Chapter 99 Volume 3, Chapter 26, Persia and the Middle East｜Summer and Autumn 1941

Anglo-Soviet demand for Persia The need for joint action General Wavell's firm opinion Mr. Eden's memorandum of July 22 My report of the Privy Council's Committee on Vigilance and Inquiry Decision to act with Russia Forces to fight Beginning of the Persian king yielding to the conditions imposed by the Persian government The king abdicates and his young son ascends the throne Anglo-Soviet agreement Development of a new supply line to Russia Fleet to Malta German views on the war in the Mediterranean The need for a surface fleet in Malta Birth of the K-Fleet Concerning plans for a Mobile Reserve Army I appealed to the President for his quick response to carry two British divisions of American transports His assistance in the Atlantic strengthened the strength of the Nile Army The Anxiety of the Chiefs of Staff My September 10 Memorandum of the 8th. Desert campaign takes precedence. My telegram to General Smuts on 20th September. My tactical memorandum restores the role of artillery. Cannon versus tanks. Antiaircraft fire. relation.

Because we need to deliver all kinds of munitions and supplies to the Soviet government, because the Arctic sea route is full of dangers, and because Persia may have strategic value in the future, we are eager to open up the most perfect communication route to Russia via Persia.The oil fields of Persia were a major factor in the war.Germany has already set up a delegation in Tehran.This delegation has a large number of people and frequent activities, so Germany enjoys a high prestige locally.The suppression of the Iraqi mutiny and the Anglo-French occupation of Syria, both of which were flukes, thwarted Hitler's plans to march east.We welcome the opportunity to join hands with the Russians and propose to them a joint operation.I'm not without some qualms about launching the Persian War, but the main battle argument makes no argument.I am very pleased that General Wavell will be in India commanding this military operation.

On July 11, 1941, a Cabinet committee asked the Chiefs of Staff to consider whether joint military action with Russia would be expedient if the Persian government refused to deport the Germans it was currently employing.On July 18th they suggested that we should take a firm stand against the Persian government.General Wavell, too, has urged such an attitude, having telegraphed the previous day to the War Office in the following terms: In my opinion, it is incomprehensible to intend to take a softer approach to Iran.Now Iran's removal of Germans is important for India's defense.If this step is not achieved, then there will be another insurgency of the kind that was extinguished in time in Iraq not long ago.We must join hands with Russia through Iran.If the current Iranian government is unwilling to provide this facility, it must be forced to make way for a government that will.When the German-Russian war situation is uncertain, the greatest possible pressure should be exerted to achieve this goal.

On the 21st I telegraphed General Wavell to say: The cabinet will consider the situation in Persia tomorrow.I generally agree with you in favor of an ultimatum issued by Britain and Russia to Persia, demanding the immediate deportation of the Germans, or the consequences.The question is what troops we have at our disposal in case of refusal. Our Chief of Staff suggested that the operation should be limited to the south and that we would need at least one division to capture the oil fields with the support of a small air force.This army must be sent from Iraq, but my troops in Iraq are not enough to maintain internal law and order.They concluded that if an army had to be sent into Persia within the next three months, it would have to be replaced by troops from the Middle East.

The Foreign Secretary stated his view of the situation in a memorandum sent on 22 July: This morning, I gave further thought to the issue of pressure on Iran.The more I study the possibility of doing this, the clearer it becomes: Everything depends on our ability to muster a sufficient force in Iraq to protect the Iranian oil fields.It is also extremely dangerous to apply economic pressure first before military preparations are made, because the King of Persia fully understands the value of the oil fields to us, and if he sees that there is a dispute between us, he may act first. We have received apparently credible reports that Iran has built up forces on the Russian border, on the Iraqi border and in the oil fields.I hope we will do everything we can to build up my troops in Iraq as soon as possible.If we can do this well before the Russian Army suffers serious setbacks in the south, then there is a fair chance of getting the Iranians to our will without resorting to force, but we cannot do so in military deployments Take diplomatic action until it's ready, or we'll have a catastrophe.

There is another reason to add to our need for early reinforcements of our troops in Iraq.If Russia was defeated, we would have to prepare ourselves to seize the Iranian oil fields, because, in such a case, the German pressure on the Iranians to drive us out of Iran would be irresistible. The plan of action in Persia had become the deliberate planning necessary for ultimate success, but I was not content with it.Accordingly, on the eve of my departure for Placencia Bay on the 31st of July, I issued instructions for the establishment of a special committee for this matter under the presidency of the Privy Councilor.

I do not think that we have studied this plan of action, which included war against Persia if it did not comply with our demands, with the attention required by the far-reaching nature of the problem.On the one hand, I admit that this action is necessary; on the other hand, I believe that it requires comprehensive consideration, mutual coordination and close contact between relevant departments such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of War, and between the Middle East Command and the Government of India.We must not take this crucial step without a precise plan which takes account of all contingencies.For example, what if the Persian army around and near the Ahvaz oil fields took all the Anglo-Persian employees as hostages?What will be the attitude of the Bakhtiari mountains and local residents?And what about the British diaspora in Tehran?Is there any danger of sabotaging oil wells and letting them fall into our hands?We have to be very careful not to make a big mistake by bombing Tehran.Is the army we can call strong enough to occupy the Ahvaz oil fields against the resistance of the local population and the Persian authorities?How far north are we going to push?Which airports are available?If the Persians refused to help, how would the railway be opened to traffic?

