Chapter 108 Volume Three Chapter Thirty-Five The Trip to Washington and Ottawa

Arrival at the White House A heartfelt welcome Business is busy Anglo-American intervention in French North Africa I report to the War Cabinet our first discussion of the Grand Alliance project Mr Hull and the Free French Movement Mr Knox and Wake Island Australia's concerns I am on twelfth Report to Mr. Curtin on 25th christmas at the White House I addressed the Congress of the United States an unforgettable experience the day after christmas Southwest Pacific Command Appointed General Wavell A dead-end mission I extended my stay to visit Ottawa I Speech to the Canadian Parliament on December 30th Sir Harry Lauder's predictions on the future of the war Spent New Year's Eve on the train.

We had originally planned to take a boat up the Potomac River and then drive to the White House, but after nearly ten days at sea we were anxious to call it a day. Therefore, we made other arrangements to fly from the Hampton Park and landed at Washington Airport after dusk on December 22.The president waited there in his car.I squeezed his strong hand with reassurance and pleasure.Soon we arrived at the White House, which would in every sense be our home for the next three weeks.Here we were welcomed by Mrs. Roosevelt, who took pains to make our stay comfortable. I must confess that my mind was so busy with so many things and the personal tasks I had to accomplish that I retained only a vague impression of these days in my memory before I regained my senses.The distinguishing feature, of course, was my contact with the President.We met for a few hours a day and always had lunch together, with Harry Hopkins often by our side.We just talked about business and there was a lot of agreement on many fronts (big and small).Dinner is a more social occasion, but also has an atmosphere of intimacy and friendliness.The President was rigid in etiquette, and personally prepared the cocktails he drank at the beginning. I pushed the chair carriage he was sitting on from the living room to the elevator to show respect, and I also thought of Sir Walter Raleigh [1] spreading his coat on the The story before Queen Elizabeth.For nearly a decade the eminent statesman had carried his will into the reality of American life, and his mind seemed to respond to those impulses that tugged at my own heartstrings.I had already developed a very strong affection for him, which increased with the years of our acquaintance.Since both of us had to do a lot of work in bed, either by necessity or habit, whenever he wanted to come to me, he came to my room to interview and encouraged me to do the same with him.Hopkins lived in the room opposite my bedroom, and next to him, the map room for my travels was soon set up.The President was very interested in the setup that Captain Pym had done.He liked to come here and concentrate on studying the large map of various war zones that soon covered several walls, on which the movements of fleets and troops were accurately and quickly recorded.Before long, he also set up his own highly efficient map room.

【1】Sir Walter Raleigh (1552｜1618), the favorite of Queen Elizabeth; according to legend, once took off his gorgeous coat and spread it on the muddy road for the Queen to walk by.translator Days passed by the hour.I soon realized that I would have to address the United States Congress immediately after Christmas and the Canadian Parliament in Ottawa a few days later.These great events imposed heavy demands upon my life and energies, and were in addition to all the daily discussions and numerous daily affairs.In fact I don't know how I got it all done. A record of our first discussion on the night of the 22nd has survived.I immediately presented to the President and those he had invited to discuss the plans for Anglo-American intervention in French North Africa.The President, of course, had not yet read the papers I had written on board the ship, and I would not be able to hand them over to him until the next day.But he had evidently given my letter of October 20 a lot of thought.So we all find that we are in quite the same position.My reports back home show that we discussed important issues in depth during the night of our arrival.

Prime Minister's Letter to the War Cabinet and Chiefs of Staff Committee December 23, 1941 The President and I discussed the situation in North Africa last night (December 22).Mr Hull, Mr Wells, Mr Hopkins, Lord Beaverbrook and Lord Halifax also participated in the discussion. 2. We agreed that if Hitler were stopped in Russia, he would certainly try to do something else, and that the most likely route he would take would be to enter North Africa via Spain and Portugal.Our achievements in Libya, and the prospect of joining forces with French North Africa, were another reason for Hitler to want (if he could) to occupy Morocco as soon as possible.At the same time, according to reports, it does not appear that the threat is imminent, perhaps because Hitler still has enough things on his hands now.

