Chapter 98 Volume 3, Chapter 25, Aid to Russia

Russian Warriors and the Coming Winter Lord Beaverbrook Actively Advocating Aid to Russia Our Sacrifice in Important Armaments The Beaverbrook and Harriman Missions My Letter to Stalin August 29th His Reply Me with Maisky The ambassador's meeting a threatening attitude My answer to Stalin I told Roosevelt my anxieties Letter to Sir Stafford Cripps September 5 The London sails for Arkhangelsk My letter to Stalin on September 21 The Beaverbrook mission in Moscow A cold reception A sincere contact with the Americans A protocol on aiding Russia with supplies Continuation of convoys Departure to Arkhangelsk Moscow insists on opening a second front The crisis in the Russian war My telegram to Sir Stafford Cripps on October 28 A frank account of winter laying for the Russian army Barrier Mrs. Churchill's Russia aid fund.

At this time, two months had passed on the Russian front, and the German army had dealt many heavy blows, but by this time things had another side.Despite heavy Russian losses, their resistance remained tenacious.Their soldiers fought to the death, and their armies gained experience and technology.Partisans rose up in the rear of the German army and repeatedly attacked the lines of communication in brutal fighting.The Russian railway system occupied by the Germans was practically inadequate.Roads are increasingly damaged under heavy transportation, and the action after rain is often inseparable from roads.The transport vehicle showed many signs of damage.In three months we will enter the severe winter of Russia.Could Moscow be captured within this time?Besides, even if it is captured, does it stop here?Therein lies the question of destiny.While Hitler was still elated by his victory at Kiev, German generals may have sensed that their initial misgivings were not without reason.Operations have been delayed for four weeks on what has become a decisive front.The Central Army Group has not yet completed the task assigned to it to annihilate the enemy forces in the Belarus region.

But in late autumn, when the greatest crisis on the Russian front was imminent, the Soviet Union pressed upon us with greater urgency. Lord Beaverbrook returned from America, where he had promoted an industrial capacity already strong enough to greatly increase output.He was now the man in the war cabinet who was fighting for Russia's aid.He made a valuable contribution in this regard.At the time we were thinking of the pressure to prepare for the battle in the Libyan desert, and the deep anxiety about Japan affecting all our Malaya and Far East affairs, and we were thinking of all the Russian supplies coming from where the British needed it most Materiel, someone in our highest leadership, who decides wartime policy, needs to fight for Russia's demands.I try to keep the main proportions that are fairly present in my mind and discuss with my colleagues which items I prefer.Our security, which is so important to us, is threatened, our plans are threatened with failure, and we have to put up with unpleasant events for the sake of our new ally, capricious, irascible, and insatiable, and, just now Not so long ago there was indifference to our survival.

On my way home from Iceland, it occurred to me that when Beaverbrook and Al Harriman returned from Washington, and when we could make a full estimate of munitions and supplies, they could go to Moscow and propose that we could and dared share All supplies to Russia.We had long and painstaking discussions on the details of the joint proposed supply program on August 12th.The military department felt that this was like peeling off their skins one by one, but we still collected materials as much as we could, and promised to allocate a large part of the US aid materials we ourselves counted on to make an effective contribution to the Soviet Union's war of resistance. contribution.On August 28th I suggested to my colleagues that Lord Beaverbrook be sent to Moscow.The Cabinet readily agreed to send him to raise the issue with Stalin.The president considered Harriman an appropriate person to represent himself.

I therefore inform Lord Beaverbrook. Prime Minister to Lord Beaverbrook August 30, 1941 I would like you to go to Moscow with Mr. Harriman in order to arrange the long-term supply of the Russian army.Although we have rubber, leather boots, etc., this supply is almost entirely dependent on American resources.The United States must install a large number of new equipment.How much is supplied is of course limited by the lack of importing ports and ships.When the narrow-gauge railway that the bus pulls to the Caspian Sea is double-tracked in the spring, it will become an important transportation line.It is our duty and it is in our interest to give the Russians the greatest assistance possible, even at great sacrifices of our own.However, no large shipments will be possible before the middle or end of 1942, and the main plan will be for 1943.Your task is not only to assist in the planning of aid to Russia, but also to ensure that we do not suffer undue attrition in the process.Even if you yourself are influenced by the Russian environment, I will always insist on doing so here.I am sure, however, that you are the right man for the job, and public opinion has agreed with it.

The decision to send Harriman meant that Hopkins was too weak to go in person.There is no need to send Aiden just yet. As for the date, we have to decide according to the intention of the US side.But we must act in a spirit of sincerity, so that it is impossible for anyone to say that we are deceiving the Russians, or that we are playing a game of delay.The date for this meeting should be decided within the next few days.I don't think it matters for two weeks or so, because 90% of the work is related to long-term planning. As a prelude to this dispatch of envoys, I have outlined the situation in general terms in a letter to Mr. Stalin.

August 29, 1941 I have been seeking to assist you in your heroic struggle until long-term assistance is arranged.Regarding the arrangement of long-term aid, we are negotiating with the United States and will be the topic of the Moscow meeting.Maisky has stated that you are in great need of fighter jets because of the high losses.We are rushing out the two hundred Tomahawks I mentioned in my last telegram.Two of our squadrons, consisting of forty Tornadoes, could reach Murmansk around 6 September.I'm sure you understand that fighter jets are the basis of our homeland defense, and besides, we're trying to gain air superiority over Libya and supply Turkey to join us.Nevertheless, if your pilots can fly the Tornados efficiently, I can deliver two hundred more, for a total of four hundred and forty-five before.These planes were Tornado fighters with eight and twelve machine guns, which we found to be excellent in combat.We are able to ship a hundred of them now, and then we will send them in two batches of fifty to Arkhangelsk together with mechanics, trainers, parts and equipment.In the meantime, if you intend to send your pilots and mechanics to your squadron in Murmansk, arrangements can be made to familiarize them with this new type of aircraft.If you think it would be beneficial to do so, an order can be issued here, and a detailed technical explanation can be sent by telegram through our Army and Air Force delegation.

