Chapter 70 Volume 2 Chapter 28 Lend-Lease Act

Roosevelt re-elected President British Arms Contracts in America Lord Lothian came to see me at Ditchley November 1939 Cash for purchases, shipping for own dollars British losses in obscure wars 1940 May 1940, A New Era I Drafted Letter to the President, December 8, 1940 The Common Interest of Great Britain and the United States Needs to Pre-Plan for Britain's Recovery Since June on the Atlantic Coming 1941 The crisis of the loss of our ships The strength of the British and German warships The threat of Japan The lifeline of the Atlantic Ocean The influence of the United States on Ireland I demand two thousand more planes a month Army equipment His press conference on december 17 removes the dollar sign and introduces a lend-lease bill to parliament Lord Eden returned to the Foreign Office as if he had returned to his hometown, and Captain Majesson served as Secretary of State for War, waiting for the passage of the Lend-Lease Act to send the New Year's greetings to the President.

At this time, amidst the symphony of swords and guns and the roar of cannons, another major event that determines the fate of the world emerged in front of us.The United States holds a presidential election on November 5.Despite the fiercely contested quadrennial campaign, and despite the major differences between the two major parties on domestic issues, leaders in both parties, Republican and Democratic, took the noble cause very seriously.On November 2, Mr. Roosevelt said in Cleveland: Our policy is to provide all possible material assistance to those countries across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans that are still resisting aggression.On the same day, his opponent, Mr. Wendell Wilkie, declared at Madison Square Garden: We all, Republicans, Democrats and Independents, stand in support of the heroic British people.We must supply them with the products of our industry.

This expanded patriotism guarantees the security of the American Union and our survival, but I still await the outcome of the election with great trepidation.None of the newcomers to power had or could have acquired the knowledge and experience of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the short term.No one has the leadership ability like him.My personal relationship with him, which I had established with the utmost care, and which seemed to have reached such a degree of confidentiality and intimacy, formed an important factor in all my thinking.To put an end to this slowly formed friendship, to interrupt the conversations we were having, and to resume them with a man whose state of mind and personality were strange to me, was not a pleasant thing to me.I haven't felt this anxious since Dunkirk.When I received the news that President Roosevelt had been re-elected, my relief was indescribable.

former navy personnel to president roosevelt November 6, 1940 I don't think it's appropriate for me, as a foreigner, to express any opinion on American politics while an election is going on, but, now, I'm sure you wouldn't blame me if I said I had wished you success, and Congrats now on your success.This is not to say that I wish for anything more than the full just and free exercise of your resourcefulness in a world at stake which both of us are obliged to save.We are facing the dark situation of what is evidently a protracted and growing war, and I look forward to being able to share the same spirit of mutual trust and honesty that has grown between the two of us when the war broke out and I was in charge of the Admiralty. You exchange ideas.Things are going on, and as long as there are speakers of English in any part of the world, they will not go unnoticed, and must be here at a time when I am deeply relieved that the American people have once again entrusted you with this daunting burden. Express my firm belief that we will sail safely to our destination by following the brilliance of wisdom.

It is strange that I never received a reply to this telegram.It was probably buried in a pile of congratulatory messages, and was put aside due to business urgency. So far, we have submitted arms orders to the United States. Although we have consulted with the US Department of War, Navy and Air Force, we have not passed through their hands.Owing to our ever-increasing demands in all directions, overlapping orders frequently occurred in many places, which, in spite of all good intentions, could still cause friction among the lower ranks.Stettinius writes that the daunting task we now face can only be accomplished if the government adopts a single, unified procurement policy for all defense supplies. [1] This means that the U.S. government will coordinate and arrange all arms orders in the United States.On the third day after his re-election, the President publicly announced that the allocation of American arms products would be based on empirical methods.Once the munitions leave the factory, roughly half of them are distributed to the US military and the other half to the British and Canadian forces.The War Material Priority Allocation Agency approved the British request and promised to supply 12,000 aircraft in addition to the 11,000 we had ordered in the United States.But how to pay for this money?

[1] Stettinius: "Lend-Lease", page 62. In mid-November, Lord Lothian flew home from Washington and stayed with me in Ditchley for two days.I was advised not to spend weekends at Checkers all the time, especially when the moon was full, lest the enemy should pay special attention to my whereabouts.On several occasions Mr. Ronald Terry and his wife have received me and my staff with great hospitality in their large and fine residence near Oxford.Ditchley and Brunning were only four or five miles apart.I received Ambassador Losian in such a comfortable environment.I feel like Losian has completely changed.During the years I have known him, he gave me the impression of being knowledgeable, aristocratic, and aloof from the world.He was personable, assertive, withdrawn, dignified in manner, harsh in his criticism, but light and lively in his manner, and always a good companion.Now, after we have had a hard time together, I find that he has become a very down-to-earth, thoughtful person.He knows the attitude of the United States like the back of his hand.He once won the goodwill and trust of Washington when he presided over the negotiations on the exchange of destroyers and naval and air force bases.He developed a close personal friendship with the president and remained in close contact with the president until his return home.All his thoughts were now on the question of the dollar; it was indeed a difficult one.