These and many other questions must be thought through thoroughly.It would be best if the Privy Council, together with the Foreign Secretary, the War Secretary and the Indian Secretary, would examine it all and report to the War Cabinet early next week.During this period, all necessary actions of a preparatory nature should be carried out.I am in favor of this policy, but it is very much at stake and should be carefully and thoroughly planned and approved, with possible consequences and different situations fully considered.It cannot be put into practice until then. In my opinion, the names Iran (Lran) and Iraq (lraq) have similarities that cause confusion.

Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Bridges and General Ismay August 2, 1941 In all correspondence it is more convenient to substitute Persia for Iran, otherwise dangerous errors are liable to occur because of the similarities between Iran and Iraq. Where convenient, Iran can be written in brackets after Persia. Official correspondence to the Persian government should, of course, use the name they prefer. I then issued the following instructions: Prime Minister to Information Secretary August 29, 1941 Without causing trouble, mix in Persia instead of Iran. I am glad to hear that the Persian government has now (1949) officially changed to the Persian name.

During my stay abroad at sea the Special Committee on Persia telegraphed to me the results of the work which had been approved by the War Cabinet.It is clear from their telegram of August 6 that Persia will not expel German agents and nationals as we wish, and we will therefore have to resort to force.The second step is to harmonize our diplomatic and military plans with those of the Russians.On August 13, Mr. Eden met with Mr. Maisky at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to agree on the content of our respective notes to Tehran.This diplomatic action will be our last.Mr. Maisky told the Foreign Secretary: After submitting this memorandum, the Soviet government is ready to take military action, but they will not take such action unless they cooperate with us.After receiving this news, I commented (on August 19th) that I thought the Russian views were reasonable, so we should take action together with them when there is time.

Now, we have agreed to take action.In the unlikely event that Persian resistance turns out to be stronger than we expect, we must consider the possibility of further reinforcements to the Middle East theater.On the 24th of August, on the eve of our planned march on Persia, I sent the following memorandum to the Chiefs of Staff of the three armies: Reinforcements must be dispatched to the east immediately.Is it true that there is not a British battalion in each brigade of the 10th Indian Division?Sure enough, the most expedient route should be taken to transport three battalions of British troops for General Quinan.Since General Auchinleck intends to stand still in the Western Desert for some weeks, he should be instructed to send more troops to the East than are presently arranged.At least the equivalent of another division, including the three British battalions mentioned above, should now be mobilized.If all goes well, this army can easily be brought back.Please tell me what troops are available in Egypt.Where is the last brigade of the 50th Division now?At present, Cyprus is indeed not in danger. In view of the recalcitrant attitude of the Persian government, General Quinan, the commander of our Iraqi garrison, was ordered on July 22 to prepare to occupy the oil refinery and oil field in Abadan, and to occupy the oil field near Hanakin, 250 miles to the north.Persia's reply to the Anglo-Soviet joint note on August 17 was unsatisfactory, so the Anglo-Soviet troops were scheduled to enter Persia on the 25th.The British Imperial Forces in the Abadan theater commanded by General Harvey had the 8th Indian Infantry Division.The British Imperial Forces in the Hanakin theater commanded by General Slim consisted of the 9th Armored Brigade, an Indian Tank Regiment, four British Battalions and a British Artillery Regiment.The air force supporting the operation includes a squadron of land-air liaison aircraft, a squadron of fighter jets and a squadron of bombers.The first goal was to seize the oil fields; the second goal was to enter Persia, control Persian traffic with the cooperation of Russia, and open a direct route to the Caspian Sea.It was expected to encounter resistance from two Persian divisions of sixteen light tanks on the southern front and three divisions on the northern front. The Abadan refinery was captured by an infantry