2. The news that the Persians have decided to stop their resistance is most welcome.Our purpose in entering Persia was not only to protect the oil fields, but to open a route to Russia that the enemy could not cut off.For this purpose, we must develop the railway from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea, and ensure that this railway is unimpeded after receiving railway equipment reinforced by India.My Foreign Secretary had asked Zonski to convey the means we were to negotiate with the Persian government in order to win a friendly people without being compelled to station redundant divisions just to protect the railway line.Food is being shipped from India, and, if the Persians submit, we will continue to pay the oil tax due to the Shah of Persia.We are ordering our vanguard to advance to meet your army at some point between Hamadan and Kasvin, as our commanders have decided.It would be a good thing for the world to know that the Anglo-Russian armies had actually joined forces.In our opinion, at the present moment, it is best for neither of us to force our way into Tehran, because all we need is to open a passage.We are building a massive base in Basra, and we want to make it a well-equipped ice-free port for American supplies so they can go to the Caspian region and the Volga region.

3. I must once again express the admiration of the British people for the amazing fighting of the Russian army and civilians against the criminals of the Nazis.General MacFarlane was deeply moved by what he saw at the front.We will have a very difficult time ahead, but Hitler will not spend the winter comfortably under our increasing air raids.I am very grateful to Your Excellency for your strong warning to Japan about the delivery of supplies via Vladivostok.When I met with President Roosevelt, he seemed intent on taking a tough line against further Japanese aggression, both in the South Pacific and the Northwest, and I hastened to declare that we would be on his side in case of war.I am eager to do more for Chiang Kai-shek than we have so far found powerful enough.We do not want to go to war with Japan, and I am convinced that the way to prevent that war is to present to the scattered and self-confident peoples the prospect of facing them with the strongest combined forces.

On the evening of September 4, Mr. Maisky came to see me to deliver Stalin's reply. This is the first letter from Stalin to me since July. Premier Stalin to Prime Minister September 4, 1941 Letter from Prime Minister Stalin to Prime Minister Churchill. You promised to sell [1] 200 fighter planes to the Soviet Union in addition to the 200 planes previously allowed, for which I thank you.I have no doubt that Soviet pilots will learn to fly them, use them. However, I must say that it is obvious that these aircraft cannot be used all at once, but are used in phases, so that they cannot bring about a noticeable change on the Eastern Front.They have not been able to cause major change not only because such a large-scale operation requires a constant supply of large numbers of aircraft, but mainly because the situation in the Soviet army has become as important as Ukraine and Leningrad in the past three weeks. significantly deteriorated in the region.

In fact, the relative stability we achieved on the front lines about three weeks ago has been disrupted in the last week.This was due to the transfer of a new force of thirty to thirty-four German infantry divisions and a large number of tanks and aircraft to the Eastern Front, as well as a considerable increase in the activities of the twenty Finnish and twenty-six Romanian divisions .The Germans saw the danger in the West as nothing more than a bluff, convinced that there was no second front in the West and there would be no second front, and they were moving all their troops to the East without scruple.Germany considered it quite possible to defeat their enemies one by one: first the Russians, then the British. As a result, we have lost more than half of Ukraine, and the enemy is already at the gates of Leningrad. As a result of these developments, we have already lost the Clifford Erog iron mine and many metallurgical plants in Ukraine; One automobile factory and two aircraft factories in Ukraine, which cannot be opened at the new site until seven to eight months later. This has weakened our defenses and exposed the Soviet Union to a great threat.The question that arises is how to get out of this very unfavorable situation. I think there is only one way out, which is to open a second front in the Balkans or in a certain area of ​​France within this year, so that Germany can transfer 