Before the war broke out, the United States was bound by the Neutrality Act, which obliged the President to issue an embargo on September 3, 1939, prohibiting the shipment of weapons to any belligerent country.Ten days later he summoned Parliament to a special session to consider lifting the prohibition which, while apparently just, deprived England and France of the superiority of command of the seas for the carriage of arms and supplies.After several weeks of discussions and disputes, it was not until the end of November 1939 that the neutrality law was abolished and replaced by the new principle of cash purchases and self-care for transportation.In this way, the United States still maintains a strict neutrality, because the Americans can freely sell weapons to allies and to Germany.In fact, however, our naval power prevents all sea transportation by Germany, while England and France are free to do so as long as they have cash to buy.On the third day after the passing of this new Act, the Procurement Committee, headed by the able Mr. Arthur Purvis, began its work.

When Britain joined the war, it had 4.5 billion U.S. assets, including U.S. dollar cash, gold and convertible investments in the United States.The only way to increase these resources was to open new gold mines in the British Empire, mainly in South Africa, of course, and to export commodities to America in every possible way, especially luxuries such as whiskey, fine woolen goods and ceramics.During the first sixteen months of the war another two billion dollars were obtained in this way.In the dark and unclear war, we are in a dilemma. On the one hand, we are eager to order arms from the United States, and on the other hand, we are deeply afraid that our dollar reserves will be exhausted.During Mr Chamberlain's administration, Sir John Simon, the chancellor of the exchequer, often told us that our country's US dollar reserves were pitifully low, and repeatedly emphasized the need to preserve US dollars.Everyone more or less admits that our purchases of goods from the United States should be strictly limited.We acted as Mr. Purvis once said to Stettinius, that we seemed to be on a deserted island, with insufficient rations, on which we should try to last a few days. 【1】This means that we must count carefully to make up for our shortfalls.In times of peace, we can import freely and deliver goods without restriction.When war comes, in order to use gold, dollars, and private property, to prevent unscrupulous people from transferring their funds to countries they think are safer, and to cut wasteful imports and other expenses, we have to Establish a regulatory body.Besides making sure we don't waste our currency, it is more important to see if other countries accept our currency.The countries in the sterling zone are with us: they have adopted the same foreign exchange management policies as we have, and they are also willing to accept and hold sterling.We have made arrangements with other countries to pay them in sterling to be used anywhere in the sterling area, and they promise to keep the sterling which is not in use and to trade at the official foreign exchange rate.This approach was initially agreed with Argentina and Sweden, and was later extended to other countries in continental Europe and South America.These arrangements were agreed after the spring of 1940, and it is a matter of satisfaction that we were able to agree and maintain them in such difficult circumstances as evidence of the confidence in the pound sterling.This way we were able to trade in sterling in many parts of the world, saving most of our precious gold and dollars to buy vital supplies from America.

[1] Stettinius: "Lend-Lease", p. 60. In May 1940, when the war took a sharp turn and forced us to face the dire reality, we realized that a new era had begun in Anglo-American relations.Since I formed a new government with Sir Kingsley Wood as Chancellor of the Exchequer, we have followed a relatively simple policy, that is, we order everything we can and leave our future finances to the living God solve.It would be wrong economy and inappropriate caution to worry too much about the consequences of running out of dollars, as we fight for survival, and are now almost alone, while the enemy continues to bomb and looks at invasion.We are aware that public opinion in the United States is undergoing tremendous changes, and not only Washington, but the entire Commonwealth is increasingly convinced that their fate is tied to ours.Moreover, at this time, there was a great wave of sympathy and admiration for Great Britain throughout the United States.Very friendly messages have been sent to us directly from Washington, and also through Canada, encouraging us to fight bravely and pointing out that a way can be found anyway.With Mr. Morgenthau as Secretary of the Treasury, the Allied cause had a constant champion.

We took over the French order contract in the United States in June, thus almost doubling our foreign exchange expenditure.In addition, we have sent out new orders for aircraft, tanks and merchant ships in all directions, which has prompted the construction of large-scale new factories in the United States and Canada. By November, 1940, we had paid for all goods received.We have sold $335 million worth of U.S. shares that were acquired in British pounds from private holders in the U.K.We paid over $4.5 billion in cash.We're left with two billion dollars, most of which are investments, much of which cannot be sold immediately.Obviously, we can't go on like this anymore.Even if we had sold all our gold and foreign holdings, we would not be able to pay half of the order, and the delay of the war increased our required order tenfold.We must keep some money on hand for daily use.

