatural and painful of all the decisions I've been a part of in my life.It recalls the history of the capture of the Danish fleet by the Royal Navy in the harbor of Copenhagen in 1807; but now, the French were only yesterday our dear allies, and our sympathy for France's misfortunes is very sincere. .On the other hand, this is a matter of the survival of the nation and the survival of our cause.It was a Greek tragedy, but no action could have been more important to the survival of Britain and of all who depended on her for survival.I think of a sentence that Danton [1] said in 1793: Those kings united to threaten us, and we threw the head of a king at their feet to challenge them.The whole thing is governed by this idea. [1] Danton (Georges Jacques Danton), 1759｜1794, a French bourgeois politician and lawyer, was an active figure in the French Revolution in his later years.translator The French Navy was deployed in the following manner: two battleships, four light cruisers (or anti-torpedo ships), several submarines (including the very large Surgoff), eight destroyers, and about Two hundred smaller but useful minesweepers and anti-submarine ships, mostly at Portsmouth and Plymouth.These ships are under our control.At Alexandria there was one French battleship and four French cruisers, three of which were new cruisers with eight-inch guns.There are also some smaller ships.These ships were backed by a powerful British battle fleet.At the western end of the Mediterranean Sea in Oran and its nearby military port Mierskebier, two of the best ships in the French fleet, the Dunkirk and the Strasbourg, were moored, the two battlecruisers, the Bischarnhorst and The Gran Sennor was much better and was built to surpass them in quality.These ships, in German hands, would be extremely detrimental to our merchant shipping lanes.There were also two French battleships, several light cruisers, some destroyers, submarines and other ships.At Algiers there were seven cruisers, four of them with eight-inch guns, and at Martinique there was an aircraft carrier and two light cruisers.At Casablanca lay the frigate Jean Bart, fresh from Saint-Nazaire, but not yet loaded with cannon.This is one of the most important ships in the estimation of world naval power.It's not finished yet, and it can't be assembled in Casablanca.Of course it is not allowed to drive to other places.The Richelieu, nearing completion, sailed to Dakar, a warship capable of sailing and her fifteen-inch cannon capable of firing.There are also many secondary French ships in various other ports.Finally, there are still some ships at Toulon, which are beyond our control.The ballista plan of operations determined that any French fleet within our reach would be simultaneously captured, seized, or effectively disabled or destroyed. prime minister to general ismay July 1, 1940 1. The Admiralty now leaves the USS Nelson and his four destroyers in home waters, and Operation Ballista is scheduled for dawn on the 3rd. 2. During the night of the 2nd | 3rd, at Portsmouth and Plymouth, at Alexandria, all necessary measures are to be taken; and, if possible, the Ballista plan also at Martinique.The repercussions of such measures at Dakar and Casablanca must be considered, and all precautions should be taken