30 to 40 divisions from the Eastern Front, and at the same time, it is guaranteed that the three divisions will be delivered to the Soviet Union in early October this year. 10,000 tons of aluminum, at least 400 aircraft and 500 (small or medium-sized) tanks per month. Without these two forms of assistance, the Soviet Union would either be defeated or so weakened that it would not be able to assist its allies in the long run with practical actions against Hitlerism at the front. I know this letter will upset your Excellency, but what can be done?Experience has taught me to face the truth, however unpleasant it may be, and not to be afraid to tell the truth, however unpopular it may be.The events in Persia turned out well indeed.The joint action of the Anglo-Soviet armies predetermined the solution of this problem.So, as long as our militaries act together, this will be the case in the future.But Persia was just an episode.Of course the outcome of the war would not be decided in Persia. The Soviet Union, like Britain, was unwilling to go to war with Japan.The Soviet Union believed that the agreements, including the neutrality treaty with Japan, could not be violated.However, if Japan violates this agreement and attacks the Soviet Union, it will receive due counterattacks from the Soviet Army. Finally, allow me to thank you for your appreciation for the fighting of the Soviet Army, which is fighting bloody battles against Hitler's gang for our common cause of liberation. The Soviet ambassador, accompanied by Mr. Eden, talked to me for an hour and a half at my place.He emphasized in fierce terms how during the past eleven weeks Russia had virtually alone held off the onslaught of German attacks.The Russian army is under unprecedented attack power.He said he was hesitant to say anything sensational, but this could be a turning point in history.If Soviet Russia is defeated, how can we win this war?Mr. Maisky emphasized the extreme seriousness of the crisis on the Russian front, and his words were painful, which won my sympathy.But I immediately sensed the threat lurking in his appeal, and I was offended.I said to this ambassador whom I have known for many years: Please remember that only four months ago, we in this island nation did not know whether you would join Germany in our enemy.Indeed, we thought you were likely to do that.Even then, we were sure we would win in the end.It never occurred to us that our survival depended on you being on our side or on the enemy's side.Whatever happens, whatever you do, of all people, you have no right to blame us. When I spoke fiercely, the ambassador said loudly: Mr. Churchill, please calm down!Later, however, his tone changed markedly. Discussion was transferred to the issues involved in the correspondence.The ambassador called for immediate landing on the French or Belgian and Dutch coasts.I stated the military reasons for the impossibility of such a move and said that it would not save Russia either.I said that I had spent five hours that day working with our experts on methods of greatly increasing the traffic on the Trans-Persian Railway.I mentioned Beaverbrook and Harriman's trip to Moscow.I mentioned that we were determined to give Russia all the supplies we could save and ship.Finally, Mr. Eden and I told him that on our side we wanted to make it clear to Finland that we would declare war on Finland if Finnish troops advanced on Russia and crossed the 1918 border.Of course, Mr. Maisky cannot give up his demand for the immediate opening of a second front, and it is useless to continue arguing. I immediately consulted with the Cabinet on the problems arising from this meeting and Stalin's call, and sent a reply that evening. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin September 4, 1941 I will answer you immediately in the spirit of your call.Although we should not fail to make our due efforts, in fact there is no possibility of British action in Western Europe other than air operations to force Germany to transfer troops from Eastern to Western Europe before winter.Without the assistance of Turkey, there would be no possibility of opening up a second front in the Balkans.If your Excellency would like to know all the reasons on which my Chief of Staff has drawn these conclusions, I shall give them.These are the reasons I discussed today with the Foreign Secretary and the Chiefs of Staff and your Ambassadors.Actions, no matter how well-intentioned, would result in disastrous defeat, benefiting Hitler and no one else. 2. The information I have has given me the impression that the climax of the ferocity of German aggression has passed, and that the onset of winter will give your valiant armies a period of respite, but this is only a personal opinion. 