Chapter 109 Volume Three, Chapter Thirty-six, Anglo-American Agreement

United Nations convention signed Litvinov's misgivings US troops sent to Northern Ireland to War Cabinet's January 3rd report to the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Its smooth progress Effectiveness without Russian representation Sir John Deere Special status Beaver Lord Brooke's Enzyme History of the Bureau of Military Production in the United States The Great Development of American Supply Production The Great Development of Merchant Marine Production Rest at Palm Beach Effective Secrecy Bad News from Alexandria Italian Manned Torpedoes Our Mediterranean Combat Fleet Out of Combat Against Air Force Reinforcements in Egypt Untimely Proposals Concerning Indian Self-Government Russia and the Baltic States My Telegram to Mr. Eden, Jan. 8 Wendell Wilkie: An Interesting Incident Back at the White House.

When I got back to the White House, everything was ready to sign the UN Convention.There had been many telegrams between Washington, London and Moscow, but by this time all problems were settled.The President had tried with the utmost zeal to persuade the Soviet ambassador, Litvinov, who had recently been reemerged by the turn of events, to accept the phrase religious freedom.Therefore, he was specially invited to have lunch with us in the presidential office.He had to proceed with caution after a tough experience in his home country.Later, the President had a long talk with him alone, concerning his soul and the danger of hellfire.Mr. Roosevelt told us on several occasions what he had said to the Russian, and we were deeply impressed.Indeed, I once made a promise to Mr. Roosevelt that I would recommend him for the Archbishop of Canterbury should he fail in the next election.But I did not make any formal recommendation on this point to the Cabinet or the King, and since he won the election in 1944, the question did not arise.Litvinov reported to Stalin on the issue of religious freedom apparently in fear and trembling, but Stalin took it for granted.

The War Cabinet also presented their arguments on Social Security, and I was a drafter of the first Unemployment Insurance Act, so agreed in good faith.After a week of numerous telegrams going to and from all parts of the world, an agreement was reached between all the countries of the Grand League. [1] The head of the Church of England.translator The name United Nations was proposed by the President to replace the name of the Entente.I think this is a major improvement.I pointed out to my friend a few lines from Byron's "The Travels of Childe Harold": Here, where the United Nations draws its sword,

Our fellow citizens were fighting that day! That's a lot of things that will be immortal and everything will be immortal. On the morning of January 1st, the President was wheeled to me in a chair cart.I emerged from the bathroom and agreed to the draft manifesto.A manifesto alone does not win battles, but it says who we are and what we fight for.Then, that day, Roosevelt, myself, Litvinov, and Song Ziwen, representing China, signed this solemn document in the President's study.The task of gathering the signatures of the remaining twenty-two countries was left to the State Department.The final text of the manifesto must be recorded here.

United States of America, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Costa Rica, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, India, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Joint Declaration of New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Poland, South Africa and Yugoslavia. The Governments of the signatories to this Declaration, have expressed their common program of purposes and principles contained in the joint declaration of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, known as the Atlantic Charter, dated 14 August 1941 agree.

Convinced of the importance of total victory over enemy nations for the defense of life, liberty, independence and freedom of religion, for the preservation of human rights and justice in their own lands and elsewhere, convinced that they are now engaged in a war against barbarous attempts to conquer the world In the common struggle against brutal forces, hereby declare: (1) The government of each country undertakes to use all its military or economic resources against the members of the Triple Pact and its dependent countries which are at war with it. (2) The government of each country undertakes to cooperate with the governments of the signatories to this Declaration, and not to cease war or conclude peace with enemy countries alone.

All other countries that are or may be making material assistance and contributions in the struggle against Hitlerism may participate in the above declaration. Among my other requests to the President, the sending of three or four American divisions into Northern Ireland featured prominently.I feel that the arrival of 60,000 or 70,000 American troops in Ulster[1] would be a clear indication of the determination of the United States to intervene directly in Europe.These new recruits could complete their training at Ulster just as at home in the United States, while at the same time becoming a strategic factor.The Germans were bound to regard this action as another deployment to stop the invasion of the British Isles.I hope they will exaggerate the number of landing troops so that the attention will continue to the west.In addition, every American division that comes across the Atlantic enables us to send a well-trained British division abroad to the Middle East, or of course, which is always on my mind, to North Africa.While not many, if any, felt that way, in fact it was the first step towards the raids by Confederate forces on Morocco, Algeria or Tunisia that I had all hoped for.The President is fully aware of this, so although we have not given the concept a definite form, I feel that our thoughts are running in the same direction, although neither of us has yet to discuss the specifics. method.

