Chapter 97 Volume 3 Chapter 24 Atlantic Charter

I drafted the original draft of the Atlantic Charter. The changes proposed by the President. Our discussion on August 11th. The question of the Atlantic islands, which is necessary to guarantee the imperial privileges. Report of the 11th of August Prompt reply from the Cabinet Finalization of the Atlantic Charter Anglo-American Telegram to Stalin I send out a memorandum on American supplies Mr. Purvis killed in plane crash My report to the Cabinet of the 12th of August The King and the Cabinet A congratulatory message to the Australian Prime Minister's report on my trip to Iceland August 19th I returned to London.

President Roosevelt told me in one of our initial meetings that he thought it would be best for us to have a joint declaration laying out some broad principles to guide our policies along the same path.Eager to follow this most salutary suggestion, I handed him the next day (August 10th) a preliminary outline for a manifesto, which read as follows: joint declaration of principles by england and america The President of the United States of America and Mr. Winston Churchill, Prime Minister representing His Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom, held talks to seek and agree upon measures to secure the security of their respective countries in the face of Nazi and German aggression and to relieve the distress of the peoples of the world caused by German aggression .They believed that certain mutually acceptable principles should be promulgated as a compass for their policies and based on which they hoped for a better future for the world.

First, their countries do not seek territorial or other expansion. Second, the two countries oppose territorial changes that do not conform to the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned. Third, both countries respect the right of peoples to choose the form of government under which they live.Their only concern is to defend the rights to freedom of speech and thought, because without these rights, choice must be empty talk. Fourth, the two countries will strive to achieve a fair and equitable distribution of important products, not only within their respective borders, but also among the countries of the world.

Fifth, the two countries seek peace.Such a peace would not only end forever the tyranny of the Nazis, but would use effective international organizations to enable all nations and peoples to live and work in peace within their own borders, crossing seas without fear of unlawful attack and without the need to Maintain overburdened armaments. In view of all the legends about my reactionary old world views, and the anguish it is said to have caused the President, I would like to record the substance and spirit of the draft of that document which came to be known as the Atlantic Charter, from the British side, yes My own handwriting.

August 11 will definitely be a busy day at work. Prime Minister to Admiralty August 11, 1941 Within the next twenty-four hours, every effort should be made to translate the telegram sent by this question. When we met in the morning, the President handed me a revised draft, which we used as the basis for our discussions.The only major difference from my first draft is the fourth point (about obtaining raw materials).The president wants to insert the words "without discrimination and under equal conditions."The President also proposed two additional sections: Sixth, both countries seek a peace that ensures security on the common ocean.

Seventh, the two countries believe that all countries in the world must abide by the spirit of renunciation of the use of force.For it will be impossible to maintain future peace if those countries which threaten or may threaten to use force outside their own countries continue to use land, sea and air forces.Both countries believe that it is important for such countries to disarm.The two countries should further take practical and feasible measures to reduce the heavy burden on the peace-loving peoples in terms of armaments. Before we discuss the document, the President stated that he meant to make a short statement simultaneously (possibly on August 14th) in Washington and London.

The statement included the following points: the President and the Prime Minister had talks at sea; they had brought their respective staffs to the meeting; their staffs had discussed assistance to various democracies under the Lend-Lease Act; undertake any future obligations outside the scope authorized by Congress.The statement would go on to say that the Prime Minister and the President had discussed certain principles concerning world civilization and that they had agreed to issue a statement on those principles.I request that no obligation be emphasized in such a statement.This would give Germany an advantage and would demoralize the neutral and defeated nations.We don't like to hear that either.I would, therefore, very much hope that the President would confine his statement to the positive aspects of aiding democracies, especially since he had already established himself by mentioning Lend-Lease.The President accepted this opinion.