brigade.The brigade boarded a naval vessel at Basra and landed at dawn on 25 August.Most of the Persian army was caught off guard and fled in trucks.There was some street fighting and our army captured several Persian Navy ships.Meanwhile, the remainder of the 8th Division captured the port of Khorramshahr from land, and an army was sent north, marching towards Ahvaz.As our army was approaching Ahvaz, news came that the King of Persia had issued an order to cease fire, and the Persian commander ordered his troops to return to their barracks.In the north, the oil fields were captured without difficulty, and General Slim's army advanced thirty miles along the road to Kermanshah.By this time, however, they had come to the dangerous Peta Pass.This mountain pass, if held by an army determined to defend it, would certainly become an obstacle.To counter this situation, a column was dispatched to encircle from the south.After breaking some resistance, this column reached Shahabad behind the Persian lines on 27 August.This action, coupled with several bombings, made it impossible for the army defending the mountain pass to continue, so they hastily abandoned their positions.The march towards Kermanshah was resumed and on the 28th the enemy was found mustered in a position across the road.But just as the attack was about to take place, a Persian officer arrived with a white flag, and the battle ended. Our casualties were twenty-two killed and forty-two wounded. Thus ended the short but fruitful campaign of overwhelming force against this weak and ancient country.Britain and Russia are fighting for their existence.There are no laws in war.After our victory, Persia retained its independence, and this is something we can be happy about. Persian resistance collapsed so quickly that our contacts with the Kremlin became almost exclusively political again.At that time, the main purpose of our proposal of joint action in Persia by Britain and Russia was to open up the communication line from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea.We also hope, through the direct cooperation of the British and Russian armies, to establish closer and more friendly relations with our new allies.Of course, we both agreed to expel or capture all Germans in Persia, to cleanse Tehran and other areas of German influence and conspiracy.As for the deep and delicate issues of oil, communism, and the future of Persia after the war, they are all potential problems, but, in my opinion, they need not hinder our friendship and goodwill. PM sends General Ismay to Chiefs of Staff Committee August 27, 1941 Now it seems that the Persian resistance is not very strong, so I wonder how to push forward and join forces with the Russians?How are we going to make rail transport work properly in our hands.We not only want to occupy the oil fields, but also open up a direct line of communication to Russia.We have made certain conditions to the Shah of Persia, but they may be refused, or the Russians may not agree.Therefore, please inform us of the plan to join forces with the Russians and the expected movements of our troops within the next week. Prime Minister to General Wavell August 30, 1941 I am very pleased to learn that our operation in Persia has been successful.Now, of course, you can go back to your country according to your request.I am very interested in your railway plans, which are being carefully examined here. Everyone here is happy for another achievement for you. However, General Wavell's trip to London was interrupted by the need to send him to Tehran.Since he can speak Russian fluently, I also hope that he can become a bridge to communicate with the Soviet Supreme Command. Prime Minister to General Wavell September 1, 1941 I agree with the Chiefs of Staff that your present visit to Tehran will help Brad (British Minister) deal with military matters and ensure that Russian influence is kept within reasonable limits. Prime Minister to Sir Bullard (in Tehran) September 3, 1941 Although we still cannot tell how the war in these areas will develop, we will, at all costs and at the fastest speed, open up a direct transportation route from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea in order to supply Russia.We are likely to have a large force operating in and based in Persia in 1942, and we will certainly have a strong air force. We hope that, at any rate, at this stage there will be no need for the Anglo-Russian occupation of Tehran, but the Persian Government must faithfully and reliably assist us and show due readiness if it is to avoid it. Spirit.At present we have no objection to the Shah of Persia, but, unless good results are produced, he will be held accountable for his misgovernment of the Persian people.Although we are willing to reach an agreement with the Persian government to obtain the rights and interests we need, rather than drive them to take active hostile actions, our requirements must be met.You should therefore use the possibility of Russia occupying Tehran as a means of obtaining, step by step, all the facilities we need.There was no need to worry about Russia encroaching unduly on Persian territory, since their only desire was to secure that passage for supplies brought into the United States. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin September 16, 1941 I am anxious to conclude the alliance with Persia, and to enter into a close and efficient working arrangement with the troops you send to Persia.Evidence could now be seen of a great upheaval brewing among the Persian tribes and of the imminent collapse of the Persian government in power. If unrest spreads, it will mean wasting our forces to suppress these Persian tribes, which in turn means that the mobilization and supply of these troops will increase the burden of road and rail transportation, and we must keep these lines of communication open so that Deliver supplies to you.Our aim should be to keep the Persians safe while we fight.If your Excellency expressly agrees with this course, it will strengthen the favorable trend of our affairs in this little theater of war. Prime Minister to Lord Beaverbrook (on mission to Russia) September 21, 1941 General Wavell intended to go to Tbilisi via Baghdad on his way back to India.He speaks Russian, so I would like to ask him to command or possibly command (if this army grows large enough) the Russian support army we intend to provide in and around the Caspian region in this coming battle.It is therefore important that he should be allowed to consult with the high Russian military authorities on the whole situation on Russia's southern flank and in Persia. You can bring this up in your meetings and try to get the most out of it. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin October 12, 1941 Our only interests in Persia were, first, to use it as a bulwark against German penetration to the east, and, second, to secure a passage for supplies to the Caspian region.If you are willing to withdraw those five or six Russian divisions for use on the combat front, we take full responsibility for policing and maintaining and improving supply routes.On behalf of Great Britain, I assure you that we will never sacrifice any legitimate interests of Russia for our own advantage during or at the end of the war.In any event, the signing of the Triple Pact is now urgently needed in order to avoid the development of internal disturbances which could threaten to cut off the supply routes.General Wavell will arrive in Tbilisi on October 18th, and he will consult with your generals on the issues you have instructed them to come to him to resolve. We cannot express in words how much we admire you for this great and heroic struggle.We hope to prove it in action soon. All arrangements with the Russians were agreed smoothly and quickly. The conditions put forward to the Persian government are mainly: cessation of all resistance; expulsion of Germans; Remain neutral in time of war; let the Allies use Persian lines of communication to send military supplies to Russia.The further occupation of Persia was completed in peace.The British and Russian armies met in a harmonious atmosphere.Tehran was taken by both armies on September 17, and the Shah of Persia had abdicated the previous day to his able son, who was twenty-two years old.On September 20, the new king accepted the advice of the Allies and restored the constitutional monarchy.His father left the country shortly thereafter, lived a comfortable life in exile, and died in Johannesburg in 1944 [1].Most of our troops have been evacuated from Persia, leaving only a few detachments to defend the lines of communication, and British and Russian troops were withdrawn from Tehran on October 18th.Thereafter, our troops under the command of General Quinan were engaged in the preparation of fortifications in case of a possible German invasion from Turkey or the Caucasus, and in logistical preparations for the arrival of a large number of reinforcements should the German invasion become imminent. 