【1】The name of the northern part of the island of Ireland.translator Mr. Stimson, Secretary of War, and his staff of advisers also felt that the move into Ireland was in harmony with their intention of an early invasion of Europe.So everything is running smoothly.We were anxious to make the enemy aware of this strategic move, so we published the facts, although of course we did not give the number of troops.We also hope that this will keep German troops in the West, and thus not be unhelpful to the Russian war effort. We have not been able to make our reasons understood by the British public and newspapers, so there have been many unreasonable comments.For example, it has been asked, why send American troops to Ulster?Wouldn't it be much better to use them for Singapore?When I later realized this point of view, I thought of Popper's [1] poem:

【1】Alexander Pope (1688｜1744), British poet.translator All the gods!destroy space and time, And make two lovers happy. Of course, it is practically impossible to send an army across that vast distance to any effect in time. I report all these decisions to the War Cabinet. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 3, 1942 You should have received my two telegrams about what we did yesterday.The President has chosen the name of the United Nations for all these countries that are now cooperating.This was much better than the Confederate or the Entente, since the word Confederate got him into constitutional difficulties, and the Entente was flat.

2. We cannot insert the words or authorities into the last stanza of the manifesto, because Litvinov was no more than a mechanical man, who was evidently terrified after what had happened to him.This could be included by way of an exchange of letters stating that the term country included authorities such as Free French organisations, or perhaps insurrectionary organizations arising in Spain, North Africa, or Germany itself.Since nearly 30 countries have been notified, leaking news is inevitable, so a decision is urgently needed.The president is also eager to sign it on Jan. 1. 3. With regard to the instructions given to Wavell, it is also important to decide promptly.Here again, the opinion of the United States must be heeded, and we must know that we are no longer alone, but united.Personally I favor the inclusion of Burma in Wavell's theater of operations;