3. Regarding the supply of materials.We are well aware of the heavy losses to Russian industry, and we have done and will do everything in our power to help you.I am telegraphing President Roosevelt to send Mr. Harriman's mission to London as soon as possible, and we will try to tell you, even before the Moscow meeting, the number of planes and tanks that Britain and the United States have jointly committed to deliver each month, as well as rubber, aluminum, Availability of cloth etc.From our side, we are now ready to ship half of the total number of aircraft and tanks you need every month from within the UK production volume.We hope the US will supply the other half of the total you need.We will do everything possible to begin immediately the continuous delivery of military equipment to you. 4. We have issued orders to supply the Persian Railway with rolling stock, to increase its present traffic to a maximum of twelve trains daily.By the spring of 1942, we should be able to achieve this step, and during this period, we will continue to improve.After the locomotives are converted into diesel locomotives, a batch of locomotives and vehicles will be transported from my country via the Cape of Good Hope, and the water supply equipment along the railway will be expanded.The first batch of 48 locomotives and 400 steel wagons will be shipped soon. 5. Now, we are ready to discuss a joint plan with you.Whether British forces would be strong enough to invade the Continent in 1942 had to depend on unforeseen events.However, we may assist you during periods of long night and short day in the far north.We hope to expand our Middle East army to 750,000 men by the end of this year, and then, by the summer of 1942, to one million men.Once the German and Italian forces in Libya have been eliminated, these forces can be transferred to your southern flank to cooperate.We also want to encourage Turkey to be at least neutral.In the meantime, we're going to keep up the air raids on Germany with increasing intensity and keep the seas open in order to keep ourselves alive. 6. You used the word sale in the first stanza of your call.We never looked at it that way, and it never occurred to us to ask you to pay.Any aid we can give you is best done on the same principle as Lend-Lease, with no official account in money. 7. We are willing to exert pressure on Finland within our power, including immediately informing it that we will declare war on it if it continues to cross the old border.We are asking the United States to take every possible step to influence Finland. I think this matter is very important, so, taking advantage of the freshness of my memory, I sent the following telegram to the President at the same time: former navy personnel to president roosevelt September 5, 1941 The Soviet ambassador gave the attached telegram to Eden and me last night, and said in vague terms: The situation is serious, and the turning point will depend on our reply.We cannot rule out the impression that they might have made a separate peace, though not a word in his talk was sufficient to confirm this idea.The Cabinet considers that the enclosed reply should be sent.I hope you will not be offended by the mention of possible US aid in our reply.I think this could be the defining moment.We just have to do our best. with kindest regards Naturally, my ambassador in Moscow supported the Soviet appeal in the strongest possible terms.I also sent a telegram on this matter, which I consider to be sufficient basis for his answer in future debates. Prime Minister to Sir Stafford Cripps September 5, 1941 If any successful diversion is possible on the coasts of France or Belgium and Holland to compel the withdrawal of German troops from Russia, we should order such, even at the highest cost.All our generals were convinced that this would only result in repulsion with heavy casualties, or, even if a small landing could be established, they would have to retreat after a few days.The defenses along the French coast have been consolidated to the maximum, and Germany retains forces in Western Europe that are still larger than ours in Great Britain, and are supported by a strong air force.At present we have no ships with which to transport large armies to the Continent, unless the process is stretched over many months.To employ some of our flotillas for this operation would have the effect of crippling our naval support to our Middle Eastern forces and bringing to a standstill all traffic across the Atlantic.It might mean the defeat of the Battle of the