3. We agree that pre-emptive containment of the Germans in Northwest Africa and the Atlantic Islands is of the utmost importance.For all other reasons, the two French battleships, Jean Bart and Richelieu, were real trophies to whoever captured them.So the content of the discussion is not whether to do it, but how to do it. 4. There have been various suggestions: (1) The American government can tell Vichy in very serious and resolute terms that this is their last chance to reconsider their situation and come to the side that guarantees the restoration of France.As an indication of this, Pétain could be invited to send Weygand to represent him at an Allied conference in Washington.

(2) It is possible to deal with Weygand on the basis of the situation in North Africa which has been fundamentally changed by the British advance and the American entry into the war and the intention to send an army to North Africa. 5. On the other hand, it has been suggested that the result of such a procedure might be smooth promises from Pétain and Weygand while the Germans were informed of our intentions at the same time, and that, therefore, if these dealings were to be dealt with, the proper course would be Whether invited or not [1], all plans for entering North Africa were made.I stress the enormous psychological effect that could have been had in France, and in the French army in North Africa, as a result of the American involvement.Mr Hull thinks that when things go down, it is likely that a leader will emerge in North Africa.

the president said he was eager to get united states ground forces back as soon as possible where they would be of greatest help and endorsed plans for entry into north africa in either case, invitation or not that opinion. 6. It was agreed that this plan should be referred to the staffs for study on the assumption that the preemptive containment of the Germans in that area was of the utmost importance and that the Libyan campaign had been, as expected, completely successful.It was acknowledged that the issue of ships was clearly the single most important factor. 7. The president and other Americans were clearly impressed and encouraged by my account of the progress of the war in Libya.

8. During the conversation, the President mentioned that he would propose at a future meeting that the United States replace our army in Northern Ireland, and that he would send three or four divisions there.I warmly welcome this and say that I hope there will be an armored division in those divisions.It was not thought to conflict with the preparations to send an American army to North Africa. The first major plan the President presented to me after a day or two was to draw up a solemn declaration to be signed by all the nations that were at war with Germany and Italy or with Japan.The President and I prepared drafts of the manifesto separately and put them together, repeating our approach to the Atlantic Charter.In principle, in feeling, and indeed in words, we are completely in agreement.At home, the War Cabinet was immediately amazed and shocked by the scale of the proposed grand alliance.There were many swift exchanges of telegrams and some difficult questions arose as to which governments and authorities were to sign the declaration, and as to the order of precedence.We gladly give America the first place.The war cabinet was quite rightly reluctant to include India as a separate sovereign state.Mr. Hull objected to the insertion of the word Authority, which I meant to include the organization of the Free French Movement, which at that time was not in the favor of the State Department of the United States.

This was my first meeting with Mr. Cordell Hull, and I had several meetings with him.In my opinion, he wasn't exactly close to being president at the time.It struck me that, amidst many great events, one small one seemed to dominate his thoughts.Before I left England, General de Gaulle informed us that he wanted to liberate the Île Saint-Pierre and Miquelon held by Admiral Robert, Governor of Vichy.The naval fleet of Free France is perfectly capable of doing this, and the British Foreign Office sees no reason to object.But as happened later, the U.S. State Department wanted a Canadian Expeditionary Force to occupy it.So we asked de Gaulle to stop, which he did say he would do.However, he ordered his admiral Miselier to take the islands.The sailors of the Free France were warmly received by the people, and a referendum showed a ninety percent majority against Vichy.

【1】The two islands are in the south of Newfoundland, a French colony.translator The incident had little effect on Mr. Hull.He believed that State Department policy had been violated.He issued a statement on Christmas day saying: "Our initial information indicates that the actions taken by the so-called [1] Free French ships on St. Pierre and Miquelon were arbitrary actions and violated the agreement of all parties concerned. , and indeed without the prior knowledge or consent of the U.S. government in any sense.He intended to expel the Free French from the two islands they had liberated from the Vichy government, but American public opinion strongly held another view.They were pleased to see that the two islands had been liberated at this grave moment.For a detestable radio station on these islands, which is spreading Vichy lies and poison to the world, and which probably sends secret signals to German U-boats now hunting American ships, must be silenced.The term so-called Liberal France aroused almost universal indignation.

