Chapter 106 Book Three Chapter Thirty-Three A Voyage During the World Wars

We sail on the Duke of York with my crew Our communications and contacts with the country Should we force the Soviet Union to declare war on Japan?December 16-18 Mr. Eden's talks with Stalin and Molotov Stalin's views on the settlement of post-war problems The Soviet Union's request to the Baltic countries The cabinet supports my protests Continued Moscow talks Russia and Japan Friendship The parting of our relationship with Vichy: a blessing or a curse The Japanese attack on Hong Kong The desperate resistance of the garrison and the surrender of the Japanese landing in Malaya I give Wavell's electrode a major strategic question on December 12th Duff Cooper's Advice and my beliefs Progress in the Desert Offensive Rommel retreats to Aqella Luftwaffe returns to the Mediterranean Anxiety about American policy Lord Beaverbrook's optimism Unfounded concern.

At a time when so much is going on, it is necessary for me to stay in London for many great reasons.I have never doubted that the complete understanding between Britain and the United States is more important than anything else, and I have to go to Washington at once with the strongest team of expert advisers that can be dispatched.It was considered too risky to fly in an unfavorable direction at this season, so we traveled to the Clyde on the twelfth.The Prince of Wales no longer exists.The King George V watched over the Tirpitz.The newly born Duke of York can carry us, and at the same time gradually develop its full effectiveness.

The main members of our party are Lord Beaverbrook, a member of the war cabinet, Admiral Pound, the First Sea Lord, Vice-Admiral Porter, Chief of the Air Staff, and Dee, who has now been replaced by General Brooke as Chief of the Imperial General Staff. Field Marshal.I earnestly hope that Brooke will remain in London in order to master the great problems which await him.I invite Deal, whom everyone trusts and respects, who still knows the inside story of our affairs, to go with me to Washington in his stead.Here a new field of activity was to be opened up for him. Also with me was Sir Charles Wilson, who became my permanent medical advisor in 1941.This was his first voyage with me, and he accompanied me on all subsequent trips.I am alive, perhaps, thanks to his dependable care.Although I could not persuade him to follow my advice when he was ill, and he could not always expect me to follow absolutely all his instructions, we became faithful friends, and we both survived.

We hoped to make the voyage in seven days at an average speed of twenty knots, taking care of the weaving to avoid the ambush U-boats.Following the route drawn up by the Admiralty we descended the Irish Channel into the Bay of Biscay.The weather is bad.There are strong winds and waves.The sky is full of white clouds.We had to cross the passages of German U-boats between the ports of western France and the search areas in the Atlantic.There were so many German U-boats in the vicinity that the Admiralty ordered our captain not to leave our flotilla behind; but this flotilla could not go faster than six knots in wind and waves, and at this speed we circled the south of Ireland. Traveled slowly for forty-eight hours.We passed within four hundred miles of Brest, and I couldn't help thinking of how the Prince of Wales and the Enemy had been destroyed a week earlier by torpedo bombers based on the coast.

Clouds prevented all of our escort planes from joining us (except the occasional one), but as I stepped onto the bridge, I saw an unwelcome expanse of blue sky appear.However nothing happened and everything went well.The giant ship and the escorting destroyers moved forward slowly.But we're getting impatient with its low speed.During the night of the second day we approached the routes of the U-boats.Admiral Pound, who made this decision, said that we had more chances of hitting a submarine ourselves than of being torpedoed by a submarine. It was pitch black.So we left the destroyer behind and proceeded alone in the relentless gale at the highest possible speed.We sealed the hatch, and the waves crashed on the deck.Lord Beaverbrook complained that he would have traveled in a submarine as well as in this warship.