But the local Burmese commander-in-chief would of course be based in India and have his own tasks.Wavell had to make friendly contacts with Chiang Kai-shek, and it seemed that Chiang Kai-shek had never had a good impression of him or Brett. 4. The movement of large numbers of US troops and air forces into Northern Ireland is about to begin, and we are now sourcing the necessary ships to begin the Super Sportsman Operations Plan if possible while these troops are in motion. 5. We live here as a big family, extremely close and casual, and I have formed the greatest admiration for the president in my mind.His vision, his determination and his devotion to the common cause cannot be admired enough.Here there was not the slightest sign of agitation or vexation at the opening misfortunes, which were taken for granted, and which would be compensated by the overwhelmingly superior collection of forces of all kinds.Among the public, of course, there will soon be a heated debate. 6. Please convey my thanks to the War Cabinet for their very kind New Year's message.It made me very happy that you liked my speech in Canada.I was moved by the reception I received there. Future historians will likely consider the most valuable and enduring outcome of our first Washington Conference, code-named Arcadia, to be the establishment of the now famous Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.The committee was headquartered in Washington, but since the British chiefs of staff had to live close to their government, they were represented by senior military officers stationed in Washington.These representatives were in daily, indeed hourly contact with London, and were therefore able to state and explain to their American colleagues at any hour of the day or night the views of the British Chiefs of Staff on any question of war.Frequent conferences in Casablanca, Washington, Quebec, Tehran, Cairo, Malta, and the Crimea in various parts of the world brought together the chiefs in person, sometimes for as long as two weeks.Of the two hundred formal meetings of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the war, no less than eighty or ninety were held in such meetings, and most of the most important decisions were made at these solemn meetings. The usual procedure is that, in the early morning hours, each side's chiefs of staff committee meets on its own.Later in the day, the two parties meet to become one; they often hold another joint meeting in the evening.They considered the overall command of the war and provided the President and me with an agreed opinion.At this time, of course, our own direct discussions continued by telephone or telegram, and we were in close contact with our own staff.However, the advice of the professional advisers was considered by the plenary, and the order was sent to all commanders in the field.However sharp the conflict of opinion may be at the meeting of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, however frank and even heated the debate may be, sincere allegiance to the common cause overrides national or personal interests.Decisions, once reached and approved by the heads of government, are carried out with complete fidelity by all, especially those whose original opinions have been overturned.There was never a time when effective agreement on operations could not be reached, or clear orders to the commanders in each theater could not be issued.Every officer carrying out an order knows that the order he has received has the joint conception and expert authority of both governments.I am glad that a more useful institution of making than this was never established in the Allies, and that, despite some changes in form, it has actually continued to exist to this day. The Russians were not represented on the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.They had a far-flung, single, independent field, so a merger of staffs was neither necessary nor feasible.It is enough that we can know the general extent and timing of their actions, and they can know ours.In matters of this kind we try to keep in touch with them as closely as they allow.In due course I will describe my own visits to Moscow.In Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam, the chiefs of staff of all three countries gathered around a table. Having a common language is of course the greatest convenience in all discussions between Britain and the United States. The delays and often partial misunderstandings that occur in using translators are eliminated. But there is a difference of opinion, which caused an interesting incident in the early days. The British staff drew up a paper to be presented as a matter of urgency and informed their American colleagues that they wished to be on the agenda. For American staffs, that means putting the file in a drawer and forgetting about it.After a long and even heated argument, both parties learn that they agree on the pros and cons of the matter, and that they want the same thing. I have described how Field Marshal Deal, though no longer Chief of the Imperial General Staff, came with us on the Duke of York.He has played his full part in all discussions, not only at sea, but especially when we meet with the leaders of the United States.I saw at once that his prestige and influence before them had reached the highest level.No British officer sent across the Atlantic by us during this war has ever commanded the same degree of respect and confidence as the Americans.His character, prudence, and tact won him almost immediately the President's confidence.At the same time, he established a sincere colleague relationship and personal friendship with General Marshall. A large-scale expansion has been planned in the field of production.In these respects, Beaverbrook is a powerful driving force.The official wartime industrial mobilization process published by the United States [1] provides a lot of evidence for this.Donald Nelson, head of the U.S. War Production Administration, had some big plans.But, according to this American record, it was Lord Beaverbrook who, on the 29th of December, exerted a great influence on Nelson on the 29th of December.The circumstances are best described in