I am aware of Mr. Hull's real talents, and have the utmost respect for him, but I think he has pushed what was at most a departmental problem far beyond its sphere.In our day-to-day conversations, I see that the president is not happy with the whole thing.In short, there are many other troubles haunting us, or about to fall on us.At the strong urging of the Foreign Office, I supported General de Gaulle and the so-called Free France.There have been many chapters in American and French books about this event, but our main discussion has not been affected by this incident in the slightest. Mr. Knox, Secretary of the Admiralty, came into my room one afternoon, looking very distressed.He said: You have met many disasters.Please tell me how you feel about the following things.We had ordered our fleet to go to a battle with the Japanese for the relief of Wake Island, but, within hours of sailing, the admiral had decided to turn back.How do you treat your admiral in a situation like this?I replied that it was dangerous to interfere with Admirals when they said they could do nothing.They're always arguing about the weather, or the fuel, or something else.Wake Island fell that day after being desperately held by a handful of American Marines who inflicted losses on the Japanese far greater than their own numbers before they were killed or captured. We must try to appreciate the mood into which the Australian Government has been thrown by the appalling efficiency of the Japanese war apparatus.Control of the Pacific was lost; three of their best divisions were in Egypt and one was in Singapore.They learned that Singapore was in mortal danger, and they feared that Australia itself would actually be invaded. All their large cities, containing more than half of the continent's population, are located on the coast.A collective retreat into the interior, the formation of partisans without arsenals or supplies, loomed before their eyes.The assistance from the mother country is far away, and the military power of the United States can only be gradually built up on the seas of Oceania.I myself do not believe that the Japanese would cross three thousand miles to invade Australia when they had so much attractive game in their hands in the Dutch East Indies and Malaya.The Australian Cabinet saw a different picture, and the strong omens worried them all.Even in this hour of peril, they persisted in partisanship.The Labor government has only a two-vote majority.They even objected to the compulsory military service for the defense of the homeland.Although the opposition parties were allowed to participate in the military conference, a national coalition government was not formed. I call Mr. Curtin as follows: Prime Minister to Prime Minister of Australia December 25, 1941 Immediately after Japan entered the war we transferred the British Eighteenth Division, which was sailing around the Cape of Good Hope in the American transport, to Bombay and Ceylon with the President's permission, and Mr. Roosevelt has now agreed to load the American transport Mount Vernon The main (British) brigade went straight to Singapore.We have canceled plans to transfer the 17th Indian Division from India to Persia, which is now on its way to Malaya.A week ago I radioed from a ship to London proposing that you recall an Australian division from Pakistan and send it into India to replace the rest of the troops sent there, or, if that can be arranged, go directly to Singapore.I have convinced the military authorities that it is important not to devote all the troops needed to defend the passages of Singapore and Johor to defending the northern part of the Malay peninsula. They will be retreating slowly, delaying and disrupting traffic. 2. The heavy losses suffered by the United States and our Navy have given the Japanese the ability to land with large reinforcements, but we do not share the views expressed in your telegram of December 24 to Mr. Casey, We believe that the fortress of Singapore is in danger of falling soon, because we are determined to defend it with the utmost perseverance. 3. You have been informed that air units supporting you are on their way.It would be unwise to disregard General Auchinleck's judgment and loosen his grip on Rommel and Libya by diverting his forces while victory is within our grasp.We have instructed the commanders-in-chief in the Middle East to agree on a plan to send fighter jets and tanks to Singapore as soon as the situation in Libya permits. 