Of course, our large number of translators can do many things by radio reception.We are able to call back to a limited extent.After the new frigates have joined us from the Azores, they can pick up our coded messages in Morse symbols during the day, and then, a hundred miles or so behind us, send them The codes are sent without revealing our location.Even so, we still feel the horror of radio failure. We are in the midst of a world war. As we traveled, too, we were thinking about all our problems, and my thoughts were with the Foreign Secretary, who was also sailing, but speeding in the opposite direction.The most pressing question concerns our policy of asking the Soviet government to declare war on Japan.I have sent the following telegram to Mr. Eden:

December 12, 1941 Before you left the country, you consulted the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces as to whether it would be in our interest for Russia to declare war on Japan.After consideration, the chiefs of staff expressed their opinions as follows: It would be very much in our interest for Russia to declare war on Japan, as long as, but only as long as, the Russians are confident that this will not endanger their Western Front either now or next spring. The Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Services then set out the arguments for and against in considerable detail. Balanced, they emphasized the paramount importance of avoiding Russia's collapse on the Western Front.

I went on to say to the foreign secretary: If your discussion leads you to think that the Russians are preparing to declare war on Japan, then the question may be whether the Americans, rather than us, should exert whatever pressure is needed. As a postscript to him after his arrival in Moscow, I add: Given the apparent strong desire of the United States, China, and I expect Australia for Russia's participation in the war against Japan, you should do nothing to hinder the smooth progress of this, if Stalin felt strong enough to do so.Given how little we've been able to contribute, we shouldn't put undue pressure on him.

Called again the next day and said: It is likely that some recent successes on the Russian front would have made Stalin more willing to face a war against Japan.The odds were turning in our favour, so you had to judge on the spot how far and how hard to press him wisely. During our voyage I received a series of telegrams from Mr. Eden, soon arriving in Moscow, describing the views of the Soviet Union on other matters which he faced upon his arrival. The content of these telegrams was summarized in his own words in his detailed report on January 5, 1942 after returning home: When I had my first meeting with Mr. Stalin and Mr. Molotov on December 16, Mr. Stalin stated in considerable detail his views on how the borders of European countries should be demarcated after the war, especially his views on What to do with German comments.He proposed the restoration of Austria as an independent state, the separation of the Rhineland from Prussia as an independent state or protectorate, and, to the extent possible, the formation of an independent state of Bavaria.He also proposed that East Prussia should be handed over to Poland and the Sudetenland should be returned to Czechoslovakia.He suggested that Yugoslavia should be restored, and even some additional territories should be taken from the Italian side, that Albania should regain its independence, that Turkey should acquire the Dodecanese Islands, and that the islands in the Aegean Sea which were of importance to Greece could be given Favorable adjustment for Greece.Turkey can also acquire certain areas in Bulgaria and in northern Syria.In general, the occupied countries, including czechoslovakia and greece, should restore their pre-war borders, and mr stalin was ready to support any special arrangements for the united kingdom to acquire bases in western european countries such as france, belgium, the netherlands, norway and denmark .With regard to the special interests of the USSR, Mr. Stalin wished, on the part of the Baltic States, Finland and Bessarabia, to restore the situation before the German attack of 1941.The Curzon Line should become the basis for the future Soviet-Polish border, and Romania should give special facilities such as bases to the Soviet Union and obtain compensation from the territory currently occupied by Hungary.

During this first meeting, Mr. Stalin generally agreed with the principle that Germany should compensate the occupied countries with goods, especially with regard to compensation with machine tools, etc., and it would be inappropriate to refuse monetary compensation.He expressed interest in the formation of military alliances of democracies after the war, and stated that the Soviet Union had no objection to the formation of federations among certain European states if they so wished. During the second meeting on December 17, Mr. Stalin urged His Majesty's Government to immediately recognize the future borders of the USSR, especially regarding the integration of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union and the restoration of the Soviet-Finnish borders of 1941.He believed that any Anglo-Soviet agreement would depend on agreement on this point.Although I promised to discuss with the Government of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom, the Government of the United States, and the governments of His Majesty's Dominions after returning to China, I explained to Mr. Stalin that since we have already agreed with the United States, His Majesty's Government must deal with the matter at this stage. Commitment to any national borders in post-war Europe was simply impossible.This question, which Mr. Stalin considers to be of fundamental importance, was further discussed at the third meeting held on December 18.