This is followed by a detailed discussion of the revised draft of the declaration.A few minor changes were easily agreed to by both parties.The main difficulty lies in the fourth and seventh points, especially the fourth point.On this point, I immediately pointed out that the words "non-discrimination" could be used as a basis for criticizing the Ottawa Agreement, so I have difficulty accepting it.The text of this declaration must be submitted to the government of the country, and if the current wording is to be maintained, it must be submitted to the governments of the respective dominions.I can hardly hope it will be accepted.That, Mr. Sumner Wells points out, is at the heart of the matter, and that this section embodies the ideals the US State Department has striven to achieve over the past nine years.I have to mention Britain's eighty-year experience of insisting on free trade in the face of ever-increasing US tariffs.We have permitted all our colonies to import as much foreign merchandise as possible.Even the trade along the coast around Great Britain was open to commercial competition from all over the world.All we get in return is the successive implementation of protectionist policies by the United States.Mr. Wells seemed a little alarmed at these words.I then said that if, with due regard to the existing obligations of both countries, the deletion of non-discrimination and the substitution of the market for the market could be inserted, then I should submit the text of the Declaration to His Majesty's Government, and to some extent their Will be able to accept hopefully.The president was clearly moved.He didn't stick to his guns any longer.

With regard to the concepts of point seven, I point out that, while I accept the text of the manifesto, British public opinion will be disappointed by the absence of any intention in the manifesto to create an international organization for the maintenance of post-war peace.I promised to work hard to find an appropriate amendment, and to propose to the President later in the day to add to the second sentence the words before a broader and more permanent system of universal security. Meetings were held continuously between the chiefs of the navy and army of the two sides, and consensus was reached on a wide scale.I had briefly outlined to the President the danger of a German invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, and explained our plan for the occupation of the Canary Islands, the Pilgrim Plan, to counter this move.I then telegraphed Mr. Eden a summary of the discussion.

Prime Minister to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs August 11, 1941 The President had received a letter from Dr. Salazar.The letter stated that he was counting on the Azores as a place of retreat for himself and his government in case Germany invaded Portugal.And said that his country had a long alliance with Great Britain, and he therefore counted on British protection during the time when he was forced to remain in the Azores. 2. However, he is willing to accept American assistance in lieu of British protection if Britain is too busy elsewhere.The President is very willing to accept this appeal, and it is hoped that the British will give Dr Salazar a notice of the transfer of responsibility in the event of the expected situation.The above arrangement also applies to the Cape Verde Islands.