4. The Chiefs of Staff and I are in close consultation with the President and his advisers, and we have made encouraging progress.Not only did they feel the importance of retaining Singapore, but they were eager to continually deploy troops and aircraft from Australia to relieve the Philippine Islands if possible.If the Philippine archipelago fell, the president could agree to bring troops and planes to Singapore.He was also very willing to send a large number of troops to Australia, because the Americans were eager to establish an important base in the war against Japan in Australia.General Wavell had been appointed Commander-in-Chief of Burma and India, and had been ordered to supply reinforcements arriving in India to the Malaya and Burma fronts. Like everyone else, he recognized the vital importance of Singapore.General Bonnard has now arrived.He was a very capable Army officer. 5. You may count on me to endeavor to strengthen the whole front from Rangoon to Port Darwin.I'm seeking cooperation from our American allies.I'll be telegraphing more definitively in a day or two. Simple celebrations adorn our Christmas.The traditional Christmas tree was set up in the White House gardens, and the President and I made short speeches from the balcony to the many crowds gathered in the gloom.I have ventured to post here the words I have used, because they seem to have flowed quite naturally from my heart on this occasion and in this environment. I'm far away from my home country, far away from my family, yet I can't really say that I feel far away from home this Memorial Day.Whether by blood on my mother's side, by the friendships I've developed here through years of active life, by speaking the same language, kneeling before the same altar, and to a large extent I do not feel myself a stranger here in the heart and highest point of the republic, in the sublime affections which exist in the common cause of great peoples pursuing the same ideal. The unity and fraternal union I feel, together with your kindness in welcoming me, convince me that I have a right to sit by your firesides and share in your Christmas joy. It's a bizarre Christmas Eve.Almost the whole world is locked in a life-and-death struggle, while nations attack each other with the most terrible weapons that science can invent.If we cannot be sure that it is not lust for the land or riches of any other people, nor base ambition, nor an unhealthy desire for self-interest at the expense of others, that leads us to battle, then our Christmas season[1] It would be unfortunate for us.Here, in the tempest of war that has swept all land and sea and is drawing ever closer to our homeland, here, in the midst of all the chaos, we are tonight in every hut and in every open heart All get mental peace.So, this evening at least, we can put aside the worries and dangers that beset us, and give the children a night of joy in a stormy world.So there is only one night here, and every family in the whole English-speaking world should be a bright and bright island of joy and peace. 【1】Refers to December 24th to January 6th.translator Let the kids enjoy their night of play and laughter.Let Santa's presents brighten up their visit.Let us grown-ups enjoy our boundless pleasures with them, before returning once more to our serious tasks and to those not-so-leisure years that preceded us, determined that by our sacrifice and daring these children should not To be robbed of their inheritance by others, or denied the right to live in a free and good world. In God's mercy, I wish you all a Merry Christmas. The President and I went to church together on Christmas Day, and I found peace in the simple ceremony and sang with admiration the famous hymns, one of which, O Little Town Bethlehem, I never heard.Indeed, for all who believe that the universe is under the dominion of spirits, this can greatly strengthen his belief. I went to fulfill my invitation to address the United States Congress in a state of excitement.The occasion is important to what I believe to be the invincible union of the English-speaking peoples.I have never addressed a foreign parliament before.But as far as I am concerned, since my maternal lineage can be traced back five generations to a lieutenant in George Washington's army, it is possible to feel a blood right to our common cause. The representatives of this great republic of our country made speeches.It is indeed strange that things should have taken such a turn; and, undeservingly as it may be, I again felt that I was being used in some decided scheme (perhaps I may be forgiven for mentioning this). I spend most of Christmas day preparing my speech.The President wished me luck as I set out from the White House to the Capitol on December 26, accompanied by the leaders of the House and Senate.There seemed to be large crowds along those broad thoroughfares, but precautions for safety (which in America went far beyond what was customary in England) kept them far apart, with two or three cars full of armed plainclothes policemen. Cars gathered around us to guard.As soon as I got out of the car, out of a strong sense of brotherhood, I wanted to go up to the cheering crowd, but I was not allowed to.The scene inside the chamber was moving and extraordinary. The semicircular