At the forefront of Russia's demands was that that the Baltic states, conquered by Russia early in the war, should eventually be incorporated into the Soviet Union.There are many other conditions for the expansion of Russian sovereignty, combined with strong calls for unlimited supplies and impossible military action.Immediately after I read these telegrams, I reacted violently to the question of annexation of the Baltic states. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal December 20, 1941 Stalin's demands for Finland, the Baltic States and Romania were in direct violation of Articles 1, 2 and 3 of the Atlantic Charter to which he had endorsed.It is by no means possible for us to enter into such an agreement, secret or public, explicit or implicit, without first making it with the United States. The time has not yet come to settle the border issues, which can only be settled at the peace treaty conference after our victory. 2. The mere desire to enter into an agreement that can be announced should never lead us to make undue promises.The Foreign Secretary coped so well that he should not be discouraged if he had to leave Moscow quietly.The Russians will continue to fight for their existence anyway, and depend on us for a great deal of supplies, which we have painstakingly collected and which we will faithfully deliver to them. 3. I hope that the Cabinet will agree to communicate the above sections to the Foreign Secretary.No doubt he will proceed with the necessary tact and prudence, but he should know exactly where we stand. The War Cabinet agreed with me, and a telegram was sent.My reply to Mr. Eden is as follows: Prime Minister (at sea) to Mr Eden (in Moscow) December 20, 1941 You certainly wouldn't be rude to Stalin.We have an obligation to the United States not to enter into secret or special agreements.If these proposals were taken to discuss with President Roosevelt, they would be flatly rejected and could cause long-term trouble for both parties. 2. The strategic security of Russia on the western frontier will be one of the goals of the peace treaty talks.The position of Leningrad has proved particularly dangerous by events.The first purpose would be to prevent Germany from resuming any war.The separation of Prussia from southern Germany and the actual delimitation of Prussia itself will be one of the biggest issues to be decided later, but all this is a matter of an uncertain, perhaps distant future.We must now fight hard and long to win.To raise these questions openly now would only drive all Germans around Hitler. 3. Even at this time, informally, to raise these questions with President Roosevelt would, in my opinion, be inappropriate.This is the approach I should take in order to avoid closing the door of talks abruptly or ultimately.You need not be disappointed if you cannot take home a joint proclamation based on the lines laid out in the cabinet papers you have received.I am sure that your visit has yielded the maximum benefit and your attitude will be generally approved. The voyage seemed long this time. Mr. Eden recounted in his own words the conclusion of his talks with Stalin in Moscow. We bid farewell to each other in a very friendly atmosphere.After my many explanations, Mr. Stalin seems to have fully understood our present inability to open a second front in Europe.He expressed great interest in the progress of our offensive in Libya and thought it most desirable to defeat Italy on the principle that the Axis group would collapse with the destruction of its weakest link. He did not think he was strong enough to continue the war against Germany while provoking hostilities with Japan.He hopes to restore his Far Eastern forces to the strength he had before he was forced to withdraw some of them to the West by next spring, and he has no commitment to declare war on Japan next spring, but only to reconsider the matter then , though he would have preferred that hostilities be started by the Japanese, as he seemed to foresee that would be the case. But the most acute problem in foreign relations that we are concerned about at this time is France.The United States declares war between the United States and Germany, what effect will this have on Vichy France?In England we maintain our relationship with Charles de Gaulle.The U.S. government, especially the State Department, had close and helpful contacts with Vichy.Petain, in German hands, was sick.Some say he had to undergo surgery because of an enlarged prostate.Weygand had been called back to Vichy from North Africa and had been relieved of his command.It seems that Admiral Darlan is at his best.Moreover, Auchinleck's victory in Libya and beyond demonstrated at the highest level all that was wrong with French North Africa.Frustrated in the desert, and after Russia had been contained, would Hitler insist on sending German troops, now not through