Mr. Nelson's own words: [1] "History of Wartime Production Bureau", 1940 | 1945. Lord Beaverbrook emphasized the fact that we must set our production horizons much higher than in 1942 against a well-resourced and tenacious enemy.He pointed out that we have no experience of the material losses characteristic of a war of the kind now being waged.He reiterated the fact that we should set our sights higher in planning the production of the necessary war materiel. He thinks, for example, that we should plan to produce 45,000 tanks in 1942, not the 30,000 estimated by Mr. Knudsen. The American account goes on to say: Lord Beaverbrook also gave to the President the ferment he was gradually pouring into Nelson's heart.In a memorandum to the President, Lord Beaverbrook compared projected production in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada in 1942 with the needs of Great Britain, Russia and the United States.This comparison revealed a huge shortfall in planned production for 1942.The shortfall of tanks is 10,500; the shortfall of aircraft is 26,730; the shortfall of cannons is 22,600; The shortfall for rifles was 1.6 million.Lord Beaverbrook wrote that the production targets must be increased, and he was convinced that the targets could be achieved because of the enormous productive potential of American industry.The production target for 1942 should include 45,000 tanks, 17,700 anti-tank guns, 24,000 fighter jets and twice as much as was planned to be manufactured then, including all planned Increased production including anti-aircraft guns. The result was a set of production targets that surpassed even those proposed by Nelson.The President is convinced that notions of our industrial capabilities must be thoroughly tested.He instructed to complete an arms production plan, that is, to produce 45,000 combat aircraft, 45,000 tanks, 20,000 anti-aircraft guns, 14,900 anti-tank guns and machine guns in 1942. Five hundred thousand. I report all this good news back home. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 4, 1942 On the issue of supply, there have been a series of meetings.These meetings are chaired by the President himself and the Vice President.Every day, negotiations take place and details are discussed. Then, on Friday, there was a meeting chaired by the president and myself.Two meetings were held on Saturday.The final conclusion is: It was decided to increase the production of U.S. merchant ships to 8 million tons of dead weight in 1942, and to 10 million tons of dead weight in 1943. The new 1942 shipbuilding plan increased production by one-third. The production plan for combat weapons for 1942 and 1943 was decided as follows: Combat aircraft 45,000 in 1942 100,000 in 1943 Tank 1942 45,000 75,000 in 1943 Anti-aircraft guns 20,000 in 1942 35,000 in 1943 Anti-tank gun 1942 14,900 Undecided in 1943 ground and tank Used machine guns 1942 500,000 Undecided in 1943 The new 1942 production plan shows an increase on the 1942 production plan, which had been stipulated after the United States entered the war as follows: Combat Aircraft 31,250 Tank 29,550 Flak 8,900 Anti-tank gun 11,700 Machine guns for ground and tank use 238,000 Instructions have been sent to all relevant departments.The (President's) message to Congress this week will briefly address the production plan.The budget will include the necessary financial items. Max did a great job this time, and Hopkins was an angel. Hope you're pleased to hear that there's been a massive increase in the production schedule. By the end of 1943, these staggering figures had been reached or exceeded.example: 5,339,000 tons in 1942 12,384,000 tons in 1943 Continually concentrating on the whole of the war, often with the President and his principal patrons. As regards ships, the tonnage of new ships built by the United States is as follows: Consultations with my own advisers, my two speeches and my trip to Canada, with the urgent business to be decided and all the telegrams exchanged with my colleagues in the country made this Washington Not only was it stressful and exhausting, but it even made me exhausted.My American friends think I look tired and should take a break.Mr. Stettinius, therefore, very kindly gave me the use of his cottage in a secluded place near Palm Beach, and I flew there on the 4th of January.The night before my departure, the air conditioning in my room in the White House temporarily failed. The temperature was so high that it made people feel stuffy. Feel.But my medical advisor, Sir Charles Wilson, decided not to postpone the trip to the South. General Marshall accompanied us on the plane, and I had several pleasant conversations with him.We spent five days at the villa in Stettinius, lying in the shade or in the sun, basking in the pleasant waves, though once a considerable shark appeared.They said it was just a sea shark[1], but I wasn't entirely reassured.Being eaten by a bottom shark is as bad as being eaten by any other kind of shark, so I've stayed in shallow water ever since. 【1】Sharks that live on the bottom of the sea are generally not very active.translator Information concerning my whereabouts is strictly confidential, and the White House has issued notices to the press that all actions of the President and I should be treated like those of an American battleship.Therefore, not a single word appeared in the newspaper.On the other hand, I was greeted by many people in Florida, and many journalists and photographers with whom I had a pleasant conversation were waiting at the door of our retreat, but nothing leaked into the papers. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 5, 1942 I'm going south for a few days, hoping to be completely hidden, and the President is going to Hyde Park.In the meantime, the staff is hard at work and the results will be dealt with when we return.There are many difficulties to overcome in drawing up the offensive plan, but we must persevere.The gigantic movement of American troops into Ireland was fully planned on this side.You have to make sure everything is ready on our side.Please be careful to do a good job in this area, and their special diets etc. need to be researched. 