Atlantic, the famine and ruin of the British Isles.We have not found, or have not found, sufficient means of influencing the war on the Eastern Front.From the first day of the German invasion of Russia, I have been urging my Chiefs of Staff to study various forms of operations.They share the views expressed here. 2. If Stalin speaks of opening battles in the Balkans, you should remember that even when we were able to use Mediterranean ships, it took us seven weeks to transport two divisions and an armored brigade to Greece, and besides , since we were expelled from Greece, the airfields all over Greece and on many islands have been occupied by German and Italian troops, and are completely out of the range of my fighter planes.I find it strange that people forget the loss of our ships and fleet when we retreated from Greece and Crete.Conditions are now far less favorable than then, and our naval strength has weakened. 3. When you speak of a superhuman effort, I think you mean an effort that transcends time, space, and geographical conditions.Unfortunately, we don't have these endowments. 4. If the French front still existed, the situation in Western Europe would be completely different.For then I have no doubt that Germany would never have been able to attack Russia, since we could immediately launch a massive counter-offensive on the French front.We hate to complain, but it was not our fault that enabled Hitler to destroy Poland before he could return to attack France, or enable him to muster an army to destroy France before attacking Russia. 5. The four hundred and forty fighters allocated from our greatly reduced reserves are undoubtedly a small number compared with the losses suffered by the Russian Air Force.But, on our part, it was a sacrifice made in spite of the pain.It took all our strength to keep the Royal Air Force engaged against the enemy day and night, and the close character of the fighting over the French coast showed that Germany still had a strong air force in Western Europe. 6. Nothing we can do or have been able to do can affect the fierce fighting on the Russian front.We can still make arrangements for the 1942 campaign.The route opened in Persia will be as open as possible.Anything that could be found and shipped from British sources, and anything that could be found and shipped from American sources otherwise destined for Britain, would be shipped as quickly as possible.I am urging President Roosevelt to send Mr. Harriman as soon as possible so that the Russians will know what aid they can get in 1942 to compensate for the loss of their arms industry and plan their plans accordingly.In the meantime, I will answer Stalin's call today, and this telegram is for your own use as an instructive document.I am very sympathetic to your feelings for having seen the suffering of Russia so close, but neither sympathy nor affection can overrule the facts we have to face. In response to a request from Stalin, I sent the following telegram to our Ambassador in Moscow on September 9: Please inform Mr. Stalin on behalf of the Prime Minister that we are trying to supply 5,000 tons of aluminum from Canada, which will start as soon as the shipment method is agreed upon.In the future, 2,000 tons will be supplied every month.Unless the Russian government prefers to use the Persian route, the first shipment of aluminum ingots will go via Vladivostok. On September 15th, I received another telegram from Stalin: In my last telegram I stated the view of the Soviet government that opening a second front for our common cause is the most fundamental way to improve the situation.You emphasized once again in your call that it is currently impossible to open up a second front. As a reply, I can only reiterate that the absence of a second front will only benefit the schemes of our common enemy. I have no doubt that the British Government would like a Soviet victory and is looking for ways and means to achieve this.If, according to their imagination, it is currently impossible to open up a second front in Western Europe, perhaps another method of providing active military assistance to the Soviet Union can be found? In my opinion, Britain could land twenty-five to thirty divisions at Arkhangelsk without risking anything, or send them via Iran to the southern parts of the USSR. In this way, the Soviet-British armies could establish military cooperation on the territory of the Soviet Union.Something similar happened in France during the last war.This method will be a great help to us and a heavy blow to Hitler's aggression. It is almost unbelievable that the head of the Russian government, with the advice of many