hall I saw through a row of loudspeakers was already packed. I must admit that I feel quite at home and feel more confident than I sometimes do in the House of Commons.People listen to what I have to say with the utmost kindness and attention. During my speech, people laughed and clapped exactly where I expected them to.The loudest reaction was when I talked about the atrocities in Japan and asked, what kind of people do they think of us?when.From this solemn assembly, I am constantly aware of the capabilities and will of the American nation.Who doubted that all would be well? I ended my speech by saying: Members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, I take another moment to move from the current strife and turmoil to the broader foundations of the future.Together we are here to defend against a mighty foe that seeks to destroy us; together we are here to defend all that the free men hold dear.Twice in just one generation the catastrophe of a world war has befallen us; twice in our lifetime the long arm of fortune has stretched across the ocean to bring America to the forefront of the war.Had we been united since the last war, if we had taken common measures for our own security, we would never have faced this scourge again. Have we not a duty to ourselves, to our children, to suffering humanity, to ensure that these catastrophes do not engulf us a third time?It has been proved that a vicious disease can break out in the old world and bring destructive disasters to the new world, and once it begins to spread, the new world cannot be escaped; this has been proved.We are driven by duty and prudence, first, to regularly and vigilantly examine and promptly deal with the epicenters of hate and vengeance, and, secondly, to establish a proper In the earliest period, it was controlled before it spread and became rampant all over the world. Five or six years ago, the United States and Great Britain could have easily insisted, without shed a drop of blood, that Germany fulfill the disarmament clauses of the treaties it signed after the world wars, and had the opportunity to secure for Germany what we proclaimed in the Atlantic Charter Those raw materials that should not be denied to any country (whether victorious or defeated) have passed, and that time has passed, gone forever.Bringing us together again used to take a great hammering, or, if you will allow me to use another language, this man must be deluded if he doesn't see that there is some kind of great purpose in this world and the plan is being completed, and we are honored to be its loyal servants.We have not been gifted with the ability to peer into the mysteries of the future.But I still declare my firm and inviolable hope and belief that in the years to come the peoples of England and America, for their own safety and for the good of all, will march side by side in dignity, integrity and peace. Later, the leaders followed me and approached the crowd surrounding the chamber so that I could greet them cordially; Back at the White House, the President once heard my speech, and he told me that I spoke very well. In Washington people are tense activities.During these days of constant contact and discussion, I surmise that the President, along with his staff and advisers, is formulating an important proposal for me.In the military sphere, as in the sphere of commerce or production, the American mind naturally gravitates toward clear, comprehensive, logical conclusions on the largest scale.Their actual thinking and actions are based on these conclusions.They feel that once the foundation has been planned on true and broad lines, all the other stages will follow naturally and almost inevitably.The British mind is very different from this.We do not think that logical and definite principles are necessarily the only keys to what should be done under rapidly changing and indefinable circumstances.Especially in war, we pay more attention to adaptability and temporary arrangements. We try to survive and win according to the unfolding events, rather than longing to dictate events with some basic decisions. There is a lot of room for debate about these two opinions.The disagreement is on emphases, but it's deep-rooted. Harry Hopkins said to me: Don't be in a hurry to say no to what the president is going to propose to you before you know who we are after.In light of this, I see the looming issue of establishing a Supreme Allied Command and drawing lines in Southeast Asia. The next day I was informed that the Americans had proposed Wavell.I have been congratulated for the selection of a British commander, but it seems to me that the theater commanded by this commander will soon be captured by the Japanese attack and the troops that could be assigned to him will be wiped out .I found the same reaction from the Chiefs of Staff of the British Armed Forces when they were informed of the incident. The record states that I told them at a meeting on December 26 that I had absolutely no belief that this arrangement was feasible or appropriate.The situation there was that certain strategic points had to be defended, and the commander of each district knew exactly what he was supposed to do.The hard problem is applying the resources shipped to that area.This is a problem that can only be addressed by those governments concerned.Even so, it is obvious that we must conform to the views of the United States. Mr. Attlee sent me his and the Cabinet's congratulations on my address to Congress, and in reply I began to ask him the question of Southwest Pacific Command. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal December 28, 1941 I am pleased to hear that you were satisfied with my speech.The welcome is beyond ordinary.Here the work goes on most enthusiastically.Today, the President and I spent five hours meeting and speaking to representatives of all the other allied or friendly countries and the British Dominions.My meetings with the President have become increasingly intimate and friendly.Beaverbrook has also excelled on supply issues. 2. The issue of unity of command in the Southwest Pacific has become an urgent issue.Last night the President urged me to appoint a single officer to command the British, American and Dutch land, navy and air forces, and this morning General Marshall, who was at my invitation to visit, insisted very strongly on the matter.American Admiralty officials were dissenting, but a new and far-reaching arrangement would surely be made. The president's preferred candidate was General Wavell.Marshall has apparently further developed a detailed plan and drafted a draft order.So far I have been critical of the plan, and while I admire the magnanimity of the proposal, I have expressed concern about its effect on American public opinion.The chiefs of staff have been working on this question all day, and I shall telegraph my considered opinion after receiving their opinion tonight. 3. I will leave for Ottawa tomorrow afternoon, stay two full days, and will address the Canadian Parliament on Tuesday; and then return here for another three or four days, because there are many things to decide.We are making great efforts to find the ships needed for the various necessary troop movements.Warmest regards to all colleagues. It is a very pleasant thing to act on such a certain basis. It was necessary to satisfy the pressing desires of the President and General Marshall before I could have any considered opinion from my own side.Events moved too quickly to be discussed at length across the Atlantic.The twenty-eighth passed in the midst of my meeting with the President and my colleagues drafting the following series of telegrams stating the facts in carefully worded words. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal December 29, 1941 I have agreed with the President that we should accept his proposal, subject to Cabinet approval, which was most enthusiastically endorsed by General Marshall: (1) A unified command should be established in the Southwest Pacific.The boundaries have not yet been finally drawn, but Gu considers them to include the Malay Peninsula, including the Burmese front, to the Philippine Islands, and southwards to those necessary supply bases, principally the port of Darwin, and the supply lines to northern Australia. (2) General Wavell should be appointed Commander-in-Chief, or if you prefer, Supreme Commander, of all the land, sea and air forces of the United States, Great Britain, the British Empire, and Holland which may be assigned to that theater of operations by the respective Governments. (3) General Wavell's headquarters should initially be located in Surabaya, and he will have an American officer as his deputy commander in chief.It looked like General Brett might be elected. (4) The naval forces of the United States, Great Britain, Australia, and the Netherlands in the theater of operations shall be assigned to the command of the Naval Commander of the United States in accordance with the general rules prescribed in subsections (1) and (2). (5) It is intended for General Wavell to establish a staff in the South Pacific sector, as Foch's Senior Commanding Staff had formerly done for those large Anglo-French army staffs in France.He will take orders from an appropriate joint agency that will be accountable to me as Secretary of Defense and to the President, who is also Commander-in-Chief of all United States forces. (6) The principal commanders included in the Wavell area will be the Commander-in-Chief of Burma, Commander-in-Chief of Singapore and Malaya, Commander-in-Chief of the Dutch East Indies, Commander-in-Chief of the Philippine Islands and the Southern Line of Communication via the South Pacific and Northern Australia Commander in Chief. (7) For