【1】A city in South Africa.translator At this time, our main objective was to open up the main supply route to Russia via the Persian Gulf.With a friendly government in Tehran, the ports were expanded, inland shipping developed, roads built, and railways rebuilt.From September 1941, the British Army began and developed the undertaking, which was taken over and completed by the United States shortly thereafter.This enabled us to deliver five million tons of supplies to Russia over a period of four and a half years. Now, let's talk about the situation in the main theater of the Mediterranean. Both the enemy and the enemy use the summer to reinforce the troops in the Libyan desert.As far as we are concerned, strengthening the defense of the island of Malta is the most important thing.The loss of Crete deprived Admiral Cunningham's fleet of a nearby base from which to fuel our naval forces protecting Malta.At this time, the possibility of an enemy naval attack on the island of Malta from Italy or Sicily increased, but, as we later learned, Hitler and Mussolini did not approve such a plan until 1942.The enemy's air bases in Crete and Cyrenaica seriously threatened the convoy route from Alexandria to Malta, obliging us to rely entirely on the western route for supplies.Admiral Somerville, at the head of Fleet H at Gibraltar, did an excellent job in this mission.This route, which the Admiralty had judged to be exceptionally dangerous, became the only one practicable.Fortunately, at this time Hitler had to withdraw his air force from Sicily because of the need to invade Russia.This de-escalated the situation on the island of Malta and allowed us to regain control of the air over the Strait of Malta.This not only facilitated the navigation of convoys from the west, but also enabled us to deal heavy blows to the troop carriers and supply ships reinforcing Rommel. Two sizable convoys successfully sailed to the island of Malta after battle.The voyage of each of these convoys was a major naval operation. In July a convoy of six supply ships arrived on the island of Malta and seven empty ships departed.Two nights later, the Italians launched about twenty fast torpedo boats and eight small submarines to carry out their only onslaught on the port of Valletta. The port was defended.The fortifications of the port were largely held by Maltese islanders, who, despite the valor of the incoming enemy force, nearly wiped out the incoming enemy force.In September, another convoy of nine troop carriers arrived in Malta, escorted by the battleships Prince of Wales and Rodney, the aircraft carrier Ark Royal, and a formidable convoy of five cruisers and eighteen destroyers Island, only one troop transport ship was lost.In addition to these major convoys, many supply ships also arrived on the island.Of the thirty-four ships bound for the island of Malta, a total of thirty-two arrived safely after a valiant struggle against all odds.These supplies enable the fort not only to survive, but also to attack the enemy.During the three months to September, forty-three Axis ships, totaling 150,000 tons, and sixty-four smaller ships were stationed at the British on the island of Malta on the African route. Airplanes, submarines and destroyers were sunk.In October, more than 60 percent of the supplies destined for Rommel sank in transit.This probably played a decisive role in the desert fighting of 1941. As far as we know now, the German admiral at the Italian High Command reported in September: Now, as always, the British fleet controlled the Mediterranean. The Italian fleet was not able to stop the enemy's naval operations, but, in cooperation with the Italian Air Force, did hinder the regular navigation of the British transport fleet on the Mediterranean routes. The British weapon which poses the greatest danger to us is the submarine, especially from the island of Malta.During the period mentioned, there were thirty-six submarine attacks, nineteen of which were successful.The threat from Malta to the German-Italian air routes to North Africa had increased in recent weeks due to the weakness of the Italian Air Force on Sicily.Moreover, planes dispatched from the island of Malta attacked Tripoli almost non-stop throughout the day.British aircraft have recently been visiting Sicilian ports more frequently than before.The Italian air force now stationed in Sicily and North Africa was insufficient to stop the British air and naval operations.I reiterate my urgent warning of the dangers of underestimating the situation at sea in the Mediterranean region. My apprehensions about the delay of the desert offensive and the reinforcements being sent to Rommel by the enemy were not allayed by the success of these measures, and I even urged the Admiralty to make greater efforts.I particularly wish to base a new surface fleet on the island of Malta. Prime Minister to First Sea Lord (for General Ismay to read) August 22, 1941 Please consider sending a small fleet as soon as possible, and, if possible, a cruiser or two to the island of Malta. 