2. I suspect you understand that we attempt not only to meet immediate needs, but also to develop a plan for the effective use of American forces on enemy lines wherever possible.Ships are the limiting factor. 3. I shall gladly telegraph all necessary matters, as I shall be in constant telegram communication.Here they are trying to keep my location a secret.News of my return or my whereabouts had better not be left to speculation in our papers. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 7, 1942 After a period of considerable fatigue, I am now resting for a few days in the South, following the advice of Charles Wilson[1].The president is preventing American newspapers from mentioning it.Please make sure nothing gets out in England, or the American press will be pissed off and I'll be pestered by them and the tourists. [1] Sir Charles Wilson is now Lord Moran. As I lay in the soft sunshine of Palm Beach, dictating all these telegrams and memorandums, came the news of the Italian manned torpedo attack on Alexandria, which had left the Queen Elizabeth and the Valiant out of combat.This matter was discussed in a previous chapter.This unfortunate incident followed the loss of all our other warships at this time, and was the most unfortunate and most disturbing.I immediately saw its seriousness.The fleet of battle in the Mediterranean is temporarily absent, and our naval power to defend Egypt from direct attack from the sea has temporarily ceased.At this critical juncture it seemed necessary to dispatch as many torpedo planes as could be collected from the south coast of England.As we shall soon see, this has had unpleasant consequences. Prime Minister to General Ismay to the Chiefs of Staff Committee, and to the Secretary of the Air Force January 7, 1942 In view of the naval situation in the Mediterranean, it was obviously urgent and important to send strong air reinforcements, especially torpedo planes, from the coastal defense air corps or bomber corps.Appropriate relaxation of the bomber offensive against Germany and other countries and ships must be accepted.General Arnold [1] told me that he would send two bomber fleets, eighty bombers, and some fighter squadrons to Ulster as soon as possible.Be sure to report what you are doing and whether Admiral Cunningham has been comforted. [1] Captain of the U.S. Army Air Corps. I was also troubled by the fear of a repeat of the Italian adventure at Scapa Flow. Prime Minister to First Sea Lord January 9, 1942 The very unpleasant events in Alexandria have made me think about the security of Scapa Flow against this type of attack.Are we actually patrolling the entrance with depth charges every twenty minutes?Undoubtedly, strong currents would have provided more protection than the calm waters of Alexandria. What is the situation now? The most important thing is to keep the enemy from knowing the real situation of our two large battleships anchored in Alexandria. I have now freed up some time to work on several difficult issues that have been bugging me.Of course, the Governor-General and Cabinet of India once again floated the idea of ​​a new constitution for India under which the Congress could unite for the common cause and their own security.We shall see this unhelpful fantasy in a later volume. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 7, 1942 I would like my colleagues to understand the dangers of raising the question of the constitution, and especially of its amendment, in India when the enemy is on the frontier.The idea that we can get more from India by bringing the Congress Party to power at this point seems unwarranted.But if any electoral or parliamentary basis is taken, that will be the inevitable outcome.Bringing hostile politicians into the defense establishment paralyzes the operation.Picking only friendly Indians will do no serious harm, but in any case it will not satisfy political demands.India's liberals, for all their rhetoric, have never been able to deliver.The Indian Army is fighting brilliantly, but it must be remembered that they are loyal to the Emperor of India, and the rule of the National Congress and the Indian Monastic Order will never be tolerated by a fighting nation. Two. I don't think you'll have any trouble with American public opinion.Everything I've seen about India in the newspapers has been extraordinarily restrained, especially since they went to war.Thoughts here are all focused on winning the war as early as possible.The first duty of the Congress nominees, who have gained control of the provincial government, is to resume their responsibilities as ministers and show that they can successfully carry out the enormous tasks entrusted to them at this critical time.Please convey these comments to the Cabinet.I trust that we will not depart from the positions we have taken prudently. I was very disturbed by the news that Mr. Eden brought back from Moscow about the Soviet Union's territorial ambitions, especially towards the Baltic states.These countries were conquered by Peter the Great and were under the rule of the Tsar for two hundred years.Since the Russian Revolution, they have been the European outposts against Bolshevism.These are the countries that are now called social democracies, but very active and violent.Hitler had abandoned them as collateral in his dealings with the Soviet Union before the outbreak of war in 1939.There had been a severe Russian and Communist purge there.All powerful figures and elements were eliminated in various ways.Since then, the life of these hardy peoples has gone underground.As we shall see, Hitler soon returned with a Nazi-style anti-purge.In the end, in the case of total victory, the USSR regained control of the countries.So the damned comb went back and forth several times over Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, but there was no doubt where the axiom lay. The Baltic states should be independent. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary January 8, 1942 We have never recognized the Russian borders of 1941 except in fact.These borders were acquired by acts of aggression in shameful collusion with Hitler.To hand over the people of the Baltic States to Soviet Russia against their will would violate all the principles on which we conducted this war and would dishonor our cause.This also applies to Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, and to a lesser extent Finland, for which, I presume, the conquest and annexation were not entirely intended. 