Losian is sure that the president and his advisers are seriously looking for the best way to help us.Now that the election is over, the time for action has come.Talks between Sir Frederick Phillips and Mr. Morgenthau on behalf of both Treasurys are continuing in Washington.The ambassador urged me to write a letter fully stating our situation to the President.So, that Sunday, I worked with him at Ditchley to draft a personal letter to the President.On November 16, I telegraphed Roosevelt to say: I am writing you a long letter setting out my outlook for 1941, which will be handed down by Lord Lothian in a few days.Since the document required repeated review by the Chiefs of Staff Committee and the Treasury Department, and had to be approved by the War Cabinet, the formalities could not be completed before Lothian returned to Washington.On November 26, I sent him a telegram saying: I am still working on the letter to the President and hope to send it to you within a few days.The letter was finalized on December 8 and sent to the President immediately.As this letter sets out the common view of the whole situation which is shared by all parties concerned in London, and plays a marked role in our future, it deserves study. Whitehall, 10 Downing Street Dear Mr. President: December 8, 1940 1. As the year draws to a close, I feel that you may wish me to present to you our vision for 1941.I do this out of sincerity and confidence.Because, I think, the vast majority of American citizens are convinced that the security of the United States, and the future of our two democracies, and the civilization we represent, are inseparable from the survival and independence of the Commonwealth of Nations.Only in this way will the command of the seas necessary for the control of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans be in the hands of loyal and friendly nations.The control of the Pacific by the United States Navy, and the Atlantic by the British Navy, is essential to the security and commerce of our two nations, and is the surest means of preventing the spread of war to the shores of the United States. 2. There is another aspect.It takes three or four years to transform the industry of a modern country into an industry for war purposes.The saturation point is reached when the greatest industrial capacity is diverted as far as possible from civilian use to military production.Germany undoubtedly reached its saturation point by the end of 1939.We're only halfway through our second year within the British Empire.In my opinion, the United States must not go as far as we do in this regard.Moreover, I know that the United States is currently engaged in a large-scale naval, land, and air defense program that will undoubtedly take two years to complete.It is our duty, as Britons, to the common good, and to our own survival, to hold our ground and fight the forces of the Nazis until America is ready.Victory may be within two years' time, but we should not, by thinking so, relax what anyone can do in his power.It is therefore with all due respect that I ask you to consider in kindness and good faith that, so long as the above conditions exist, the interests of the British Empire and the United States are perfectly aligned.It is from this point of view that I take the liberty of writing to you. 3. The form which this war has taken, and which it seems likely to continue to take, makes it difficult for us to meet their army on any field where the Germans can muster their main force.However, we can use our naval and air power to deal with the Germans in areas where they can only invest a small number of troops. We must do everything in our power to prevent the extension of German domination from Europe to Africa and South Asia.We must also maintain a combat-ready army on our own island, an army strong enough to make invasion by sea an insoluble problem for the enemy.As you already know, we are preparing fifty to sixty divisions as quickly as possible for these purposes.Even if the United States were our ally, not just our friend and essential partner, we would not ask the United States to send a large expeditionary force.The limiting factor was the ships, not the men, and all power had to be devoted to transporting munitions and supplies before transporting large numbers of soldiers by sea. 