military experts, should have come up with such absurd ideas.It seemed that there was no hope of getting anything out of arguing with a fancier. He continued: You promised to aid us monthly with aluminum, tanks and planes, and I am very grateful. I wholeheartedly welcome the kindness of the British Government to aid us with aluminum, tanks and aircraft not on the usual commercial principles (but) on the principles of camaraderie and cooperation.I hope that the British government will have ample opportunity to realize that the Soviet government knows how to appreciate help from its allies. One point needs to be made concerning the memorandum sent to Mr. Molotov on September 12th by the British Ambassador to Moscow, Sir Stafford Cripps.The memorandum stated: If the Soviet government is forced to blow up the naval vessels anchored in Leningrad in order to prevent them from falling into enemy hands, His Majesty's government will recognize the Soviet government's offer after the war to be granted by His Majesty's government. Certain compensation is required to repair destroyed ships. In the event that the Soviet ships anchored in Leningrad were really destroyed, the British government was willing to provide partial compensation for the losses suffered by the Soviet government. The Soviet government understood and appreciated the kindness of the British government.There can be no doubt that such an approach will be taken when necessary.However, it is not England that is responsible for this loss, but Germany. Therefore, I believe that such losses should be compensated by Germany after the war. I will give the best possible reply to this call. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin September 17, 1941 Thank you for calling.The entire Harriman mission had arrived and was working day and night with Beaverbrook and his staff.The purpose is to take all resources into consideration so that specific plans can be drawn up with you to deliver supplies month by month by every possible route to help you repair the damage to your arms industry as quickly as possible.According to President Roosevelt, this plan should run until the end of June, but, of course, we will continue to assist you until victory.I hope that the meeting can be held in Moscow on the 25th of this month, but no news about the meeting should be made public until all relevant personnel have arrived safely.The route and method of travel they have taken will be telegraphed later. 2. I attach great importance to opening the passage from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea.Not only the railway, but also a wide highway opened up this access.In the construction of this road, we hope to have the assistance of the United States in terms of manpower and organization.Lord Beaverbrook may explain the whole plan of supply and transport.He was intimate with Harriman. 3. All possible theaters of operation with which we can conduct military cooperation with you have been considered by our staff.The northern and southern wings do have the most favorable opportunities. If we can successfully take action in Norway, the attitude of Sweden will be greatly affected, but at present, we have neither troops nor ships with which to carry out this plan.In addition, in the south, Turkey is an important target.If Turkey can be won over, we shall have another strong army at our disposal.Turkey would love to join us, but it is afraid, and not without reason.The promise of a considerable number of British troops, and the supply of industrial equipment which he lacked, might have had a decisive influence on them.We wish to study with you any other form of useful aid, for the sole purpose of exerting the greatest strength against our common enemy. 4. I fully agree that the Russian fleet should first be replenished with German indemnities.After victory, we will certainly have at our command the important ships of Germany and Italy.In our opinion, these ships are the most appropriate compensation for the loss of the Russian Navy. On October 25, I sent a telegram to our ambassador to the Soviet Union regarding the fantastic proposal of the Soviet Union to send 25 to 30 British divisions to land in Arkhangelsk or Basra. Prime Minister to Sir Stafford Cripps (in Moscow) October 25, 1941 You say that the idea of ​​sending twenty-five to thirty divisions to fight on the Russian front is actually absurd.You are of course correct.When we had many ships and few submarines, it took us eight months to cross the Channel and build up ten divisions in France.During the last six months we have transported the 50th Division to the Middle East with great difficulty.We are taking extraordinary measures to transport the 18th Division.All our ships are used, and the only way to free up ships is from our vital transport fleets that maintain supplies in the Middle East, or from ships that transport supplies to Russia.We are barely eking out the necessities of life and the manufacture of munitions.No troops currently dispatched to Murmansk will be able to operate in Winter's Eternal Night. 