3. I told the President that we were going to implement a war plan called Pilgrims.We may be compelled to act before Germany invades the Iberian Peninsula, and will be very busy in doing so.I pointed out that although the Pilgrim Operation Plan did not necessarily cause a crisis in the peninsula, it was very likely; any impediment to liability indicated.He replied: Since the Pilgrim's battle plan does not affect Portugal, it has nothing to do with his actions. 4. The President thought that if the Portuguese islands were in danger, he would see reason to act, and we came to an agreement that those islands would be in danger if the Pilgrims were pursued, because the Germans would There is a greater need for pre-emptive action against us in those places. 5. In this case, he remains willing to aid the Portuguese Atlantic islands and maintains a strong force for this purpose. I have shown the above statement to the President, and he thinks it is a correct statement of the facts. Then, on the same day, our conversation turned to the Far East.The economic sanctions imposed on Japan on July 26 shook Tokyo.I am afraid that none of us realize how powerful the economic sanctions against Japan are.The Duke of Guards immediately tried to resume diplomatic negotiations.As a result, Admiral Nomura, Japan's special envoy to Washington, will submit proposals for a comprehensive settlement of the dispute to the State Department on August 6.Japan promised not to push further into Southeast Asia and said it would withdraw from Indochina after the China incident (the term they used for their six-year war with China) was resolved.In exchange, the United States should resume trade relations with Japan and assist Japan in obtaining all the raw materials it needs from the Southwest Pacific.Clearly, this is a cleverly worded proposal by which Japan can get all it can get now with no obligation for the future.Undoubtedly, this was the best policy Konoe could draw from his cabinet.We are at the conference table on the Augusta, and there is no need to argue about issues that are already clear.The telegram which I sent to Mr. Eden during the meeting fully illustrates the matter. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary August 11, 1941 The situation in Japan is as follows: The President had earlier proposed to Japan the neutralization of Indochina and Siam under a joint guarantee from the United States, Japan, Great Britain, China and others.The Japanese reply (to be telegraphed in full as soon as the more urgent telegrams had been dealt with) agreed with the principles of non-aggression against Siam and withdrawal from Indochina, but added a number of conditions which were simply unacceptable.For example, the withdrawal of troops from Indochina will not be implemented until after the settlement of the China incident, which means that the withdrawal cannot be realized until after Chiang Kai-shek is hanged, and further requires the recognition of Japan's dominant position in these areas.It also demanded that the United States no longer conduct any military preparations in these areas and seek the lifting of economic sanctions. 2. The idea of ​​the President is to negotiate these unacceptable terms, thereby gaining a delay, say, thirty days, during which we can improve our situation in Singapore while Japan has to do nothing .However, he will make such a condition to Japan: During the negotiations, it will stop its aggressive actions and not use Indochina as a base for attacking China.He will also fully maintain those economic measures aimed at dealing with Japan.These negotiations seemed unlikely to succeed, but the President believed that the gained month was valuable.Of course I pointed out that Japan would deceive him and try to attack China or cut off the line of communication between China and Burma.But you can look at it this way: they think that's where the negotiations should start, and, given what's happened between the United States and Japan in the past, acceptance of that fact is necessary. 3. In the course of these negotiations, the President will renew his proposal for the neutralization of Siam and Indochina. 4. The President is on a cruise at sea and will return in about a week. At that time, he will hand over a note to the Japanese ambassador.He will end his note with this passage I drafted: Any further Japanese aggression in the Southwest Pacific region will create a situation in which the United States Government will have to take countermeasures, even if it leads to war between the United States and Japan. He also added something to the effect that it was obvious that the Soviet Union was a friendly country to the United States and that the United States government was equally interested in the conflict in the Pacific Northwest. 5. I think this is totally a good thing, we should participate immediately and try to get the Dutch to participate wholeheartedly, because if the Japanese do not want to reject the conditions put forward by the President (continuation of economic sanctions, no action by Japan, no invasion of Siam ), that is, to continue to take military actions, while at the same time coddling diplomatically with the United States. In this case, the conditions enumerated in the last paragraph just mentioned (in section IV) will come into full play, and similar declarations will have full effect.The Soviet government should also be kept informed of this matter.It may be dangerous to tell the Chinese what we are doing for them, yet we can assure them in general terms that all our measures have their safety in mind. 6. For all these reasons, I think that we should assent to the proposed course of action, and inform the Dominions that this is a great advance towards a combined effort to stop Japanese aggression. I telegraphed Mr. Attlee a full summary of all the principal issues of the interview. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal August 11, 1941 Regarding the Navy's fourth point plan (the US Navy takes over the Atlantic waters between the Americas and Iceland), it has been satisfactorily resolved. Second, the President is prepared to take actions that would be of great help to us in conjunction with or in parallel with the Pilgrim Operations Plan. Third, he intends to negotiate with Japan by delaying time (for example, one month).During this period, Japan will take no further military action in Indochina and will not invade Siam.He has agreed to end his note with a very serious warning which I have drawn up. Fourth, the President will issue a joint proclamation, signed by him and me (on behalf of His Majesty's Government), at the time of the full disclosure of the meeting (perhaps on the 14th or 15th), so as to take this favorable those broad principles of England.I enclose the draft of the manifesto drafted by him.You will see that it is not without the difficulties which inevitably arise in the drafting of all declarations of this kind.The fourth condition obviously needs to be modified to ensure that we fulfill our obligations at Ottawa without prejudice to the future of imperial privileges.This should be addressed after the war, when the economy has been fully settled and tariffs have been drastically reduced and barriers to trade removed throughout the world.However, we can't fix that right now.In order to achieve consensus quickly, I am confident that he will accept our amendments. The practical significance of the seventh section is the most significant.There is no doubt that the President intends to disarm the guilty nation and maintain for an indeterminate long period the combined great naval and air armaments of the Anglo-Americans. Noting our views on the League of Nations and other international organizations, I suggest the following amendment after the word must: Before a wider and more permanent system of universal security is established. He would not like such an amendment very much, but he attaches great importance to the joint declaration. He believes that the joint declaration will affect the entire trend of American public opinion, so I think he will agree. As far as we are concerned, it would be very rash to raise unnecessary objections.We must regard this declaration as a tentative and partial document expressing the purpose of the war, to ascertain to all nations our just purpose, and not as an expression of the full institutions which we should establish after victory. You should summon all the War Cabinet to a meeting this evening, with others you think necessary, and please give me your opinion without delay.In the meantime, details on other matters, together with Cadogan's report on the talks, will be telegraphed immediately.I am afraid that if the joint declaration cannot be issued, the president will be very angry, and our vital interests may be affected. I had intended to leave here on the afternoon of the twelfth, but now we both have to postpone our departure by twenty-four hours. I did not finish dictating these telegrams until about two o'clock in the afternoon.In the next twelve hours I shall receive a most helpful reply from the War Cabinet, which will be the credit of all concerned.I later learned that my telegram did not reach London until after midnight, when many ministers had gone to bed.Nevertheless, at 1.45 am the next day, a meeting of the War Cabinet was held, and all personnel attended, including the Prime Minister of New Zealand, Mr. Peter Fraser, who was in the United Kingdom at the time.As a result of the full discussion, they sent me a telegram just after four o'clock in the morning, welcoming the proposal and making another statement on the fourth point (on non-discrimination in world trade), and another Insert a section on social security issues.By this time I had been informed that the President had accepted all the amendments I suggested to him on August 11th. On August 12th, about noon, I went to see the President in order to agree with him on the final form of the manifesto.I proposed to the President the Cabinet's amendment to point 4, but he preferred to follow the agreed wording, and I did not insist on this.He readily agreed to insert the section on social security that Cabinet wished to include.Many wording changes were agreed upon by both parties, and the manifesto was finalized. Joint Declaration by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom August 12, 1941 The President of the United States of America and Mr. Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, held talks where it was considered desirable to promulgate certain common principles of national policy for both countries, on the basis of which they hoped to improve the future of the world. First, their countries do not seek territorial and other expansion. Second, the two countries oppose territorial changes that do not conform to the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned. Thirdly, both countries respect the right of peoples to choose the form of government under which they live; both countries assert the restoration of those rights to those nations which have been forcibly deprived of their sovereignty and self-government. Fourthly, the two States, with due regard to their existing obligations, endeavor to enable all nations, great or small, victorious or defeated, to trade on equal terms and obtain economic benefits throughout the world. Raw materials necessary for prosperity. Fifth, the two countries are willing to promote the fullest cooperation among all countries in the economic field, with the aim of enabling all countries to improve labor standards, develop their economies, and enjoy social security. Sixth, After the final destruction of Nazi tyranny, both countries wish to see the establishment of a peace which will enable all peoples to live and work in peace within their own borders, and which will secure to all inhabitants everywhere a life free from fear and want. Seventh, Such a peace should enable all men to navigate unhindered on and above the common seas. Eighth, the two countries believe that all countries in the world must, for practical and spiritual reasons, renounce the use of force.Future peace cannot be maintained if countries that threaten or threaten to aggression outside their own borders continue to use land, sea and air armaments.Both countries believe that such states must be disarmed before a broader and more durable general security system can be established.Both countries will also sponsor and promote all other practicable means to relieve the heavy burden of armaments on the peace-loving peoples. It was only after this that I received a telegram of the results of another meeting of the Cabinet on the morning of August 12th.This telegram gives the reasons for the Cabinet's misgivings about the fourth point.However, it seems