4. The first half of 1940 was a disastrous period for the Allies and Europe.For the last five months, Great Britain has fought alone, and has come back strongly, perhaps unexpectedly, from the decline, but this is inseparable from the great assistance given to us in arms and destroyers by that great republic of which you were elected head of state for the third time. of. 5. The danger that Great Britain will be completely wiped out by a swift and one blow by a superior force of the enemy is now greatly reduced.This is followed by another long-term and gradual danger, less sudden and dramatic than the first, but no less deadly.The mortal danger is the continual, day-by-day reduction in the tonnage of ships.Under the indiscriminate bombing, houses collapsed and civilians were killed and injured, this is something we can bear.We hope that, as our science advances, we will be able to cope gradually with the air attack, and to return our air forces to strike German military objectives as they come closer to that of the enemy.The success or failure of 1941 will depend on the sea.Unless we can indeed maintain our local food supply and import all the munitions we need, unless we can actually move our troops into various battlefields to meet Hitler and his accomplice Mussolini, and station our troops in the There, and sure enough, all this can be carried on to the breaking point of the European dictators, or we may fail halfway, and the United States will lose the time it needs to prepare its defenses.Thus, the progress of the entire war in 1941 depended on ships and transport forces across the oceans, especially the Atlantic.On the other hand, if we could keep the shipping we need going up and down the oceans indefinitely, then we could divert superior air power to Germany itself, and to the German people and other nations ravaged by the Nazis. The growing resistance may bring happiness to the devastated civilization and make it see the light again. But we must not underestimate the task. 6. The extent of our ship loss is almost the same as that of the last war, the year with the largest loss. For the loss figures in recent months, please see the attachment.During the five weeks preceding November 3, losses amounted to 420,300 tons.In order to keep our operations at full strength, we estimate that the annual tonnage to be imported is 43,000,000 tons; in September, the imported tonnage reached only 37,000,000 tons, and in October it reached 38,000. million tons.If the tonnage of ships continues to decrease as it is at present, the consequences will be unimaginable unless the tonnage far exceeding the current replenishment can be obtained in time.Although we have thought of many new ways to deal with this situation, it is obviously much more difficult to reduce losses than in the last war.We lacked the assistance of the French, Italian, and Japanese navies, and especially of the United States Navy, which gave us great assistance in tense years.The enemy has controlled all the ports on the northern and western coasts of France.These ports and the islands off the French coast are increasingly being used as bases for submarines, airships and fighter jets.We cannot use Irish ports and territories to patrol our coasts from the air and sea.In fact, we have only one sea route into the British Isles, the Northern Sea Route, but the enemy is concentrating there and harassing us with submarines and long-range bombers.In addition, in recent months, enemy ships have attacked merchant ships in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans.Now we also need to deal with powerful attacking warship enemy ships.We need both ships capable of pursuing enemy ships and ships for escort.As much as we are resourced and prepared, it is not enough. 7. In the next six or seven months, the balance of warship forces in my home waters will not be satisfactory.Bismarck and Tirpitz must be ready for service within a month.We already have the King George V and hope the Prince of Wales will join the ranks at the same time.The armor of these new warships, especially in terms of defense against air attack, is of course vastly superior to that of ships such as the Rodney and Nelson designed twenty years ago.We have recently had to use the Rodney for a transatlantic convoy, but when the number of ships is so small, any time a mine or a torpedo can decisively change the strength of the fighting ranks.We can breathe a sigh of relief when the Duke of York is completed in June, and we will be even better when the Anson is in service at the end of 1941.But the two first-rate 35,000-ton[1] new German ships armed with fifteen-inch guns obliged us against them without concentrating a naval force of such magnitude as had not been seen since the war began. 