2. We must look back and see how far the situation is from our original intention.We had made plans to block the port of Tripoli at the expense of the Barham, which you consider to be of the utmost importance.The commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean theater has suggested another way to fight to the death, that is, to bombard the port of Tripoli.We later acted on this advice, and as a result, not a single soldier was lost, nor a ship was damaged.The small fleet led by Mountbatten once sailed to the island of Malta.This all happened a few months ago.Best to find out the date.How could the urgency of the situation have diminished?Now, how are we willing to watch what we once thought unbearable is now being done to us on an even greater scale? 3. The reason why the small fleet led by Mountbatten withdrew from the island of Malta was not so much to get rid of the danger there, but rather to meet the needs of the Crete incident.The small fleet was actually destroyed by the enemy during this event.In this way we lose sight of our real intention, which was unanimously agreed upon and enthusiastically supported by the Admiralty. 4. Three things happened during this period.First, the defense of the island of Malta has been significantly strengthened in terms of air force and anti-aircraft artillery, and a part of the German air force has been transferred to Russia.Second, the battle in the Atlantic has taken a turn for the worse and the tide has turned in our favour.We have more ships to deal with submarines, and the American operation west of 26 degrees West meridian enables us to redeploy our destroyers and submarines, and thus can count on a great rescue.Third, General Auchinleck had no intention of taking action before November. 5. Shall we then wait for more and more reinforcements (mainly Italian troops and supplies) to accumulate in Libya?If so, General Auchinleck, when at last he thought he was fully ready, was no better off than he is now in relation to the enemy. 6. I look forward to hearing from you after the weekend so that we can discuss it at the Chiefs of Staff meeting Monday night. This strategy has been embraced by those concerned, but it will take some time to implement it.In October, a strike force was formed on the island of Malta, consisting of the cruisers Aurora and Penelope and the destroyers Speargun and Lively, known as the K-Fleet.This fleet soon made an important and timely contribution. I have a broader purpose at this point.In war it is always advisable, though not always possible, to plan ahead.The lull that followed Auchinleck's decision to postpone the offensive and the victory of the Persian campaign created an opportunity.All things considered, I hope at this time to reinforce the East with the greatest shipping capacity.I do not know what will happen in the coming battle in the desert, nor how Russia will hold the Caucasus line.Added to this was the constant threat of Japan and all its potential dangers to Australia and New Zealand.I want to send two more English divisions to the East.If these two divisions can round the Cape of Good Hope around the end of the year, then we have some strength in our hands to deal with unexpected events. In effect, these two divisions would form a mobile reserve, a mobile force, which alone would give us wide latitude in deploying our forces when needed.I've learned this lesson the hard way, and there's often only one chance to learn it. Therefore, I am determined to send two more divisions to my desert combat force, and to keep a mobile reserve army in case of needs or accidents in the Middle East, so that we can be more sure.At that time, we had no ships to transport this army.All those ships which could be drawn from the Atlantic campaign had been employed in convoys round the Cape of Good Hope or from Australia or India.Even Leathers [1] could not think of a solution.But, judging by the growing cordiality of my correspondence with President Roosevelt, I am sure that he will lend me some fast American transports.As we shall see below, I was not wrong.Of course, this cannot continue for many months.But I long to have some of our ships sailing the Indian Ocean for every unfortunate contingency that may be encountered. 