2. The situation on the southern flank is as follows: Russia has five divisions in Persia, and we are willing to send troops to replace them.It is true that these divisions should be brought back to defend the country before they are about to take up one of the few supply lines we have in order to maintain the troops we are sending north.It would take at least three months to transport two fully equipped British divisions from here to the Caucasus or north of the Caspian Sea.At that time, the role these two divisions can play will be very small. By this time, the Beaverbrook-Harriman talks in London had come to an end. On September 22, the Anglo-American supply delegation set off from Scapa Flow on the cruiser London, sailed through the Arctic Sea to Arkhangelsk, and from there flew to Moscow.There are many things to be done by them.I gave Lord Beaverbrook general instructions, which my colleagues in the War Cabinet had endorsed in the Defense Committee.This important document is found in the appendix to this volume.Furthermore, I, Lord Tobeverbrook, personally handed over to Stalin the following letter: Dear Prime Minister Stalin: September 21, 1914 The British and American delegations have departed, and this letter will be delivered to you by Lord Beaverbrook.Beaverbrook enjoys the fullest confidence of the Cabinet and is one of my oldest and closest friends.He had established the closest relationship with Mr. Harriman.Mr. Harriman was a distinguished American who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the success of the common cause.They will propose to you all that we can agree upon in the very earnest consultations between England and America. President Roosevelt had decided that our proposal would begin with a consideration of the total amount of supplies we sent to you each month for the nine months from early October 1941 to the end of June 1942.You will know exactly what we are able to deliver month by month so that you can make the best use of your reserves. According to the American proposal, the period of supply will not exceed the end of June 1942, but I have no doubt that the two countries can provide a much larger total supply after June, and you can be sure that we will make up for it to the best of our ability. Your military industry has suffered massive reductions in production due to Nazi aggression.I do not intend to forewarn what Lord Beaverbrook has to say on the subject. You will learn that the total amount of supplies up to the end of June was almost entirely out of British production, or American manufactures purchased by ourselves or supplied to us on Lend-Lease.美國曾決意把他們能夠輸出的全部剩餘物資供給我們，而他們在這一段期間內也不容易有效地開闢新的供應來源。我覺得有希望進一步大大推動美國的生產，到一九四三年，美國的強大工業將全力以赴地生產軍用物資。從我們這方面來說，我們不但要在我們自己現在預定的生產方面作出真正增長的貢獻，而且要設法使我國人民進一步作出額外的努力，以滿足我們的共同需要。但是你會明瞭，我們的軍隊和所計劃的軍用物資供應量大概只抵得上你們的或德國的五分之一或六分之一。我們的首要任務和需要就是使海路暢通，第二個任務就是取得決定性的空中優勢。這兩個任務對於在不列顛群島上的四千四百萬人的人力來說是首要的事。我們永遠不能希望擁有一支足以和歐洲大陸的軍事強國相比擬的軍隊或軍需工業。儘管如此，我們還是要竭力援助你們。 伊斯梅將軍是我派往參謀長委員會的私人代表，他熟悉我們的全部軍事策略。我委派他同你的司令官們研究為了實際合作而可能提出的任何計劃。 如果我們能夠在利比亞西翼肅清敵人，我們就有相當大的一支空軍和陸軍部隊在俄國戰線南翼配合作戰。 據我看來，如果能夠讓土耳其拒絕德國假道的要求，或者，更好的情況是，如果它參加我方作戰，我們就可以得到最迅速而有效的幫助。我確信你會相當重視這個問題。 我始終和你一樣，同情中國人民抗日衛國的鬥爭。當然，我們不願日本加入我們的敵人那邊，但是，我同羅斯福總統舉行會談的結果，已經迫使日本政府有一個更加清醒的認識。 我曾毫不遲疑地代表英皇陛下政府宣佈，如果美國捲入對日戰爭，英國將立即加入美國一邊。我認為，我們三國應當竭力繼續援助中國，這種援助可能延續相當長的時間而不致引起日本宣戰。 無疑，我們的人民還要經歷長期的鬥爭和困苦。但是我抱有很大希望，美國將作為一個交戰國而加入戰爭，果若如此，我毫不懷疑，我們只要堅持，就一定勝利。 我抱有這樣的希望，隨著戰爭持續下去，可以見到，構成世界人口三分之二的英帝國、蘇聯、美國和中國的廣大人民將並肩前進，反抗他們的迫害者。我確信，他們走的道路將導向勝利。 衷心祝願俄國軍隊成功，願納粹暴君滅亡。 你的忠實的朋友， 溫斯頓‧斯‧邱吉爾 我們的代表團於九月二十八日抵達莫斯科。他們受到的接待是冷淡的，會談中絲毫沒有友好的氣氛。看來，俄國人幾乎認為蘇聯當時所處的困難境地是由於我們的過錯。蘇聯的將領和官員們不向他們的英美同事提供任何情報。他們甚至不告訴我們的代表蘇聯計算它對我們的寶貴的作戰物資的需要量的依據。我們的代表團差不多直到逗留期間的最後一晚，才受到正式的款待。當晚，他們應邀赴克里姆林宮參加宴會。我們絕不可以認為這類場合對心情沉重的人們來說是於事無補的。相反，這類場合中的許多私人接觸，可以造成一種能夠達成協議的氣氛。但是，當時沒有這種心情，幾乎好像是我們到莫斯科來請求施予恩惠一樣。 伊斯梅將軍講過一件事，這件事雖不一定真實，卻相當有趣，可以引來使本段記述讀起來輕鬆一些。他的勤務兵是一家皇家海軍陸戰隊的士兵，曾由蘇聯國際旅行社的一個嚮導帶領去參觀莫斯科的風景。那個俄國嚮導說：這是艾登飯店，從前是里賓特洛甫飯店。這是邱吉爾街，從前是希特勒街。這是比弗布魯克火車站，從前是戈林火車站。同志，抽一支香煙好嗎？那個海軍陸戰隊士兵回答說：謝謝你，同志，從前是劣貨！這個故事雖然滑稽，卻足以表明當時會談的奇異氣氛。 同這一切相對照，我同美國人的接觸越來越熱情了。 former navy personnel to president roosevelt 一九四一年九月二十二日 正當我們為了必須撥給俄國的全部物資發愁的時候，接到了你（致哈里曼先生）關於坦克的那封令人高興的電報。可能比以前的產量將近增加一倍的前景鼓舞著每一個人。兩國的代表團已經在非常善意與友好的氣氛中啟程。 Kindest regards. 首相致哈里‧霍普金斯先生 一九四一年九月二十五日 現在，我們的代表團正在去莫斯科的途中，乘這個時候全盤考察一下倫敦會談所涉及的範圍或許是有益的。 