to prevent the escape of valuable ships. Due to the dramatic turn of events, I add: The Admiralty should strengthen the fleet in the straits to a force of forty destroyers, supported by cruisers.We should strive to achieve this strength within two or three days, and maintain this strength within the next two weeks, depending on the situation at that time.Meanwhile losses in the Western Passage were inevitable.H. gave me a daily report of the number of boats on patrol or available between Portsmouth and the Tyne. Shortly after dawn on 3rd July, all French ships at Portsmouth and Plymouth were captured by the British and brought under their control.The action was sudden and required surprise and surprise.We used overwhelming force, and the whole thing showed how easy it would be for the Germans to seize any French warships in the ports under their control.In Britain, with the exception of the Surguf, the transfers were amicable, and the sailors went ashore happily.On the submarine Surgüf two gallant British officers and a first class sailor were killed,[1] and another sailor was wounded.A French sailor was also killed, but hundreds of officers and soldiers volunteered to join us.After establishing brilliant military exploits, the Surguf was sunk on February 19, 1942, and all the heroic French naval officers and soldiers on board died. [1] Lieutenant Colonel D.V. Sprague (Royal Navy), Lieutenant P.M.K. Griffiths (Royal Navy) and First Class A. Webb (Royal Navy). The fatal blow was in the western Mediterranean.At Gibraltar, Vice-Admiral Somerville commanded Force H, including the battlecruisers Hood, the battleships Valiant and Resolute, the aircraft carrier Ark Royal, two cruisers and eleven destroyers, at 2:00 a.m. on 1 July Twenty-five minutes received an order from the Admiralty: Get ready for the Third of July Ballista Project. Among Somerville's officers was Colonel Holland, a gallant and distinguished officer, lately Naval Attaché at Paris, with great sympathy for France, and great influence.Shortly after noon on July 1st Vice Admiral Somerville telegraphed: After conferring with Holland and others, Vice-Admiral H, Commander, applauded their opinion that the use of force should be avoided in any case.Holland believed that our attack would discord the French everywhere against us. The Admiralty replied to this question at 6:20 P.M.: His Majesty's government has made up its mind. If the French do not accept any of your proposals, they will definitely be sunk. A little after midnight (1:08 AM, 2nd July) the following carefully worded letter to the Admiral of the French Fleet was sent to Somerville: His Majesty's Government directs me to serve you the following documents: The British government agreed to the French government's negotiation of an armistice with the German government only on the condition that, before the armistice agreement was concluded, the French fleet must sail to the British port to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy.On June 18, the Council of Ministers announced that the French fleet should join the ranks of the British Navy until it surrendered on land, or it would scuttle itself. 