【1】At that time the British Secretary of State for Military Transport.translator Prime Minister to Reich Chief of Staff and Sea Minister August 22, 1941 Please draw up plans to send two more full infantry divisions to the Middle East early for our consideration on Monday night.Please let me know the ship you need.Some of the trucks are already shipped in the US and can of course be shipped directly from the US.When the United States supplies these trucks in full, I shall ask the President to lend us the ships we need to transport them, and I dare say I can. As an amendment to the above plan, the two divisions could first go to Halifax or New York and board American ships from there.The Secretary of Shipping should devote all his energy to this plan, and give me a report which takes all aspects into account.I am confident that by the end of November we will have two more divisions in the Middle East theater, but whether they will be fighting in Persia or Iraq or the Middle East theater will depend on the situation at the time.Please also send me the schedule of the 1st Armored Division's departure to the Middle East. The intricate details were resolved after thorough discussions with Lord Leathers and the Chiefs of Staff. prime minister to general ismay August 26, 1941 Please agree with Lord Leathers and the Mobilization Division of the War Department to proceed with this Middle East reinforcement, in accordance with the decisions we discussed last night.Tact will have to be employed, in a multifaceted manner, to minimize the demands I make on the President.The content of the request is to ask the United States to send some ships to make a round-trip voyage from the United States to my country, to the Middle East, and then back to the United States.These ships should be ready to return to the United States in January or February.If the Normandy can be received, the ship can be changed in Trinidad, so that some smaller ships can be sent back early.If you use the Normandy, you should also consider the matter of picking up the ship at the Middle East port, including the arrangement of changing to a small ship to enter the port. Please make the best plan and hand over the most important difficulties, so that I can personally chair the last meeting.Input supplies can be cut. At this time, I appealed to the President. former navy personnel to president September 1, 1941 The good results we got in Persia brought us into contact with the Russians. We intend to double track the Persian Gulf-Caspian railway, or at least to greatly improve it, in order to open up a reliable route for the long-term supplies of Russia to reach the Russian reserve strongholds on the Volga.In addition, it is important to encourage Turkey to become a strong bulwark against German forces entering Syria and Palestine.For these two important objects, I intend to send two regular British divisions, totaling 40,000 men, in addition to sending 150,000 reinforcements to the Middle East in our own ships between now and Christmas.However, we cannot supply all ships ourselves.Could you lend us twelve transport ships and twenty cargo ships with American crews from the beginning of October to next February?These vessels may fly any flag as appropriate and carry goods to United Kingdom ports.If these ships can arrive here in early October, we should send them out as supplementary ships to our convoy dispatched to the Middle East in October and November. 2. Mr. President, from what I have learned from our talks, I know this is a difficult business, but there is a desperate need for more British troops in the Middle East.Also, if we could keep Turkey in check and support Russia, thereby preventing Hitler from going further east, then we would have a great advantage.Of course, lending these transports would prevent the United States from sending large numbers of troops to Europe or Africa, but, you know, I have never requested such a move in any near future period that we can reasonably predict. 3. As for how to repay the ships sunk by the enemy, we will completely follow your opinions.So far our heavily defended troop convoys have suffered little loss.I'm sure this would be a sensible and practical step to take at this moment, and I would be very grateful if you could make it happen. 這個呼籲引起了最有幫助和最慷慨的反應。我確信，總統於六日說道，我們可以協助你們實行增援中東駐軍的計劃。無論如何，我現在可以向你保證，我們能提供載運兩萬人的運輸艦。他說，這些船隻將是配備著美國海軍人員的美國海軍運輸艦，並且說，美國的中立法案允許海軍的艦隻駛入任何港口。此外，美國海運委員會將另派十艘或十二艘船前往北大西洋，航行於美國各港口與大不列顛之間，這樣，我們就能騰出十艘或十二艘貨船來駛往中東。他說：我把我們最好的運輸艦借給你們。附帶說一句，我因為你們要增援中東而覺得很高興。 former navy personnel to president roosevelt 一九四一年九月七日 你對於我關於中東航運問題的呼籲的迅速答覆，使我不勝感激，並且，因為你贊成這一策略而覺得非常高興。我也正在計劃再派十七個戰鬥機中隊前往中東戰區。 二‧在我關於以物資援俄的電報中，我本來要加上一句： 如果他們繼續作戰，那是值得的；如果他們不繼續作戰，我們就不必運去。我們自己在坦克供應方面正受到很大的打擊，但是，以上這一論點使我決定採取這一政策。 三‧我們大家都以莫大的關心期待著你答應在星期一發表的聲明。我將於星期二在下院講話。 與此同時，總統開始執行他同我在普拉森夏灣達成的關於美國更直接地介入大西洋事務的協議。 這時，我設法盡量利用總統給我們的寶貴禮物運輸艦。 