2. Russia could raise the question of access to Leningrad on strategic grounds, which the Finns used to attack her.In the Baltic there are islands which may be necessary for the security of Russia.Strategic security may also be invoked on certain occasions against the borders of Bukovina or Bessarabia.In these cases, the residents must be evacuated if they wish, and compensated.In all other cases, the transfer of territory must be decided after the end of the war by a free and fair referendum, which is very different from the method proposed by Russia.In any case, there will be no talk of settling the border issue before the conference to conclude the peace treaty.I knew that President Roosevelt held this view as firmly as I did, and he expressed to me on several occasions his delight at the firm line we were taking in Moscow.If the British Cabinet yields to such a course, I cannot be its supporter. 3. I believe that our sincerity consists in upholding the principles of the Atlantic Charter which Stalin had endorsed.Our union with the United States also depends on this. V. Concerning the effect on Russia of our refusal to do at the present stage of the war something that would be detrimental to the peace negotiations, or to depart from the principles of the Atlantic Charter, it must be seen that they only participated when they were attacked by Germany Wars, while previously shown little concern for our fate, and they did increase our burdens at our greatest peril.Their armies fought valiantly and displayed undeniable prowess in their defense of their homeland.They are fighting for their own survival and never think about us.On the contrary, we are doing our best to aid them because we admire them for defending their country and because they joined the ranks against Hitler. 6. No one can predict what the balance of power will be at the end of the war, or where the armies of the victorious nations will go.But it seems probable that, far from exhausted, the United States and Great Britain will become the most powerful military and economic blocs the world has ever seen, and that the Soviet Union will need our assistance in building far more than we did then Much is needed of their assistance. 7. You have promised that we will study Russia's claims together with the United States and the Dominions.That promise is one we must keep.But there must be no misinterpretation of the opinion of any British government of which I am the head, that it adheres to the principles of liberty and democracy proclaimed in the Atlantic Charter, and that whenever there is a question of cession of territory, it must be These principles work exceptionally well. I think our answer, therefore, should be that all matters concerning the boundaries of territories must be left to the conference at which a peace treaty is concluded. Legally, that's the way things are. While I was at Palm Beach, I was of course in constant telephone contact with the President and the British staff in Washington, and I could also speak to London if necessary.An incident that was embarrassing at the time but interesting happened.Mr. Wendell Wilkie once asked to meet with me.At this time, the relationship between him and the president was tense.Roosevelt didn't seem at all enthusiastic about my meetings with prominent figures of the opposition, and I have refrained from doing so.But thinking of Wendell Wilkie's visit to England a year earlier, in January 1941, and the cordial relationship I had formed with him, I don't think I should have left the shores of America without meeting him. , which is also the opinion of our ambassador.So I called him on the evening of the 5th.After some time, I was told: Your phone is connected.I just said: I am very happy to talk to you, I hope we can meet.I'm going to take the train back tomorrow night.Can you get on a train at a certain point and travel with me for a few hours?where will you be next saturdayA voice answered and said: Well, right where I am now, by the desk.I replied: I don't understand.Who do you think you are talking to?I replied: To Mr. Wendell Wilkie, isn't it?The answer was, no, you're talking to the president.I couldn't hear clearly, so I asked, who? The answer was: You are speaking to me, Franklin Roosevelt.I said, I didn't want to disturb you at this time.I was going to speak to Wendell Wilkie, but your switchboard is wrong.The president said: "I hope you are doing well and being happy there.Then there was some pleasant chatter of private actions and plans, and at last I asked, I don't think you mind if I look forward to speaking with Wendell Wilkie?For this, Roosevelt said: I will not mind.So our conversation is over. It has to be remembered that this was in the early days of our friendly relationship, so when I got back to Washington I thought it would be good to hear from Harry Hopkins whether any offense had been done.Therefore, I wrote to him and said: Could you please tell me if there is anything considered inappropriate in my desiring to speak to the person we are speaking of, as I do believe that I am doing my duty by treating an important member of society with courtesy ; so unless you advise me to the contrary, I still intend to do so. Hopkins said no nuisance was caused. Now is the time to go home. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal January 9, 1942 3. From the telegrams you have received, you will see that I am not idle here. Indeed, the seclusion I have led has enabled me to focus matters more clearly than in the hectic state of Washington.我正在草擬一個論英美合作的重要文件，我將在回去以後立即同三軍參謀部商討，然後同總統商討。 四‧我非常高興地獲悉八日的辯論平和地過去了，並且下院願意推遲對主要問題的討論。當然，那些絮聒之言和咆哮之聲，已經完全報導到了這裡，並且人們會認為這是代表下院的意見的。曾經傳到這裡來的有幾句話對於美國的輿論是不甚有益的，所以我將對總統說明我們不再能夠控制個別議員表示奇特的意見，一如他不能控制美國國會裡來自邊遠地區的議員們的意見那樣。盼告知你和安東尼【１】發言的要點。 五‧設若我把在星期二的講話作為一種報告，而由別人緊接著動議休會，這可能是合宜的。這會使通常的批評能夠提出來而且我還保有答覆的權利。但是你或許會認為這是不必要的。我不禁感覺到我們有好多話要說，雖然我們不能把精采的部分說出來。 我於九日晚間乘火車啟程回華盛頓，十一日抵達白宮。途中一直忙於公務。