【１】 [1] This paragraph has been misunderstood.Until June 14th Admiral Darlan was in favor of transferring the French Fleet to English ports under certain circumstances, but on June 18th he became Minister of the Navy.Thereafter, the new French government under Marshal Pétain refused to give special guarantees to British demands.Therefore, the second sentence of this paragraph no longer represents the position of France.During the crisis, Admiralty officials in charge were unaware of this last-minute change. Although the present French Government may consider their terms of armistice with Germany and Italy and these promises to be in harmony, His Majesty's Government, from our past experience, does not believe that Germany and Italy will not seize the French Fleet at the proper time for them, and use it against Great Britain fought with its allies.The Franco-Italian Armistice Agreement states: French ships should return to their own ports in France. After the armistice, France is also required to provide ships for coastal defense and mine clearance. Hitherto, we have been your comrades in arms and cannot sit by and watch your best ships fall into the hands of the enemy Germany or Italy.We are determined to fight to the end, and if we win we think we can win. We will never forget that France was our ally, our interests are those of France, and our common enemy is Germany.If we prevail, we solemnly declare that we must restore the glory and dominion of France.For this purpose, we must really ensure that the best ships of the French Navy are not used against us by the enemy.In these circumstances, His Majesty's Government directed me to order the French Fleet, now at Myerskebier and Oran, to proceed in one of the following ways: (a) Sail with us and continue to fight for victory in the wars against Germany and Italy. (b) Reduced crew, sailing to English ports under our supervision.The reduced crew should be repatriated as soon as possible. If you accept one of the above two options, we will return your ship to France at the end of the war, and we will pay the same amount if the ship was damaged during the battle. (c) Another way: If you feel obliged to agree that your ships cannot be used against Germany or Italy unless they break the armistice, then, with a reduced crew, sail with us to a French port in the West Indies, Take Martinique, for example, where the ships are disarmed in full accordance with our requirements, or given to the United States for safekeeping until the end of the war, and the crew can be repatriated first. If you reject these fair and reasonable proposals, then, with my deepest regrets, I ask you to scuttle your ships within six hours. Finally, if you fail to do so, I shall be obliged, by the orders of His Majesty's Government, to use all necessary force to prevent your ships from falling into German or Italian hands. On the evening of the 2nd I ordered the Admiralty to send the following telegram to the Vice-Admiral (distributed at 10:55 p.m.): You have been tasked with one of the most unpleasant and difficult tasks ever encountered by the British Fleet Command, but we have complete confidence in you that you will carry it out without mercy. The admiral set sail at dawn, and reached the sea off Oran at about nine-thirty.He sent Colonel Holland himself to visit the French admiral Jean Sur in a destroyer.Jean Sur refused the meeting, so