Spain, but into Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Daryl by sea and air?Could this, or some of it, be his answer to America's entry into the war? There are indications that Admiral Darlan may succeed or succeed Pétain, and the Foreign Office has received some secret inquiries as to our relationship with our great ally to him.These possible embarrassing events involved our entire naval situation with the Toulon fleet, the two unsettled battleships at Casablanca and Dakar, the blockade, and many other things.During our journey by train from Prime Minister's House to the Clyde, I had sent a memorandum on the naval situation to the First Sea Lord in the adjoining room. December 13, 1941 I hope that together we can come up with a joint proposal for Vichy that is either a blessing or a curse.If not with Vichy, make it with French North Africa. We cannot yet say what effect America's entry into the war will have on France, and it is hoped that a victory in Libya will result in a favorable reaction.Especially the growing disaster of the German army in Russia will affect everyone's psychology.It is probable that if the United States proposes to send an American Expeditionary Force to land in Casablanca, together with the assistance we can give in the execution of the Sportsman's Operation Plan, it will determine the operations in French North Africa (possibly incidentally with Madagascar).Regardless, it's worth a shot.Until we know how Vichy will respond, I do not wish to make any changes in the disposition of the sportsman or the stick plan. It must be remembered that the United States would generally favor North and West Africa as a major theater of joint Anglo-American operations. I called General Smuts and said: December 20, 1941 I consider it my duty to cross the Atlantic again, and hope to consult with President Roosevelt in a few days on all matters concerning the conduct of the war.I do hope, however, to get assistance from him in carrying out a forward policy in French North and West Africa. This is in line with the ideas of the Americans, but they are likely to be too preoccupied with the war against Japan.I shall keep you informed of the situation. During this period, fighting was going on in the old and new theaters.I have no illusions about the fate of Hong Kong under the overwhelming force of Japan.But the better the British resistance, the better for all.Hong Kong was attacked by Japan at about the same time as Pearl Harbor.The defenders, under the command of Major General Maltby, were faced with a task which had been beyond their capabilities from the first.The Japanese had three divisions and we could only muster six battalions against them, two of which were Canadians.In addition, there are a small number of mobile artillery, a commercial and civilian self-defense regiment with more than 2,000 people, and coastal artillery and anti-aircraft artillery to defend the port.During the siege, the Japanese always enjoyed uncontested air supremacy.Among the local population there was an active fifth column, which gave the enemy much assistance. In order to deter the invading enemy before the destruction of Kowloon Harbor was completed, three battalions of the defenders deployed sixteen cannons on the mainland.They were soon under heavy attack, and on December 11 they were ordered to retreat to the island.This was accomplished skilfully and under very difficult circumstances during the nights of the next two days. Prime Minister to Hong Kong Governor and Defenders December 12, 1941 Day by day and hour by hour we are watching your defense of the port and fortress of Hong Kong.You defend a link between Europe and the Far East that has long been known in the history of world civilization.We are certain that Hong Kong's resistance to this brutal and unprovoked attack will add to a glorious page in British history. All our hearts are with you as you suffer.Every day of your resistance brings us closer to the inevitable final victory. The enemy's preparations for the crossing of the mile-wide sea between the mainland and Hong Kong Island took several days, during which they shelled, bombed and mortared our position.They landed for the first time on the night of December 18, and subsequent reinforcements advanced aggressively inland.As the attacking force increased, the defenders were forced to retreat gradually, their numbers dwindled by heavy casualties.They had no hope of reinforcements or relief, but they fought on. Prime Minister to Hong Kong Governor December 21, 1941 We are deeply concerned to learn that the Japanese have landed on Hong Kong Island.We cannot here determine the circumstances which made the landing possible or prevented an effective counter-offensive against the invading forces.But there must be no thought of surrender.Every section of the island is up for grabs, and must be held with the utmost