to me that in the final draft, with due regard to their existing obligations, this sentence, which actually contains the entire paragraph, is sufficient to safeguard our position. The far-reaching importance of this joint declaration is evident.The mere fact that the United States, still nominally neutral, would make such a declaration with a belligerent is astonishing.The Manifesto included the words (based on a sentence in my original manuscript) of the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, which amounted to a challenge which in peacetime would have meant an act of war.Finally, one point that cannot be ignored is the practical significance of the last section.This section clearly and vividly declares that after the war, the United States will unite with us to maintain world order until a better situation is established. The President and I myself are also planning to send a telegram to Stalin in joint name. August 12, 1941 The study of Harry Hopkins' report after his return from Moscow has given us an opportunity to discuss how our two countries can best assist your country as you are valiantly resisting the Nazi onslaught nation.Right now, we are working together to provide the supplies you most need as much as possible. Many ships have already departed our shores with supplies, and more cargo ships are due to depart in the near future. We must now consider a longer-term policy, for we have a long and hard way to go before we can achieve total victory.If complete victory cannot be won, our efforts and sacrifices will be in vain. The war is being waged on many fronts, and many more may develop before the war is over.Our resources, though plentiful, are finite, and the question necessarily arises of when and where they can be most effectively employed to maximize our common effort.The same applies to military products and raw materials. The needs of your Armed Forces and ours can only be determined with a full understanding of those factors which we must take into account in making our decisions.In order for us all to quickly determine the distribution of our combined resources, we propose to organize a conference in Moscow.We will send a senior representative to discuss these issues directly with you.If you agree to hold this meeting, we would like to inform you that until this meeting is decided, we will continue to deliver supplies and materials as quickly as possible. Fully aware of the importance of the heroic and resolute resistance of the Soviet Union to the defeat of Hitlerism, we feel that, in any case, we must act swiftly and immediately formulate a plan for the future distribution of our combined resources. Lord Beaverbrook was eager to receive my invitation when I was abroad.Also, I need Mr. Purvis, who is going back to Washington anyway.I think the coming together of Beaverbrook and Purvis (who represents Canada in many ways) offers a great opportunity to deal with our painful sharing of supplies with the Soviets, which is the way to go and not to something to avoid.I also hope that Beaverbrook will be able to promote and expand the full scale of production in the United States.In anticipation of their coming, I drew up a memorandum (see Appendix IX).Beaverbrook and Purvis departed from Prestwick on two separate planes a few hours apart.Whoever takes which plane has the same chance.Beaverbrook arrived safely at Newfoundland Airport and met me on the morning of the twelfth after getting off the long train.Purvis and all the other passengers on the plane met misfortune. When the plane took off, it crashed into a not too high mountain within a few minutes, and they all died.Purvis' death was a great loss, for he held many leads on England, America, and Canada, and, in his harmonious cooperation with them, he had always been the one who gave the idea.When Max [1] arrived, I told him the horrific news.He was silent for a moment and said nothing.This is war time. [1] The name of Beaverbrook.translator The following telegram summarizes the results of our last meeting: Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal August 12, 1941 Thank you very much for the exceptionally prompt response to my call from the Cabinet.I presented your alternative fourth point to the President, but he preferred to maintain the agreed wording.I don't see any real difference between the two myself.The phrase having regard to existing obligations secures our relationship with the Dominions.We see no hindrance to the competition of cheap labour, for all nations reserve the right to maintain the old tariff, or to impose it, as they think fit, until a better solution has been arrived at. 2. The President sincerely accepts your new fifth section, but, as you will see, the mention of scarcity is placed as the President originally intended, namely at the end of the sixth section.In addition, a small number of embellished words and sentences that have nothing to do with the content have been added. 3. We have paid special attention to the sharp warning in the president's note to Japan. There was always fear that the State Department would tone down the note, but the president had explicitly promised to use stronger language. 4. With Russia as a welcome guest at the table of the hungry, and with the large-scale replenishment programs required of both our own and the American military, it becomes urgent to revise and expand American production plans up.The President intends to ask Congress to pass a $5 billion Lend-Lease bill shortly.The President welcomes Beaverbrook to Washington, and, I am convinced, this is a necessary practical step.Please also take a look at the telegram jointly signed by Roosevelt and Churchill to Dear Old John [1].I believe they will send Harriman as a representative, so I propose that Beaverbrook represent us in Moscow or wherever the Russian government is.We do not want the conference in Russia to start before the second half of September, because we want to know by then where the winter Russian front will be. [1] Refers to Stalin.translator 5. They are about to deliver us another 150,000 rifles, and I am asking for an increase in the allocation of heavy bombers and tanks.I hope they will do all the shipping and transport in England and West Africa by American drivers, many of whom will stay and train with us for war. 6. Thanks to your quick action, I was able to leave for China today (12th).The President has sailed with us by sending American destroyers, which are not intended as escorts, but will join us in case of any trouble.Franklin Jr.