Hollander sent the documents quoted above.Admiral Jean Suhl replied in writing that the French ships would not be allowed to fall intact into the hands of Germany and Italy, and that if force was used, they would retaliate. Negotiations continued all day.At 4:15 in the afternoon, Colonel Holland was finally allowed to board the Dunkirk, but his subsequent meeting with the French admiral was frosty.Fleet Admiral Jean Sur had previously sent two telegrams to the French Admiralty; at three o'clock in the afternoon the French Cabinet met to study British conditions.General Weygand was present at this meeting, and what happened is recorded by his biographer.From this it appears that the third option, the sending of the French Fleet to the West Indies, was not at all mentioned at the meeting.He said: Admiral Darlan, I don't know if he did it on purpose, and I don't know whether he understood or didn't understand those conditions. It seems that he didn't actually tell us all the details of the matter at that time.現在看來，英國最後通牒的條件沒有當時人們給我們說的那麼苛刻，而且還提出了第三個很可以接受的辦法，即法國艦隊開往西印度群島水域。 【１】對於這一遺漏（如果說是遺漏的話），一直到現在還沒有人提出過什麼解釋。從他們所拍來的電報看來，英國艦隊司令和他的重要官佐都顯然是非常難過的。沒有別的辦法，只有下達最直截了當的命令才能強迫他們對那些最近還是戰友的人們開火。在海軍部裡也是感情很激動的，但是戰時內閣的決定毫不動搖。 我整個下午都坐在內閣辦公室裡，同我的重要的同僚以及海軍大臣和第一海務大臣保持著頻繁的接觸。下午六時二十六分發出了最後的電報： 【１】雅克‧魏剛《魏剛將軍的任務》。 法國艦隻必須按我們的條件行動，否則，就讓他們自行鑿沉，或者在天黑之前由你們擊沉。 但是行動已經開始了。下午五點五十四分，艦隊司令薩默維爾向這支得到岸上炮台掩護的強大的法國艦隊開了火。下午六點，他報告說正在激戰中。轟擊持續約十分鐘之久。戰列艦布列塔尼號被炸毀。敦刻爾克號擱淺了。戰列艦普羅旺斯號衝上了沙灘。斯特拉斯堡號逃走了，該艦雖然遭到皇家方舟號空投魚雷的攻擊，但是，也同從阿爾及爾開來的驅逐艦一樣，到達了土倫。 在亞歷山大港，法國艦隊司令戈德弗魯瓦和英國艦隊司令坎寧安經過長時間的談判後，同意放出燃油，卸掉大炮裝置的主要部分，並遣返一部分船員。在達喀爾，七月八日那天，航空母艦赫爾米茲號對戰列艦黎歇留號發動進攻，有一隻汽艇進攻得最為英勇。黎歇留號被一枚空投魚雷擊中，受到重創。停泊於法屬西印度群島的法國航空母艦和兩艘輕巡洋艦，經過長時間的商談後，根據與美國達成的協議解除了武裝。 七月四日，我向眾議院詳細報告了經過情形。雖然戰列巡洋艦斯特拉斯堡號從奧蘭逃脫、黎歇留號已被打得不能行動的報告還未接到，但是我們所採取的措施已經使德國人不能再對法國海軍有多大的指望了。那天下午我講了一個鐘頭或者還要長些，就我所知道的所有這些使人悒悒不樂的事情作了詳細的報告。我對於我向議會和全世界所做的那篇報告沒有什麼可補充的。為了行文的勻稱起見，我覺得在結尾部分最好是引用一個文件來說明這個悲痛的插曲和我們所處的困境的真正的關係。因此，我便在眾議院宣讀了我那篇曾經內閣批准目前在政府高級官員中傳閱的訓令。 無論敵人謀劃的入侵或者為保衛我們本土的戰鬥在哪一天到來，首相願提醒所有在政府中在軍隊或在民事部門身居負責地位的人履行職責，保持戒備的精神和自信的力量。既然在時間和物資容許的範圍以內採取了一切戒備措施，我們就毫無理由認為，在我國登陸的德國軍隊，不論是空投的還是從海上登陸的，其人數會多於我們目前強大的武裝力量所能夠消滅或俘獲的。皇家空軍情況良好，擁有前所未有的最大力量。德國海軍從來沒有像現在這樣虛弱，而不列顛的陸軍則從來沒有像現在這樣堅強。首相囑望英皇陛下的所有身居要職的臣僕要做出沉著、堅決的榜樣。他們應當制止並駁斥他們當中的或來自他們下屬的種種模糊的和歪曲的言論。如果發現有任何人、任何軍官或官員故意散佈影響，擾亂人心，使人消沉，或者發表製造恐慌和低落情緒的言論，便應當毫不遲疑地檢舉，或者在必要時撤消他們的職務。只有那些在空中、在海洋和陸地上曾經和敵人交鋒，並在軍人的素質上毫不示弱的人才配得上成為戰士。 當我通讀這篇訓令的時候，議院全場肅靜，但是在最後卻出現了我一生之中只經歷過那麼一次的場面。周圍的人好像都站了起來，一起歡呼，歡呼之聲經久不息。直到這時，保守黨總是以幾分保留的態度對待我的，每當我走進議院或者在緊要場合起立發言的時候，我所受到的最熱烈的掌聲是從工黨席位傳來的，但是現在，在這莊嚴的、響徹雲霄的和聲中大家都聯合在一起了。 在展開猛攻之後，一舉就消除了法國海軍這一影響戰局的重要因素，此事在所有的國家中都產生了深刻的印象。許多人認為，不列顛已經陷入絕境，快要打敗了，不了解情況的人認為，它已面臨大軍壓境，戰戰兢兢地馬上就要投降了，然而正是這個不列顛卻能無情地打擊它昨天最親密的朋友，把無可爭辯的制海權暫時掌握在自己手裡。這表明英國戰時內閣是無所畏懼的，是什麼都會幹到底的。這的確是真的。 貝當政府在七月一日遷到維希，企圖成為非佔領區的法國政府。當他們得到奧蘭的消息後，便下令以空軍對直布羅陀進行報復，從非洲基地起飛的飛機對該港投擲了幾顆炸彈。 在七月五日那天，他們正式和大不列顛斷絕了關係。七月十一日，總統勒布倫讓位與貝當元帥，他以五百六十九票對八十票的絕大多數當上了國家元首，另有十七票棄權和許多人缺席。 法國的民族天性，使她的人民體會到奧蘭事件的全部意義，舉國悲痛，要把這新的慘痛事件化為新的希望和力量。戴高樂將軍（我事前沒有徵求過他的意見）表現的態度是光明磊落的，法國解放和光復後，曾正式承認他的所作所為是正確的。泰讓先生是法國抵抗運動的一位卓越的成員，後來曾擔任法國國防部長，我感謝他告訴過我一件事，這件事應當記述在這裡。在土倫附近的一個村莊裡，住著兩戶農家，兩家的兒子都是海軍士兵，在奧蘭英軍的炮擊下都被打死了。 舉行葬儀的時候，所有的鄰居們都參加了。兩家都要求把英國國旗和法國國旗並覆在棺材上面，人們以尊敬的心情實現了他們的願望。從這件事裡，我們就可看出，純樸的人們領會事物的精神是怎樣達到了崇高的境地。 在美國政府的高級官員中瀰漫著無限的欣慰之感。大西洋似乎又恢復了它的防禦力，並使這一偉大的共和國有充裕的時間，為它的安全進行必要的準備。從此以後，就再也聽不到有人談論不列顛要投降這類話了。這時唯一的問題是：它會遭到敵人的入侵和征服嗎？現在是考驗的時候了。