tenacity by the enemy. The enemy should be forced to consume the most life and equipment.Fight hard in the interior defense, and if necessary, fight from house to house.Every day that you are able to sustain your resistance, you are a service to the cause of the Allies throughout the world, and by protracted resistance you and your soldiers are entitled to that immortal glory which we are sure will be yours. These orders were completely obeyed in spirit.Among many acts of fidelity, one may be recounted here.On December 19, Lawson, the Canadian brigade commander, reported that his headquarters had been attacked; the fighting was going on within horizontal range; he would go to the field to fight to the end.He did that, and he and the officers and men who were with him were killed.The defenders supported for a week.Everyone able to take up arms, including some from the Royal Navy and Royal Air Force, joined in the desperate resistance. Their indomitable spirit was matched by the stoicism of the English commoners. On Christmas Day, the limit was reached, and surrender became inevitable.Under the leadership of their stoic Governor, Sir Mark Young, the colony has fought a good battle.Indeed, they had won that immortal glory which was rightfully theirs. In Malaya, another series of disasters befell us.The Japanese landed at several points on the peninsula on December 8, while simultaneously carrying out devastating air raids on our airfields which seriously damaged our already weak air force and immediately rendered the northern airfields inoperable. use.At Kota Bharu, where the seaside fortifications were held by a brigade of infantry along a thirty-mile front, the Japanese succeeded in landing the bulk of a division, although our shore forces and air forces had Hit hard.After three days of heavy fighting, the enemy was firmly established on land, the nearby airfield was in their hands, and the brigade, which had suffered heavy losses, was ordered to withdraw southward. Farther north, on the same day, December 8, the Japanese landed at Pattani and Songkhla without resistance.The brave Dutch submarines sank several of their ships.No serious fighting took place until December 12, when the enemy with one of their best divisions successfully attacked the 11th Indian Division north of Alor Setar, causing the It suffers major losses. Before leaving the country, I telegraphed General Wavell, Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Garrison: December 12, 1941 You must now look east.Myanmar has been placed within your jurisdiction.You must resist the Japanese advance on Burma and India and try to cut off their traffic to the Malay Peninsula.We are transferring to Bombay the 18th Division, which is now rounding the Cape of Good Hope, together with four RAF fighter squadrons which are now en route to the Caucasus and Caspian theaters.We are also shipping to you a special batch of anti-aircraft guns and anti-tank guns, some of which are already in transit.You should keep the 17th Indian Division to defend against the Japanese.Combine these armies as best you will, and make the best use of them on the Eastern front. 2. There is a proposal that, at a convenient time in the not-too-distant future, you and Auchinleck will agree on a method for the division of Iraq and Persia under the jurisdiction of Cairo.Russia's victory and Auchinleck's advance in Libya have temporarily lifted the danger of the German army breaking into the Syria|Iraq|Persia theater.This danger may recur, but we have other, more pressing dangers to meet. 3. I hope that these new deployments, caused by the dramatic changes in the world situation during the past four days, will have your approval.I will try to supply you with armored vehicles, aircraft and British personnel to the maximum extent possible, taking into account the very tense situation we are in.We look forward to your views and needs detailed telegram. I also send the following telegram: Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal and to General Ismay to Chiefs of Staff Committee December 13, 1941 It is hoped that every effort should be made to mobilize personnel and materials into India, and immediately send air force from the Middle East to reinforce the decisive battle in Libya. After the decisive battle in Libya, efforts should be made to transport armored vehicles as soon as possible. Prime Minister to the Governor-General of Myanmar December 13, 1941 Wavell has been tasked with Burma's land and air defense.We had diverted the Eighteenth Division, four fighter squadrons, and anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns, which were rounding the Cape of Good Hope, to Bombay so that he could make the best use of them as he judged.The war in Libya is going well, but I cannot remove any air units from there until a clear decision is reached.All preparations are being made to transfer