【1】In fact, they are all nearly 45,000 tons. 8. We hope that the two Italian battleships of the Litrio class cannot be put into action for the time being, and that as long as they are not equipped with the German navy, they are of no great importance. Maybe they will be equipped with the German Navy!We are very grateful for your help with the Richelieu and Jean Bart, and, dare I say, that will do the trick.But no one knows better than you, Mr. President, that during these months we must take into account that for the first time in this war there will be such a fleet operation that the enemy will have at least two ships equal to our best It is also the only two new warships.We cannot reduce our forces in the Mediterranean, because of Turkey's attitude, and indeed the entire situation in the Eastern Mediterranean depends on whether we maintain a strong fleet there.Those older warships that were not modernized were to be used as escorts.Therefore, even on ships of the Battleship class, we are very nervous. 9. There is a second danger.The Vichy government either joins Hitler's New European Order, or in some way, such as sending an expeditionary force by sea to invade the colonies of Free France, so that we have to fight them, so that they can find an excuse to put The sizable, unscathed navy that remained in their hands was used to fight with the Axis powers.If the French Navy joins the Axis powers, West Africa will immediately fall into their hands, thereby seriously endangering our traffic between the North and South Atlantic, and also Dakar, and of course South America with it. 10. The third danger is in the Far East.It seemed clear that Japan was advancing south through Indochina to Saigon and other naval and air bases, so that they would not be far from Singapore and the Dutch East Indies.It is reported that the Japanese are preparing five elite divisions to serve as overseas expeditionary forces one day.If this situation continues to develop, our forces in the Far East today will not be able to cope. 11. In the face of these dangers, we must make the most of the year 1941 to build up a supply of weapons, especially aircraft, sufficient to lay the foundations of victory, while increasing production in our homeland in the face of enemy bombing, while obtaining overseas supplies .From the facts which I have enumerated, and from many others like them, the task is so great that I feel I have a right, nay, I feel it a duty, to suggest to you various means in order to The United States can lend a noble and decisive assistance to what in some respects is a common cause. 12. The most urgent need is to prevent and reduce the loss of ships in the Atlantic sea lanes leading to our homeland.There are two ways of doing this, one is to increase the naval power to deal with raids; the other is to increase the number of merchant ships we need. In order to achieve the first purpose, there seem to be the following alternatives: (a) The United States reaffirms the principle of freedom of navigation on the seas, and that ships are not to be harassed by illegal and barbaric means of war. This was a resolution after the last World War, and Germany readily promised and stipulated it in 1935.According to this principle, American ships can trade freely with countries that are not subject to effective and legal blockades. (b) I think, then, that this lawful trade should be protected by the force of the United States, viz., escorts, cruisers, destroyers, and air formations.How can you get a base in Ireland during the war, that protection would be more effective.Such protection, I suppose, would probably prevent Germany from declaring war on the United States, though dangerous accidents at sea might well occur from time to time.It can be seen that Herr Hitler wanted to avoid the Kaiser's mistake.He did not want to be involved in a war against the United