首相致霍利斯上校轉參謀長委員會 September 17, 1941 必須盡可能做到加速美國快速運輸艦的行動和出入港口與裝卸貨物的過程，以獲得作第二次航行的利益。不必為了載運加拿大裝甲部隊而耽誤這些快速運輸艦隊從美國啟航的日期。載運這些部隊是順便的事，但不是非常重要的事。我不同意把這些船隻在聯合王國港口的裝船工作從十月二十三日 推遲到十一月十五日。應進行一次使第一暫編師在最短期間登船的機動演習。如果同運輸船隊的行動相配合，在這件事上至少當可節省兩個星期的時間。 二‧尼羅河集團軍的陣容是良好的。他們既然休息了將近五個月沒有參加戰鬥，這也是不足為奇的。那六十個英國營平均每營有八百八十人，那四十五個炮兵團缺額不過百分之九。想不到這批炮隊中有四分之一以上能夠在以後的四個月內進行繼續不斷的猛烈炮擊，所以炮隊的應募兵員無須儘先登船。那六個坦克運輸連和十六個標準化摩托運輸連應該居於優先地位。這也適用於海軍接替人員和印度增援部隊，並適用於供給駐在伊拉克的那兩個新印度師的炮隊等。一萬到兩萬名步兵應募兵員可以在便利時登船，並且可能有迫切需要的皇家陸軍勤務團的專門技術工作隊要登船。但是，讓我們記住，在十字軍戰士行動以前沒有什麼東西能夠運到那裡去。對馬來亞的增援可以等待些時候，對西非的增援是否運去可酌情辦理。我們必須解決的問題就是誰應該先登船的問題。 三‧主要的目的是按照向羅斯福總統提出的要求把英國第一和第二師運到中東去。把載運行動延長一兩個月，特別是，如果我們能夠利用美國船隻作第二次航行的話，就必然會使所有的迫切需要得到滿足。談不到有任何東西永遠不能運送。 四‧我要空軍部繼續擴充中東現有的空軍中隊，使之增加到六十二個半中隊。 五‧希就以上各點制訂增援中東的修正方案。我也很願意在今晚或明晚與參謀長委員會討論任何特殊的困難問題。 雖然三軍參謀長同意再派遣兩個師到東方去，但難免有些疑慮。我意識到種種危險，但仍然把奧金萊克的攻勢放在首位。 首相致霍利斯上校轉參謀長委員會 一九四一年九月十八日 我們應當估計一下，在所有的運輸船隊抵達以前的這段時期內會不會發生劇烈戰鬥。不可認為發生這類戰鬥的危險是均勻地分佈在整個時期的，也不可認為我們應當在任何指定的時刻提供最大限度的實際作戰兵力的增援。看來，可以預期的唯一的劇烈戰鬥就是耽延已久的西部沙漠攻勢。現在已經不能及時地為準備這次攻勢運去任何東西（即尚未發出）。但是，如果這個攻勢能夠成功的話，則包括專門技術單位在內的運輸隊（皇家陸軍勤務團）的工作將非常緊張，不論是據守既得的陣地或是大膽地向西躍進。在這種情形下，我有意在可能的範圍內滿足我最初認為是過分的皇家陸軍勤務團的需要。三軍參謀長的備忘錄中所提供的數字為一萬三千五百人；如果把原擬於十月分由運輸船隊運往印度的五個步兵營的行期延緩一下，就可以增加四千人。前者的迫切性似乎大於後者。印度的兵力無疑是非常薄弱的，但是，根據這次新的安排，他們仍將獲得七千九百人，即三個營加上為了擴充部隊的應募兵員。這是英軍進入印度的一支相當大的部隊。因此，我有意把為數四千人的那五個營的行期延緩到新年，而空出來的四千個艙位用於皇家陸軍勤務團對中東的增援。應向印度駐軍司令部解釋，這次延緩不過是短期的，擴充計劃當繼續進行。 二‧我們難以預料，在我們的運輸船隊航行到一九四一年底並於一九四二年二月底到來的這段期間內，其他的劇烈戰鬥將從哪一地區並沿著哪一條進攻路線展開。在這五個月的時期內，土耳其不見得對德軍開放入侵敘利亞的門戶，而且，如果土耳其拒絕的話，敵人更不會強行從小亞細亞打開一條通路。除非俄國完全崩潰，德國不致輕易地對土耳其發動大規模戰爭，因為，這或許要多死一百萬人。因此我認為，在冬季過去以前，就是說在三月分以前，沒有從北面侵入敘利亞和巴勒斯坦的危險。這也是三軍參謀長在多次報告中所表示的意見。 三‧此外，敵人可以對我發動大規模進攻的唯一路線，就是取道高加索越過裡海區域的路線。要採取這條路線，就必須以控制目前俄國享有壓倒海軍優勢的黑海為先決條件，並需攻陷塞瓦斯托波爾和諾沃羅西斯克，然後由巴統橫穿高加索而至巴庫，或者，從黑海的北面採取行動而由高加索南下。 這是不可能在冬季採取的行動。第三種可能將是德軍沿裡海進軍，強行越過伏爾加河一線而殲滅俄國僅餘的後備軍。除非我們假定俄國投降或崩潰，這顯然是在今後六個月內無法完成的一個行動。除非俄國投降或崩潰，由俄國海軍堅守的裡海一定依然是北方的一大屏障。 四‧因此，德軍要想發動我們想像中的劇烈戰鬥，就必須使土耳其和（或）俄國在上述期間內屈服，否則，德軍就必須從安納托利亞或取道高加索或沿裡海北部強行進攻。 如果對公認的戰爭的變化不定有一個合理而又實際的看法，當可看出，一九四二年春季以前，沒有發生這些情況的可能。 五‧因此，我不能接受那種每天一直有同樣危險的理論，並認為，我們有理由相信，一九四二年三月以前除了中東戰區的西部沙漠之戰外將沒有任何劇烈戰鬥。當然，如果我們想要採取攻勢，那就自當別論了。在這些情況下，我覺得，我可以對增派兩個師作為增援的先頭部隊的這種明確決定所包含的在政治與戰略上的主要問題予以相當的重視。 六‧這些考慮是什麼呢？第一，我們在道義上有必要在中東作出一種實在的、顯然由英國付出代價的貢獻來，以洗刷我們一直在犧牲別人的部隊和生命的污名，儘管這種說法是多麼不公平。第二，我們能夠在參謀人員會談中提及的那些軍隊之外又增加兩個師，會對土耳其發生影響，從而增加一些左右土耳其的行動的機會。第三，我不願推翻我向總統提出呼籲的根據。第四，這兩個師可能取道巴士拉前進，以便給裡海以北的俄國後備軍以有效的援助。 在運送這兩個師的三個月內，我們仍然有各種選擇的機會。 我照例把情況告訴史末資。 prime minister to general smuts 一九四一年十一月二十日 從現在到聖誕節這一段時期中，我將派遣兩個師和大約八萬名其他援兵到中東去。為了促成這件事，我不得不請求羅斯福借給我們美國運輸艦，他已經慷慨地借給了。如果我們能夠肅清昔蘭尼加之敵，我們將有充足的軍隊在裡海區域援助俄國並（或）影響土耳其的行動。後者是我們迫切希望的事。希望至少可以贏得土耳其抗拒德軍假道安納托利亞進軍的要求。同時，比弗布魯克和哈里曼正前往莫斯科。我們不得不在坦克、飛機和其他極其需要的軍火方面作出重大犧牲。如果俄國人堅持下去，這是值得的。如果他們退出戰爭，我們就不須運送了。希望從裡海到尼羅河這個地區的兵力的總數在一九四二年達到二十五個師。如果俄國硬要我們運送我們實際能夠派往俄國去的那幾個師，那麼，兵員和給養的運輸，必然要妨礙我們正在迅速發展中的波斯鐵路。我非常懷疑，俄國人這樣做是否明智。這一切問題將在莫斯科加以討論，並由我們的參謀人員加以研究。發展情形如何，當陸續奉告。 我們都念念不忘沙漠地區。我在八月的第一個星期中前往普拉森夏灣時，曾在途中就關於即將到來的西部沙漠之戰寫了一個備忘錄，現在，我把它重述一番。我曾把原稿送交帝國總參謀長看過，也送交本土部隊總司令布魯克將軍看過。 除了少數與原則無關的小改動外，他們表示完全同意。 從十月七日起，我把這個文件分發各高級司令官傳閱。 第四節中述及關於陸軍和空軍司令的規定，經電達奧金萊克將軍和特德空軍中將實行。這項規定說明兩者之間的關係，並肯定無論在作戰時期或準備階段陸軍司令對於空軍的使用都有最高權力。自此以後，這項規定就在英國軍隊中通行，而後來又由美國獨立地加以發展。 國防大臣備忘錄在這次戰爭中首先恢復被重型裝甲坦克奪去的大炮在戰場上的首要地位的司令官將享有盛名。為了這個目的，有三項規定是必要的： （1）每一門野戰炮或機動高射炮都應當備有充足的實體穿甲曳光彈。這樣，每一門機動炮將成為一門防坦克炮，而每一炮兵隊都擁有它本身的防禦坦克的能力。 （2）當大炮受到坦克攻擊時，應當歡迎這個機會。應當用大炮戰鬥到敵人抵達炮口時為止。炮隊應使用烈性爆炸彈，以迅速發射的炮火同駛近的坦克交鋒，直到它們駛到近距離為止。在這一階段，坦克的履帶是最容易擊毀的目標。在近距離內，應發射實體穿甲彈。只要有敵軍分遣隊存在，戰鬥就應該繼續下去。最後一彈應該在不超過十碼的距離內射出。 或者，一些炮兵裝作失去戰鬥力，或抑制他們的火力，以便獲得在最近距離內發射穿甲彈的極好機會。 （3）由於應用以上戰術的結果，特別是當炮隊同坦克作戰時，大炮往往會被坦克壓倒而喪失。只要是戰鬥到敵人抵達炮口時為止，就絕不可認為這是一種災難，相反，這是有關炮隊的無上榮譽。擊毀了坦克就足以抵償野戰炮或機動高射炮的損失而有餘。德國人對於擄獲到的大炮並沒有用處，因為他們擁有大量他們所樂於使用的本國型式的炮。我們自己的供應足以補充不足的數額。 皇家炮兵必須確立這樣一條原則，即用坦克來進攻一群適當佈置的英國炮兵隊並不是合算的事，而這些炮隊將總是等待著它們來進攻，以便摧毀一大批坦克。我們的炮在坦克駛近時不可退去，正像韋林頓的方陣在滑鐵盧當敵人的騎兵逼近時不退卻一樣。 二‧德國人把他們所謂高射炮隊放在他們的最前面的隊伍中並把這種炮隊散佈在他們的一切裝甲和輜重縱隊裡。 自從他們開始侵入法國時起就採用這種方法，以後繼續加以改進。我們也應該這樣做。原則應該是，一切編隊不論是縱隊還是展開的隊伍都應配備一定比例數量的高射炮以資保護。這一個原則適用於各種縱隊，而這些縱隊應該獲得大量機關鎗和博弗斯式高射炮的供應，因為這類武器的供應已經更加充足了。 三‧現在有二百五十門博弗斯式高射炮正在運交奧金萊克將軍，以便他盡可能以最好方式用於他的各個縱隊，以及在進攻過程中所必需的各個部隊集合地點或加油站。 陸軍在抵禦空襲時，必須不再完全依賴飛機的保護。最重要的是要放棄在行動中的縱隊的上空維持飛機巡邏的那種想法。這樣分配飛機是不合理的；如果大規模採用這種有害的行動，空軍優勢就不能維持。 四‧在中東陸軍總司令一旦宣佈即將展開一次戰役以後，空軍司令長官就應當給他以一切可能的支援，不管其他目標有多麼大的吸引力。戰役的勝利可以補償一切，並創造新的決定性的有利局勢。陸軍總司令當對空軍司令長官指定出他在對敵人後方設施進行準備性質的攻擊時和在戰役進行時在空軍方面所需要完成的行動的目標和任務。空軍司令長官就當用最有效的方法對這些目標使用最大限度的力量。這不僅適用於永久撥歸陸軍航空隊的任何中隊，也適用於戰區內可以出動的全部空軍。 五‧如有必要，轟炸機可以用來作為對遠程或邊遠的縱隊的運輸或補給飛機，唯一目的就是使軍事行動得到成功。由於兩位總司令的利益相同，我們認為不會引起任何困難。空軍司令長官在準備時期內自然要把一切例行事項擱置一旁而集中於轟炸敵人的後方勤務地點。他不但要用夜襲，也要在戰鬥機保護下在白天進行襲擊來完成此事。在這個過程中，他將同敵人的戰鬥機較量一番，並且有最好的機會去獲得當地的制空權。在準備時期是正確的事，可以甚至更大的力量適用於戰役中。所有敵人集合或加油的地點，或在行進中的縱隊都應該由轟炸機於白天在強大的戰鬥機掩護下加以襲擊。 這樣引起的空戰，不但其本身具有極其重要的意義，而且對於總的結果也有直接的貢獻。 蒙哥馬利將軍不是這個備忘錄的受文者，直到一九四三年，第八集團軍在阿拉曼取得勝利之後十八個月，我在的黎波里遇見他以後，才偶然給他看了一份抄件。他寫道：這個文件現在還是同撰寫時一樣正確。那時，他因為恢復了大炮在戰場上的地位而享有盛名。