four to six bomber squadrons to your theater after the victory. All the best wishes. The defensive battle of the Malay Peninsula involved a major strategic choice.I have a definite conviction: unfortunately I am powerless to carry it out from the ocean. PM sends General Ismay to Chiefs of Staff Committee December 15, 1941 Care must be taken that the forces needed to finally defend the island and fortresses of Singapore are not exhausted or cut off in the Malay Peninsula.In terms of importance, nothing can compare with this fortress.Are you sure we will have enough troops for long term defense? Negotiated with Auchinleck and the Dominion Government to transfer the 1st Australian Division from Palestine to Singapore.Hope to report the situation. I am delighted that our Secretary of State, Mr Duff Cooper, has independently come to the same conclusion. PM sends General Ismay to Chiefs of Staff Committee December 19, 1941 Duff Cooper expressed the same concern that I told you in that telegram that began with the word attention.Duff Cooper's suggestion to concentrate forces to defend Johor in order to defend Singapore is exactly in line with Dill's opinion here. 2. After the catastrophe of the British and American naval vessels in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, we could not prevent the Japanese from continuing to land in Siam and the Malay Peninsula with large numbers of troops.It was therefore impossible to hold any area north of the Johor line other than bombing and arresting the enemy's advance, and this line itself could only be part of the final defense of the fort and naval base on Singapore Island to keep it. 3. It is time to tell the commander-in-chief of the local garrison that his mission is limited to defending Johor and Singapore, and that he must do nothing to compete with defending Singapore with the utmost strength.This should not prevent him from employing blocking tactics and explosives as he retreats south, and from making an orderly retreat. 4. You did not say who is the commander-in-chief of the Far East.Bonnard has gotten there yet?If not, where is he?He should have gotten there by plane as soon as possible. 5. It has always been our intention that all reinforcements transferred from the Cape of Good Hope to India should be used by Wavell in the defense of Burma, or sent to Far Eastern Command if the situation so requires.We fully approve of your move to transfer anti-aircraft guns and fighter squadrons. The Sixth and Eighteenth Divisions could likewise be used by Wavell for his own needs, or to assist Far East Command, but why stop there?Should the 18th Division be transferred eastward, it seemed prudent to send at least one Australian division into India to replace it. 7. Please describe what you are doing and how you intend to overcome the increasing difficulties in transporting reinforcements to Singapore.Furthermore, how has it been going with regard to reducing the useless population on the island of Singapore?What about the response on supplies? In this volume it is impossible to tell the story to the end.The tragedy of Singapore must not be long before it unfolds.Suffice it to say here that for the rest of the month the Indian Division fought a series of blocking battles against the enemy's main force advancing south along the west coast of the peninsula.On December 17, the enemy invaded Penang Island, where despite the bombing, many small ships were captured by the enemy intact.These ships later enabled the enemy to make repeated flank attacks with small amphibious forces.By the end of the month our heavily attacked troops were fighting near Ipoh, a good 150 miles from their first positions, and by that time at least three Japanese troops had landed on the peninsula. The number of divisions, including the Praetorian Guards.In the air, the enemy also greatly increased their advantage.The quality of the planes they had hastily placed on the airfields they captured exceeded all expectations.We were forced to take a defensive position and our losses were severe.On December 16, northern Borneo was also invaded and captured shortly thereafter, but not after we had succeeded in destroying the huge and valuable refineries.In all these engagements, Dutch submarines destroyed many of the enemy's ships. As we sailed, General Auchinleck's campaign in the desert was well underway.The Axis troops skillfully avoided all kinds of encirclement tactics and successfully retreated to a rear line southward from Gazaila.On December 13, the Eighth Army launched an attack on this position.This army group now consisted of the 7th Armored Division, with the 4th Armored Brigade and supporting units, the 4th Anglo-Indian Division, the Guards Brigade (motorized), the 5th New Zealand Brigade, the Polish Brigade, and the 32nd Army Tank Brigade.All these units were assigned to the command of the Thirteenth Army