States until he had completely destroyed the British army.His motto is one time strikes one enemy. This policy, or one similar to it, which I would venture to state, would enable decisive American action to be construed as active non-combat action, and would, more than any other method, ensure that British resistance could be effectively Go on as long as you want until you win. (c) If it is difficult to do the above, then, in order to maintain the Atlantic shipping lanes, we have to ask you to donate, lend or provide us with a large number of American warships, especially destroyers, which are currently sailing in the Atlantic Ocean.Besides, couldn't the U.S. Navy expand its sea control on the American side of the Atlantic to prevent enemy ships from interfering with new routes to the new naval and air bases that the United States was building on the British islands in the Western Hemisphere?The U.S. Navy is so powerful that the aforementioned assistance given to us by the U.S. will not jeopardize its control of the Pacific. (d) We also need the good offices of the United States, and the continuous use of the full influence of the United States government, to secure for Great Britain facilities for anchoring small fleets on the southern and western coasts of Ireland, and, what is more important, for our aircraft to move westward Convenience over the Atlantic Ocean.If it were an interest in the United States to proclaim the long-term resistance of Great Britain and the clearing of the Atlantic routes for the steady flow of vital munitions for Great Britain in North America, the Irish in America might wish to point out to the Irish government that the present policy of Ireland It is creating danger for the United States itself. If Ireland, by its actions, should be threatened with a German attack, Her Majesty's Government would, of course, take the most effective precautions in advance.We cannot force the people of Northern Ireland to secede from the United Kingdom and join Southern Ireland against their will.But I have no doubt that if the Irish government had shown at this critical juncture its solidarity with the democracies of the English-speaking world, an all-Ireland Defense A form for the unification of Ireland. 13. The purpose of the above measures is to reduce the massive losses at sea to a controllable level.In addition to this, it is of the utmost importance that the tonnage of merchant ships to supply Great Britain and to supply her full force to the war should be greatly increased and exceed the maximum annual production of 1,250,000 tons which we are now able to achieve.Escort systems, circumnavigation, zigzags, the present distances for incoming supplies, and the congestion of our western ports have reduced the efficiency of our existing ships by about a third.In order to ensure the final victory, at least three million tons of merchant ship construction capacity must be increased.Only the United States can supply this need.Looking ahead, it appears that the scale of production in 1942 should be similar to that planned for Hoag Island during the previous war.At the same time, we ask the United States to provide us with all the merchant ships it owns or controls in 1941, except for its own needs, and try to allocate the merchant ships currently under construction for the State Maritime Administration. A large part of it is available for us to use. [1] Hoag Island is located south of Philadelphia, USA.translator 14. Furthermore, we count on the industrial power of the Republic to make up for our domestic deficiencies in fighter manufacturing.If we do not receive massive reinforcements in this direction, we will not be able to gain absolute superiority in the air to weaken and destroy the German hold on Europe.We are currently working on a plan to increase our first-line aircraft to seven thousand by the spring of 1942.But it's clear that this plan doesn't give us the edge we need to break through to victory.In order to achieve this superiority we obviously need as many aircraft as the United States of America can support us.Although we are under the constant bombing of the enemy, we are eager to complete a large part of the original production plan in our own country.Under the present arrangements we could have aircraft from planned production in the United