二‧我們雙方對俄國提供的物資都是必要而且值得提供的。但是，不必隱諱這個事實，這些援俄物資大量佔去了你們擴充軍隊和我們加強作戰努力所需要的裝備。你知道在今後九個月中最大的困難所在。 我們雙方必須致力於彌補必然造成的差額。我們在此間大概不能擴充生產計劃使之超出原定計劃很多。我懇切希望，你們能夠通過立即作出的短期的努力來提高你們的生產計劃的一般水平。 三‧你當已聞悉，就贏得勝利的全部需要進行的討論已有了很大的進展。已經擬就一項雙方簽署的備忘錄，就我們能夠預見到的，列舉預計可能需要的各項物資。此項備忘錄即將由恩比克將軍帶回華盛頓。關於這方面的進一步工作，將不得不在華盛頓進行，並且，應加上為維持俄國抗戰所需要的各項物資的估計。能否設法在一九四二年下半年達到現在為一九四三年上半年計劃的產量？如果這一努力能夠成功的話，不但可為贏得勝利的生產計劃奠定基礎，而且也比其他方面更有助於迅速滿足我們雙方的短期需要。這樣，也將使我們能夠在一九四二年下半年給與俄國人以更大的援助。 十月二日，我從總統那裡獲悉關於美國將來生產坦克和飛機的計劃。從一九四二年七月起，到一九四三年一月止，美國每月將以一千二百輛坦克分配給英俄兩國，並在以後六個月內每月分配二千輛。美國通知它派往莫斯科的代表團可以答應從七月一日起每月供給俄國四百輛坦克，並且，在同我們的代表討論後，還可以增加那個日期以後的供給數目。 美國當能履行這項增加坦克供應的義務，因為當時它的坦克生產就要增加一倍，每月將達到二千五百輛以上。 總統又告訴我，他已經答應從一九四二年七月一日起到一九四三年七月一日止，超過已經商定了的數目，供給俄國前線使用的飛機三千六百架。 結果，在莫斯科達成了一項友好的協議。有關方面簽訂了一項議定書，列舉了英國和美國能夠在一九四一年十月到一九四二年六月期間提供俄國的供應物資。這使我們已經由於軍火非常缺乏而受到妨礙的軍事計劃被打亂了。一切都落在我們身上，因為我們不但要拿出我們自己的產品，而且還必須放棄美國本來可以運交我們的最重要的軍火。美國人和我們都沒有對於把這些供應物資經過危險難行的海洋和北極航線運到俄國的運輸事宜作出任何許諾。我們曾建議，運輸船隊應待浮冰退去後啟航，當時，斯大林曾無禮地責備我們，因此，我們提出的保證只是這些供應物資將在英國和美國的生產中心交付，這一點是值得注意的。議定書的前言結束處寫道，英國和美國將對於把這些物資運到蘇聯的工作給予援助，並幫助起卸。 十月四日，比弗布魯克勳爵電告我說： 這個協定的效果是大大鼓舞了莫斯科的士氣。維持這樣的士氣有賴於物資的運交。 我不認為此間的軍事局勢可以在冬季的幾個月內平穩無事。我的確相信，旺盛的士氣才能使局勢安穩。 我們拿出了我們的寶貴的物資，而接受這些物資的是正在為他們的生存而戰鬥著的人們。 首相致比弗布魯克勳爵（在莫斯科） 一九四一年十月三日 對你和大家致最衷心的祝賀。這次會議所揭示的團結與成功是有巨大價值的。除了你以外，沒有人能夠做好這件事。 現在，回來吧，並且使（此處有一組密碼無法譯出）材料。此間的樂觀情緒是無法抑制的。 首相致比弗布魯克勳爵（在海上） 一九四一年十月六日 我們為促成你的計劃成功，未嘗虛擲一小時的光陰。我已經把以下電報發給斯大林： 首相致斯大林總理 一九四一年十月六日 我高興地從比弗布魯克勳爵處獲悉，在莫斯科舉行的三國會議已經成功。速給不啻倍給。我們要循環不息地派出運輸船隊，每隔十天一次。下列物資正在途中，將於十月十二日抵達阿爾漢格爾斯克： 重型坦克二十輛；戰鬥機一百九十三架（十月分以前的總額。） 下列物資將於十月十二日運出，十月二十九日抵達： 重型坦克一百四十輛；旋風式戰鬥機一百架；捷克式輕機槍戰車二百輛；防坦克槍二百枝及彈藥；發射兩磅重炮彈的大炮五十門及彈藥。 下列物資將於十月二十二日運出： 戰鬥機二百架；重型坦克一百二十輛。 以上是十月分運交飛機的總額，還有二百八十輛坦克將於十一月六日運抵俄國。捷克式輕機槍戰車、防坦克槍和發射兩磅重炮彈的大炮都將於十月運到。有二十輛坦克已取道波斯轉運，另有十五輛即將從加拿大經由海參崴轉運。因此，運出的坦克總數是三百一十五輛，此數比全部總額尚少十九輛。 差額將於十一月分內補足。以上供應方案不包括從美國運出的供應物資。 二‧在安排定期往返航行的運輸船隊時，我們指望阿爾漢格爾斯克的有關方面擔任大部分起卸工作。我想，這一部分工作已經安排好。致良好的祝願。 雖然伊斯梅將軍有全權和充分的資格向蘇聯的領袖們說明變化不定的軍事局勢並同他們進行討論，但是，比弗布魯克和哈里曼決定不要因為不能取得一致意見的問題而使他們的任務複雜化。因此，在莫斯科沒有談到這方面的事。俄國人非正式地繼續要求立即開闢第二戰場。看來，他們絲毫不能接受任何表明不可能開闢第二戰場的論點。他們所受的苦難，就是他們提出這一要求的理由。這樣，我們的大使就不得不首當其衝了。 這時，已經是深秋時分，博克指揮下的德國中路集團軍群於十月二日重新向莫斯科進軍。兩個集團軍從西南直接向這個都城推進，一個裝甲兵團向兩翼擴展。奧勒爾於十月八日被攻陷，一星期後，位於莫斯科列寧格勒公路上的加里寧城落入敵手。提摩盛科元帥的軍隊的兩翼既受到這樣的威脅，又處於德軍中路攻勢的強大壓力之下，提摩盛科元帥把他的軍隊撤退到莫斯科以西四十哩一線上，準備迎戰。這時，俄國的局勢已經嚴重到極點。蘇聯政府、外交使團和一切可以遷移的工業部門都從莫斯科向東撤退到相距五百多哩的古比雪夫。十月十九日斯大林宣佈首都處於被圍狀態，並發佈了一道當天的命令：誓死保衛莫斯科。俄國的軍民忠誠地遵守了他的命令。雖然從奧勒爾出動的古德里安的裝甲兵團已經進抵圖拉，雖然莫斯科城這時已經三面被圍並遭到敵機轟炸，但是到十月底，俄軍的抵抗明顯地加強了，而德軍的前進則受到確定的遏止。 我繼續支持我駐蘇大使。他正在遭受許多艱難困苦，單獨擔負著艱難的任務。 首相致斯塔福德‧克里普斯爵士（在古比雪夫） 一九四一年十月二十八日 我十分同情你的困難處境，也十分同情處在極度苦難中的俄國。他們肯定沒有權利來責備我們。他們同里賓特洛甫簽訂的條約，使希特勒敢於毫無顧忌地侵犯波蘭，從而引起了這場戰爭，就在這時，他們鑄成了自己的命運。他們坐視法國軍隊被打垮，避而不去開闢一個有效的第二戰場。如果他們在六月二十二日以前預先同我們商量的話，本來可以作出許多安排，把我們現在在軍火方面給與他們的巨大援助提前實現。但是，直到希特勒進攻俄國以前，我們不知道他們是否有意作戰，或者，他們將站在哪一邊。我們已經獨自支撐了整整一年；而在此期間，英國的每一個共產黨人，都在莫斯科的指使下，竭力妨礙我們進行戰爭的努力。如果我國於一九四○年七月或八月被敵軍入侵以致被摧毀，或者今年在大西洋戰役中遭受饑饉，他們會仍是完全漠不關心的。如果他們在巴爾幹國家受到攻擊時就行動起來，還大有可為，但是，他們完全聽任希特勒去選擇他的時機和攻擊目標。一個具有這種經歷的政府，竟譴責我們企圖征服非洲或在波斯靠犧牲俄國的利益而得利，或有意使俄國戰至最後一兵一卒，使我覺得對於這一類責難無庸加以理會。如果說，他們對我們懷有疑慮，那不過是出於他們內心感到自己的罪過，受到良心的譴責罷了。 二‧我們對俄國是以至誠相待的，我們曾竭力幫助他們，不惜打亂我們重整軍備的計劃，不惜在敵人可能入侵的來年春季冒很大的風險。我們還要就力所能及為他們做更多的事，這是合乎情理的，但是，要派遣兩三個英國師或英印師進入俄國腹地去被敵軍包圍和殲滅，以作為象徵性的犧牲，那是愚蠢的。俄國從來不缺乏人力，現在它有幾百萬受過訓練的士兵，他們所需要的是現代化的裝備。我們正在給他們運送這種現代化的裝備，並將盡港口和交通的最大限度運送這種現代化裝備。 三‧同時，我們自己就要進行戰鬥，這是長期計劃的結果，要想推翻這些計劃是瘋狂的行為。我們曾經建議替換在波斯北部的五個俄國師，可以派遣適合於維持內部治安但其裝備不足以抵抗德軍的印度師去接替。我覺得遺憾，莫洛托夫拒絕了我們派遣少數部隊到高加索去的建議。我們千方百計地使土耳其保持友好的中立，使它不致受到德國許諾割給俄國的領土的誘惑。當然，我們並不期望那些受到這樣沉重打擊而正在奮勇作戰的人們對我們表示感激，但是我們也不必因為他們的指責而不安。當然，你無須在俄國遭受創痛之餘用這些事實去刺激他們，但是，我指望你竭力使俄國人相信英國的忠誠、正直和勇敢。 四‧我認為，你和麥克法倫（我們派往俄國的軍事代表團團長）現在乘飛機回國不會有什麼益處。我只能重複我曾在這裡講過的話，並且，我希望永遠不致有人要我在公眾面前辯解這件事。我確信，你的職責就是同那些正在受到嚴峻考驗的人們在一起，現在還不能斷定他們不會在這場考驗中贏得勝利。現在的任何一天，希特勒都可能下令在東方停止進軍而把他的軍隊掉轉過來對付我們。 暫時，我們可以把希特勒和斯大林演出的這齣戲寫到這裡為止。這時，冬季為俄國的軍隊布下了一道屏障。 我的妻子深深地感覺到，當德國軍隊如潮水一般越過俄國的草原，而我們卻不能給予俄國以任何軍事援助，幾個月過去了，全國人民越來越感到焦慮不安。我告訴她說，開闢第二戰場是完全不可能的事，因此，在一段長時期內我們所能做到的事，只是大量運送各種供應物資。艾登先生和我鼓勵她試行用自願捐助的辦法募集醫藥援助基金。這件事已經由英國紅十字會和聖約翰醫院開始舉辦，於是我的妻子就應這個聯合組織的邀請去帶頭呼籲援助俄國。十月底，她在他們的贊助下發出第一次呼籲書： 在我國，沒有一個人不因為目前在俄國發生的駭人的重大事件而深深地感覺不安。我們驚歎俄國人的防禦力量和進行防禦的才能。俄國人民的英勇、堅強和愛國的自我犧牲精神感動了我們，使我們深感敬佩。尤其是，人類遭受苦難規模之廣大使我們震驚，使我們憐憫。 在我們已經運往俄國的供應品中，有緊急手術用具五十三套、輸血設備三十套、各種外科用針七萬枚及M‧和B‧六百九十三號藥片一百萬片。這種藥片是新的消毒特效藥，它已經革新了對許多由細菌引起的病症的治療方法。此外，我們還運去半噸非那西汀【１】和大約七噸脫脂棉。當然，這不過是剛剛開始。 【１】一種退熱藥。translator 我們曾宣佈，我們的募捐指標是一百萬鎊。我們已經有了一個良好的開端。募捐開始後僅僅十二天，基金總數已經達三十七萬鎊。我們仁慈親愛的國王和王后在上星期又捐贈紅十字會三千鎊，當時曾經表示，願意從這筆聯合捐款中撥出一千鎊，作為援俄基金。他們樹立了一個典範。 這件事大部分有賴於僱主們的協助。我願意這樣說：不論什麼地方，只要僱主對於募集現已開始徵募的這項基金提供便利，每星期掙取些微工資的工人們就會欣然捐助。因此，從國王和王后起，到最低微的工人和村民都可以參加這個好意與同情的表示。在村舍與王宮之間，在那些僅僅可以捐獻幾個便士的人和像納菲爾德勳爵（他送來一張五萬鎊的支票）那樣非常慷慨的捐助人之間，會有千百萬人願意參加對俄國人民的這一捐獻。 人們立即作出了慷慨的響應。在其後四年中，她熱心而負責地致力於這項工作。一共從貧富人等募集了將近八百萬鎊。很多富有的人慷慨解囊，可是基金的大部分是廣大群眾從每週工資中節省下來的捐款。這樣，通過紅十字會和聖約翰醫院的強大的組織，儘管北極運輸船隊遭受嚴重的損失，醫藥和外科器材、各種慰勞品和特製設備卻川流不息地通過多冰而危險莫測的海洋運給英勇的俄國軍隊和人民。