Command.The XXX Corps then had to deal with the enemy defenders who were cut off and abandoned in Salum, Halfaya, and Bardia, fighting tenaciously.The enemy fought well at Ghajala, but their desert flanks were outflanked by our armored forces, so Rommel began to retreat from Derna to Ajdabiya and Aghera.On the way they were pursued by all our forces which could move and supply these wide areas. From the first week of December, the enemy's air force was significantly strengthened.The Luftwaffe's 1st Army Corps has been withdrawn from the Russian theater of operations and transferred to the Mediterranean.German records show that the number of aircraft in this regiment increased from 400 (out of 206 available) on November 15 to 637 (out of 306 available) a month later. Thirty-nine).Most of these aircraft were sent to Sicily to protect the sea route to North Africa, while in the desert areas, dive bombers began to appear in increasing numbers, escorted by efficient Messerschmitt 109 fighters.The advantage the RAF gained during the first weeks of fighting could not be maintained.We shall later see how the restoration of the enemy's air power over the Mediterranean in December and January and the virtual disappearance of our command of the seas in a few months deprived Auchinleck of what he had so hard won and so long awaited. The fruits of victory. As the Duke of York moved slowly westward, everyone in our party was working non-stop, and all our thoughts were absorbed in the new and important problems we had to solve.We look forward eagerly, but also with some anxiety, to the first direct contact with the President and his political and military advisers as allies.We knew before we left the country that the American people had been deeply agitated by the Japanese atrocities at Pearl Harbor.The official reports and newspaper summaries we received gave us the impression that the national outrage was turning on Japan.We fear that the real priorities of the entire war may not be understood.We perceive a great danger that the United States may wage war against Japan in the Pacific, leaving us to fight Germany and Italy in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. In a previous chapter I have described the enduring and hitherto increasing power of England.The first Atlantic campaign against German U-boats was markedly in our favor.We do not doubt our ability to keep our oceanic access open.We were sure that if Hitler tried to invade the island nation, we would be able to defeat him.We are encouraged by the resistance of Russia.We once had extravagant hopes for the Libyan campaign.All our future plans, however, depend upon the influx of American supplies of all kinds, as they are now being streamed across the Atlantic.We count especially on the construction of airplanes and tanks, and the great American merchant ships.Until this time, the United States, as a non-belligerent nation, the President has been able and willing to transfer to us a great deal of equipment from the armed forces of the United States, because these forces are not fighting.Now that the United States is at war with Germany, Italy, and especially Japan, this approach must be restricted.Shouldn't the needs of the country necessarily come first?After the attack on Russia we had rightly sacrificed a large part of the equipment and supplies which were now finally being produced from our factories to the aid of the Soviet Army.The United States has handed over to Russia even more supplies than we would otherwise have received ourselves, all of which we fully agreed to because of Russia's excellent resistance to the Nazi invaders. Even so, it is equally difficult to delay the arming of our own troops, especially our troops fighting in Libya, with desperately needed weapons.We must assume that America First will be the primary principle for our allies.We fear that there will be a long period of time before the American army can be mobilized on a large scale, and that during this period of preparation we will be greatly embarrassed.This will happen when we ourselves must face a new and formidable enemy in Malaya, the Indian Ocean, Burma and India.Clearly, the issue of distribution of supplies will require serious attention and will harbor many difficulties and delicate aspects.We have been informed that all deliveries under the Lend-Lease program have been stopped pending adjustment.幸而英國的軍火與飛機工廠的生產這時正在擴大範圍並具有發展的勢頭，而且的確不久即將具有很大的數量。但是當約克公爵號頂著不停息的狂風向前行駛時，朦朧地出現在我們眼前的有一長列的難關以及可能發生拒絕供應關鍵項目的事情，這將影響到我們的整個生產部門。比弗布魯克回他往常在困難時一樣是樂觀的。他宣佈說，美國的資源迄今甚至還沒有被搔破表面，這些資源是無法估量的，而且一旦美國人民的全部力量轉移到這場鬥爭上來，所獲得的結果將遠遠超過任何已經計劃或想像到的情況。再者，他認為美國人還沒有了解到他們在生產領域中的力量。所有目前的統計數字將因美國的努力而被超過和抹掉。大家將得到足夠的東西，他在這一方面的判斷是正確的。 這一切考慮和那主要的戰略問題相比卻顯得暗淡無光。 我們將能夠說服總統和美國的軍事首長們相信日本的失敗並不足以造成希特勒的失敗，而希特勒的失敗卻可以使日本的覆滅僅僅成為一個時間和費點事的問題嗎？我們曾經花了漫長的時間來仔細思量這個重大的問題。兩位參謀長和迪爾將軍連同霍利斯和他的軍官們準備了幾個文件論述這整個問題，並強調這場戰爭是一體的觀點。如將看到的，這些工作和憂慮都是不必要的。