States, but even if they were allotted to our squadrons we still had no hope of gaining the necessary advantage.So, Mr. President, could you please seriously consider an urgent order to add another 2,000 combat aircraft per month through joint settlement?In my opinion, the vast majority of these aircraft should be heavy bombers, since we mainly rely on these weapons to smash the foundations of German military power.I know that this will place the industrial organization of America on a very difficult task.But because of our urgent need, we call with confidence to the most able and talented technicians in the world.We are asking them to make an unprecedented effort, and we believe they can do it. 15. You have also received information about the needs of our Army.In the manufacture of arms, we are steadily increasing, although we are under the bombardment of the enemy.We could not have hoped to equip fifty divisions in 1941 without your consistent assistance in the supply of working machines and the transfer of certain items.I am grateful for the arrangements which have been well made, for your support of our planned formation of troops and for the supply of American weapons to our ten supplementary divisions in time for the fighting of 1942.But when the dictatorship begins to wane, many nations seeking to restore liberty may demand arms from no other source than American factories.Therefore, we must stress the importance of maximizing the United States' production capacity for small arms, artillery, and tanks. 16. I am preparing to present to you a comprehensive plan, explaining the various munitions we hope to obtain from you. Of course, most of them have already been agreed by both parties.A great saving of time and effort would be saved if the United States Army selected weapons of the same type as those which had proven their performance at all times in actual warfare.In this way, stored artillery, munitions, and aircraft could be exchanged, thereby greatly increasing their numbers.However, this is an esoteric technical issue, so I won't go into details here. 17. Finally, I would like to talk about financial issues.The quicker and more plentiful the munitions and ships that you are able to support us come in, the faster our dollar deposits will be depleted.As you know, we have withdrawn most of our USD deposits to pay the dues.Indeed, as you know, the orders submitted or being negotiated, including those paid or to be paid for the establishment of munitions factories in the United States, already exceed many times the entire foreign reserves remaining in the hands of Great Britain.The time is coming when we can no longer pay for ships and supplies in cash.While we are making the best effort to pay in foreign exchange at any just sacrifice, I am sure you will agree that if Great Britain were robbed of all her marketable means at the height of this struggle, so that After we have won with our blood, saved civilization, and bought time for America to be adequately armed against eventuality, it is wrong in principle, and the result is to the detriment of both parties. Such an approach is neither morally nor economically in the interest of any of our countries.After the war we will not be able to import more from the United States than we export to the United States, and will not purchase more than those exports which suit your tariff conditions and industrial economy.不僅我們在大不列顛要備嘗艱苦，就是美國也將因出口能力的削減而引起廣泛的失業。 十八‧再者，我不相信美國政府和美國人民會認為把他們慷慨答應給與我們的援助限制於要立即付款才能供應的軍火和商品，是符合於指導他們行動的原則的。請你相信，為了正義事業，我們是決心要忍受一切痛苦，作出最大犧牲的，而且我們也將因為我們是維護這一事業的鬥士而感到光榮。我們滿懷信心地把其他的事情留給你和你的人民去考慮，我們深信，你們是一定能夠找到將來為大西洋兩岸的子孫後代讚揚的途徑和方法來的。 十九‧總統先生，我深信，如果你認為摧毀納粹和法西斯暴政對美國人民和西半球是一件大事，那麼，你就不會把這封信看成是乞求援助的信，而將把它看作是一份陳述書，其中說明為了達到我們的共同目的應當採取的最低限度的必要行動。 這封信附有一個統計表，列明在這段時間內英國、同盟國和中立國的商船因遭受敵人的襲擊而損失的噸數。【１】這封信是我寫的最重要的書信之一，當它送別我們偉大的朋友的手中時，他正乘美國軍艦圖斯卡露莎號在陽光燦爛的加勒比海游弋。他左右的人全是他的親信。哈里‧霍普金斯那時我還不認識他後來告訴我說，羅斯福先生獨自一人坐在他的帆布躺椅上一再閱讀這封信，而且，經過了兩天他都還沒有得出什麼具體的結論。他絞盡腦汁，默默沉思。 他從默默沉思中得到了一個非比尋常的決策。總統的問題絕對不是他不知道他應該作什麼。他的問題是：如何使他的國家跟著他走，如何說服國會聽從他的引導。據斯退丁紐斯說，早在去年夏季，總統就在船舶資源防務諮詢委員會的會議上提議過，英國無需自己出資在美國建造船隻，也無需我們向他們提供貸款來達到這一目的。值此非常時期，我們沒有理由不把造好的船隻租借給他們使用。這種想法似乎最初是來源於財政部，是財政部的法律顧問，特別是緬因州的奧斯卡‧斯‧考克斯，在財政部長摩根索的啟示下提出來的。 原來，根據一八九二年的一項法令，陸軍部長在認為符合於公眾利益的時候，在國家不需要的前提下，可以把陸軍的財產租借出去，為期不超過五年。這項法令的應用有先例可援，租借陸軍各項用品的情況是屢見不鮮，有案可查的。 因此，羅斯福總統心中早就有了租借這個字和運用租借的原則來滿足英國的需要之意，以之作為代替不久就要使英國失去所有償付能力的無限期借貸政策的一種辦法。