[1] served on one of these destroyers and was assigned to act as liaison officer with me on the day I was in Iceland[2].We will hold a joint review of British and American troops in Iceland. 【1】Roosevelt's son Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr.translator 【2】In order to avoid confusion with Lreland (Ireland), I have instructed British officials to write Iceland (Iceland) as Iceland (c).This is indeed a necessary measure to prevent confusion. Seven Lord Beaverbrook is now flying to America with Harriman. 8. I am sure that my colleagues will find my trip fruitful. I am convinced that I have formed a deep personal friendship with our great friend. I received a congratulatory message from the king before sailing home.During the voyage I answered this and other telegrams. Prime Minister to His Majesty the King August 13, 1941 Thank you so much for His Majesty's wishes.The Lord Seal will send the full text of all telegrams concerning the proceedings of the talks.I have established the most sincere and personal friendship with the President, and I am confident that His Majesty will find the outcome of the talks to be justified by the visit.The President has handed me a private letter from him addressed to His Majesty, which I hope to present at lunch on Tuesday, the 19th. I called back to Mr. Attlee, who was telegraphing on behalf of the Cabinet. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal August 13, 1941 Thank you for calling.I am pleased to learn that you will personally broadcast the Government Statement and the Joint Declaration.Please make a clear break between the preface and this article, you can say: I will now read this article of the joint declaration.I don't think I need to make any comments, since the publication of the manifesto is enough to make the papers buzz.I'll probably broadcast on Sunday night when I get back, and by then the American response to our talks and declaration will have been apparent. The press can be given any necessary confidential guidance, but they will inevitably see that the first major event in the joint declaration is: the final destruction of the Nazi regime; The aggressor countries were disarmed, while the United Kingdom and the United States maintained their armaments.The merits and demerits of this to our friends and enemies are best left to their study. 2. As a secret message to you, the President will stay at sea until the weekend in order to cover my return to the country.I told him it was unnecessary, but he insisted on doing it. 3. We are most interested in knowing what people think about these matters. 4. It was with great pleasure that I read that excellent speech which you gave when Congress was not in session on the state of war. I am sending the following telegram to the Prime Minister of Australia, Mr. Menzies: August 15, 1941 You have no doubt seen the telegrams relating to the Atlantic talks.I'm sure you'll agree with what we've done.The President promised me to issue a warning to Japan in mutually agreeable terms.Once we know that he has done so, we will take his side and make it clear that if Japan is involved in a war against the United States, it is also at war with Britain and the British Dominions.I am arranging this with Aiden and you will be notified by your usual means of communication.You will note that the President's warning included the scenario of an attack on Russia by Japan, so Stalin would probably be involved, and the Netherlands certainly would not be left out.If this united front including China can be established, I firmly believe that Japan will be honest for a while, but what matters is to use the most resolute words and maintain the strongest alliance. 2. The U.S. Navy is effectively taking over the stretch of Atlantic waters from the U.S. to Iceland, thus reducing our defense burden by the equivalent of fifty destroyers and submarines.These ships will soon be available for home seas and the South Atlantic. The voyage to Iceland was uneventful, except that at one point the course had to be diverted because a German submarine was reported nearby.Our escorts for this part of the voyage were only two American destroyers, and the president's son, Ensign Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr., was on one of them.On the fifteenth we encountered a combined convoy bound for this country, consisting of seventy-three ships, all in good order and formation after a fortunate voyage across the Atlantic.This scenario is exhilarating.The sailors on those merchant ships were also very happy to see the Prince of Wales. We arrived in Iceland on the morning of August 16 (Saturday), anchored in Hvars Bay, and from here we took a destroyer to Reykjavik.On arrival at the port, I was greeted warmly by a large crowd.During our stay, people gave us a friendly welcome whenever they recognized us, and by the time we left in the afternoon, the enthusiasm culminated with cheers and applause.People tell me that such cheers and applause are rarely heard on the streets of Reykjavik. I made a brief visit to the Icelandic Parliament House to pay respects to the Regent and members of the Icelandic Cabinet, followed by a joint review of British and American troops.A long line of three people passed by, and the tune of the US Navy March was deeply imprinted in my memory, so that it lingered in my mind for a long time.I took time off to inspect the new airfield we were building, and to see those strange hot springs and the greenhouses made of them.It immediately occurred to me that these hot springs could also be used to heat Reykjavik, and tried to pursue this plan even in wartime.I am pleased to learn that this plan has now come to fruition.I was saluted by the troops with the president's son standing next to me, and the parade provided yet another stark example of British and American solidarity. On my return to Hvars Bay, I inspected the Ramii and spoke to representatives of the crew of the British and American ships anchored in the harbour.These ships also included the destroyers HMS Hecla and HMS Churchill. After this long and very weary trek we set out for Scapa Flow in the twilight.The journey was safe and sound.Arriving in the bay early on the 18th, I returned to London the next day.