現在，所有這一切一變而為果斷的行動，宣告了租借這一光輝燦爛的概念。 總統在十二月十六日從加勒比海歸來，翌日便在記者招待會上說明了他的計劃。他舉了一個簡單的例子：如果我的鄰居的房子著了火，而我在離他四五百呎遠的地方有一條澆水用的水龍帶。如果他能拿我的水龍帶去接在他的水龍頭上，那麼我就可以幫他把火撲滅。現在我怎麼辦呢？在救火以前，我不會對他說，鄰居，我這條澆水用的水龍帶值十五塊美元，你得給我十五塊美元才能用。不能這樣作！then what should we do?我不要這十五塊美元在把火撲滅之後，我把水龍帶拿回來就是了。他還說：無庸置疑，絕大多數的美國人都認為美國最直接有效的防衛在於大不列顛之得以保衛其本身；因此，姑且不談我們在歷史上和在當前都對在全世界維繫民主制度於不墜深感興趣，就是從自私的觀念和美國的國防出發，我們也應竭力幫助大英帝國去保衛它自己。他最後說： 我打算消除美元符號。 在這個基礎上，永垂不朽的租借法案立即草擬完畢，提交國會。後來我向議會說：這在任何國家的歷史上都是最光明磊落的行為。法案一經國會通過，就馬上改變了整個局面。它使我們能夠通過協定而無拘無束地為我們一切的需要制定包羅萬象的長期計劃。沒有規定償付的條款。甚至連以美元或英鎊計算的正式帳目也沒有。我們所得到的東西，全是借的或租借的，因為我們對希特勒暴政的繼續抵抗，被認為是和偉大的共和國休戚相關的。按照羅斯福總統的說法，今後決定美國武器的去向的，不是美元而是美國的國防。 正是在此時刻，在菲利浦‧洛西恩的公職最重要的時刻，他和我們永別了。他回華盛頓不久，忽然大病不起。他始終不懈地工作到死。在十二月十二日那一天，他功成身歿，與世長辭。這對我們國家和正義事業都是一個損失。在大西洋兩岸，他受到各界朋友的哀悼。我在兩個星期前，還同他促膝密談，一聞死訊，不勝震驚。在下議院的一次會議中，我對他致辭悼念，與大家一起對他的功績表示莫大的敬意。 這時，我必須即刻選擇洛西恩的繼任人。就我們這時和美國的關係來看，我們需要一位全國知名並諳熟世界政治各個方面的政治家充當大使。在探悉總統接受我的提名人之後，我於是請勞合‧喬治先生擔任這個職務。七月間，他覺得他不能參加戰時內閣，在英國的政界中不甚得意。他對戰爭和導致戰爭的事件的看法，和我的看法不同。然而，毫無疑問，他是我們公民中的第一流人物，而且他那不可比擬的才能和經驗也會有助於他的使命成功。我和他在內閣辦公室裡進行了一次長時間的談話，第二天進午餐時又談了一次。他由於被邀請擔任大使而流露出衷心的喜悅。我告訴我的朋友說，他說道，首相要我擔任一個非常光榮的職務。他很清楚，他已年屆七十七歲的高齡，不應承當這樣吃力的任務。自從我和他進行了長談後，我覺察到，在我前此請他參加戰時內閣以後的這幾個月裡，他已蒼老了許多，因此我懷著遺憾的心情，毅然決定放棄我的計劃。 之後，我就想到了哈利法克斯勳爵，他在保守黨內威望極高。而且由於目前正擔任外交大臣而聲名更著。由外交大臣出任大使，足見這一使命極端重要。他高尚的人格到處受人尊敬，但另一方面，他在戰前幾年中所作的事情，以及事態的演變，使他遭到了全國聯合政府中工黨方面的非難、甚至於敵視。我知道他本人也明白這種情形。 當我向他提出此事，向他提出這件肯定不是提高個人地位的事時，他只簡短而莊嚴地說，認為他在哪裡最有用，他就到哪裡去工作。為了進一步強調他的職責的重要性，我作出安排，無論他何時離美回國，他都將繼續充任戰時內閣閣員。這一安排之所以未曾遇到絲毫阻礙，應歸功於有關人物的氣度和閱歷，在其後的六年裡，無論是在聯合政府或是在工黨｜社會主義政府執政期間，哈利法克斯在駐美大使任內都克盡厥職，取得顯著的、日益增長的影響和成就。 羅斯福總統、赫爾先生以及華盛頓的高級人物都非常滿意哈利法克斯勳爵這一人選。的確，我立即看出，總統對他比對我提出的第一次人選滿意。美國和英國國內都非常贊同指派這樣一位新大使，並認為，從各方面來說，都能勝任並適合當前的局面。 我毫不遲疑應由誰來補外交部的空缺。正如本書所揭示的，在過去的四年中，我在一切重大的問題上都和安東尼‧艾登的意見極為一致。我曾經敘及，一九三八年春，當他和張伯倫先生分道揚鑣時【１】我如何焦慮不安、心情激動。當表決慕尼黑協定時，我們曾一起拒絕投票。在那年淒慘的冬天，我們一起反抗保守黨在我們選區裡對我們施加的壓力。自從戰爭爆發以來，我們在思想上和感情上一直是團結一致的，在戰爭的過程中，我們又成為同僚。艾登的大部分公職生活是從事於外交事務的研究。他身居外交大臣要職時，成績卓著，卻在剛四十二歲的時候，即行辭職，其原因今天回顧起來，各黨派都是加以讚許的。在這驚濤駭浪的一年裡，他作為陸軍大臣，起了良好的作用，他在處理陸軍事務的過程中使我們二人更為接近。在天天出現的許許多多實際問題上，即使未事前磋商，我們兩人的看法也是差不多的。我切盼首相和外交大臣之間保持愉快的、協調的友誼，我這個希望在其後四年半的戰爭和政策制定中，確實得到了滿足。艾登遺憾地離開了陸軍部，他被那裡所有的那些緊張的工作、振奮人心的事跡吸引住了，但他終於像重歸故里似的回到了外交部。 【１】見第一卷。translator 我向英皇提出，由馬傑森上尉補艾登先生陸軍大臣的遺缺；那時，他是全國聯合政府的總督導員。這一遴選引起了一些非議。戴維‧馬傑森曾任下議院執政黨督導員辦公廳主任差不多有十年之久，所以他要負責帶領和鼓勵保守黨中那班有忍耐心和穩健的多數派，這些人曾長期支持鮑爾溫和張伯倫的內閣。在印度法案上，我作為保守黨反對派的主要人物，曾經多次同他激烈爭辯。在我離開公職生活的十一年裡，我同他的接觸也不少，而且總是一見面就如同仇敵。我對他形成了這樣的看法：他是一個能力高強的人，不管他的領袖是誰，他都忠心耿耿為他效勞，誠誠實實地對待他的對手。工黨和自由黨的督導員也有同樣的看法，這樣的聲譽對執行這種特殊的職務來說當然是很重要的。當我出任首相時，大家都認為，我會另選他人擔任這一職務，但我深信，馬傑森將像他對我的前任那樣盡心竭力為我效勞；在這一點上他絲毫沒有讓我失望。他曾經在第一次世界大戰中服役，當過團長，受過磨練，得過戰功十字勳章。因此，他既具有豐富的軍人的經歷，又諳熟下議院的事務。 我指派詹姆斯‧斯圖爾特上尉代替馬傑森的職位，我和他也有過多次的爭執，但我對他的為人卻十分尊重。 從一九四○年十一月到一九四一年三月通過租借法案這段期間內，我們的美元非常緊張。我們的朋友想出了各種各樣的應急方法。美國政府買下了根據我們的定單在美國建立的幾個兵工廠。他們把這些工廠納入美國防務計劃之內，但囑咐我們繼續盡量使用。美國國防部定購了一些並非他們所急需的軍需品，以便製成之後轉讓給我們。另一方面，美國也作出了幾件在我們看來是苛酷難堪的事。總統派了一隻軍艦到開普敦，要把我們儲存在那裡的黃金掃數運走。在美國政府的要求之下，我們把英國在美國的大企業科陶爾股份公司按比它本來的價值低得多的價格賣掉了。我有一種感覺，之所以採取這些步驟，是用來著重反映我們的困難處境，並激發人們的同情心去抵制那些反對租借法案的人。無論如何，用這樣或那樣的方法，我們總算度過了難關。 十二月三十日，總統通過廣播發表了爐邊談話，勸告他的國人擁護他的政策。危險就在眼前，我們必須防患於未然。 但是我們深知，我們不能爬上床去，用以被蒙頭的辦法逃避危險，如果大不列顛一旦崩潰，所有我們整個美洲的人即將生活在槍口之下，槍膛裡裝滿一觸即發的子彈，經濟的和軍事的子彈都有。我們必須竭盡全力就我們所能支配的人力和物力，生產武器和艦隻。我們必須成為民主國家的大兵工廠。 former navy personnel to president roosevelt 一九四○年十二月三十一日 我們對你昨天發表的談話非常感激。我們特別歡迎你所講的關於支援我們的計劃的梗概，沒有這種支援就不可能在歐洲和亞洲根除希特勒主義。我們當然可以猜出，你為什麼沒有能夠詳細說明如何實現你的提案。同時，有些事情也使我焦慮不安。 首先，派軍艦到開普敦去起運黃金，可能引起令人為難的後果。這件事可以說一定會被人知道。這將使英國及各自治領群情鼎沸、輿論嘩然，也會使敵人感到高興，說你派人去拿走我們的最後一點儲備。如果你認為這是唯一的方法，那麼，我們便下令，把開普敦的黃金裝船啟運。但是，如何可能的話，我們就應避免這麼作。比如說，我們能否採取一項技術措施，用南非的黃金調換渥太華別有用途的黃金，並設法把渥太華的黃金運到紐約？我們必須立即得到回音，因為那隻船已在途中。 我著急的第二件事是：我們不知道國會將用多長的時間來辯論你的提案，如果時間拖延下去，我們怎能提出軍火定單和付清價款。總統先生，請你記住，我們不知你的想法如何，也不知道美國究竟打算怎麼辦，而我們正在為我們的生存而戰。如果我們不得不拖欠你們承包人的債款（他們還要支付他們的工人），那對整個世界的局勢將發生什麼影響呢？ 這豈不被敵人利用，說英國和美國的合作已完全破產嗎？幾個星期的拖延也許就會給我們帶來這樣的後果。 第三，除了中間這段時期以外，當國會批准了你的計劃以後，還有許多有關該計劃適用範圍的問題。現有的定貨在全部交清之前，應付出的大批價款如何處理？對這些定貨預先支付的巨額款項已花光了我們的資財。我們繼續需要各種各樣的美國商品，並不一定是武器，比如說，還需要原料和汽油。加拿大和其他自治領，希臘和一些流亡的盟國政府，都迫切需要美元來維持他們的戰鬥活動。我並不希望立即知道，你將怎樣解決後面這幾個問題。在我們這方面，我們願意向你全部攤開我們在世界各處的一切資產和負債，而且除了為共同事業所需要的幫助以外，我們別無他求。我們當然希望確知，你準備用來武裝你們自己的權力，將強大到足以應付這些重大的問題，經得住一切適當的考驗。 弗雷德里克‧菲利普斯勳爵正在和財政部長摩根索先生商談這些事，他將說明我們在全世界許多地方承擔的戰爭義務，我們不能要求你們對此給予直接的幫助，但卻需要黃金和美元。這種情形也同樣適用於荷蘭和比利時的黃金，屆時我們必須以硬幣償還。 昨晚，敵人燒燬了大半個倫敦市，倫敦以及各郡城市橫遭破壞的景象，令人觸目驚心；但是，當我今天去看那些仍在燃燒的廢墟的時候，倫敦居民的鬥志昂揚，就像四個月前敵人於九月開始不分青紅皂白地轟炸的那些日子一樣。 我感謝你對全世界的聲明：支持並有效地武裝我們這種不屈不撓的鬥志，是和美利堅合眾國將來的安全和繁榮密切相關的。 在暴風雨即將向我們襲來的新年裡，我衷心祝你一切順利。