India, an acting commander-in-chief must be appointed, and Australia will have its own commander-in-chief. Except as stated above, India and Australia will not be within the jurisdiction of General Wavell. The United Kingdom and the Middle East, on the other hand, are the two bases through which personnel and supplies from the United States are transported into combat areas. (8) The United States Navy will continue to be responsible for the entire Pacific Ocean east of the Philippine Islands and Oceania, including the passage from the United States to Oceania. (9) Instructions to the Supreme Commander are being drawn up, which will safeguard the necessary residual interests of the governments concerned and will outline in general the tasks of the Supreme Commander.You should receive this draft shortly. 2. I have made no attempt to defend or refute our acceptance of this magnanimous and disinterested American proposal, which I am convinced of its merits as a means of winning.Action is urgent and may have to be done even before I return from Canada on January 1st.Of course there will be consultations with Australia, New Zealand and Holland, but not until I have been informed of the views of the War Cabinet.At this point, if agreed by all parties, the details will be worked out by the personnel here. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal December 29, 1941 Things move fast.The President has obtained the consent of the Departments of the United States War and Navy for the measures proposed in my last telegram and which the Committee of the Chiefs of Staff has also endorsed.Therefore, I eagerly await your approval.The President will propose to the Dutch when I tell him you agree.The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should do the same. You should also send the following telegram to General Wavell.Individuals here are working out the details alone and with the Americans.The status of Duff Cooper's mission needs to be examined and in no way complicate such larger solutions.Please tell me your opinion. I'm depending on you to keep the king informed and to get his approval. The advice I had to make to General Wavell was surely one that only the highest sense of duty could induce him to accept.He will have to bear the weight of failure in the chaos that is almost certain. Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal December 29, 1941 Please send the following to General Wavell after the general policy has been approved by the Cabinet: The President and his Army and Navy advisers have highlighted to me the urgent need for unity of command in the Southwest Pacific, and have shared the desire, especially urged by the President and General Marshall, that you be Supreme Commander of Allied Army, Navy, and Air Force assigned to that theater .The relevant instructions are being drafted and the terms will be announced soon.While I hope these articles will reassure you on the unprecedented points involved, I would certainly be happy to hear your views on them. 2. I am sure that you will value the trust shown in you, so I ask you to take up your task immediately.The matter is so urgent that the public announcement cannot be delayed by the details being worked out by the Chiefs of Staff Committee, and the latest date for publication is Thursday, January 1st. 3. You are the only person with the experience of simultaneously taking care of several separate theaters, and you know that we will support you and give you justice.Everyone recognizes how dark and difficult the situation is.The President will declare that your appointment was of his will. 四‧務請將你對於參謀部的意見告訴我，這個參謀部基本上將是一個前線參謀部，而不是一個實際指揮機構。如果你願意使波納爾充任你的參謀長，那麼，珀西瓦爾就可以擔任新加坡和馬來亞司令。 我已經在十二月二十七日把以下電報發給艾德禮先生： Prime Minister to Keeper of the Seal 一九四一年十二月二十七日 多謝你同意延長我逗留的時期。 我將在十二月三十日，星期二對加拿大下院演說。早在新年期間就要再生下一個蛋來（即在英國下院演說）是完全不可能的。 我乘十二月二十八日到二十九日的夜車到渥太華，住在總督阿斯隆勳爵處。我於二十九日出席加拿大戰時內閣的一個會議。以後，總理麥肯齊‧金介紹我同反對黨保守黨的領袖們會面，並讓我留下來同他們在一起。這幾位先生在忠誠和決心方面是無人勝過他們的，但是他們同時卻嘆息沒有獲得親自去進行戰爭的榮譽而不得不傾聽他們的反對黨自由黨的黨人們所表示出來的、為他們畢生擁護的許多意見。 我於三十日對加拿大議會演說。在永不休止的行政工作進行中，要準備我的兩篇越過大西洋去講述而又傳遍全世界的演說詞，是一種極其辛苦的費力的工作。對於一位頑強的政界人物來說，講演並不是一種重大的負擔，但是在這樣一種帶電的大氣中，要選擇什麼是要說的，什麼是不要說的話，卻令人擔心和為難。我盡了自己的力量來準備。在加拿大講述的演說中最成功之處就在說到維希政府的地方，加拿大仍然與這個政府保持著關係。 （在一九四○年）到北非去，這是他們的職責，也是他們的利益所在，他們在那裡本來會居於法蘭西帝國的領導地位。在非洲，在我們的援助下，他們會擁有壓倒優勢的制海權。他們會得到美國的承認，並且可以利用他們儲存在海外的所有的黃金。假如他們這樣做，意大利可能已經在一九四○年年終以前被迫退出戰爭，法國將會在同盟國的會議中，以及在戰勝國的會議桌上，維持住它的國家地位。可是他們的將軍們把他們引入了歧途。當我警告他們說，不管他們怎樣做，不列顛將單獨繼續作戰的時候，他們的將軍們對他們的總理和他的分裂的內閣說：三個星期之後，英國將要像一隻小雞那樣扭斷自己的脖子。Hey!什麼小雞，什麼脖子，這是多麼惡意的話呀！ 這進行得很好。為了引起回憶，我引述了哈里‧勞德爵士的關於上次大戰的歌曲，這首歌曲的開頭一句是： 如果我們大家回顧過去的歷史 我們就能夠正確地說出我們現 在的地位。 我在講稿中寫的是那位偉大的老喜劇作家。我在快講到這兒時想到了吟遊詩人這個字眼。這是一個多麼好的改進！我歡欣地知道他那時正在傾聽，並且由於被引述到而感到高興。我覺得非常高興的是，我為一個憑著他的激動人心的歌曲和勇敢的生平而對蘇格蘭民族和英帝國有過不可估量的功勞的人找到一個正確的字眼了。 在演說結束時，我大膽地試圖對戰爭前途予以預測。 我們可以觀察到當前戰爭的三個主要時期或階段。首先是鞏固、聯合和進行最後準備的時期。在這個必然以有著很多劇烈的戰事為特徵的時期中，我們將仍然在聚集我們的力量，抵抗敵人的進攻，並取得必要的壓倒一切的空中優勢與船舶噸位，以使我們的陸軍不論所需要的人數是多少都能夠渡過把我們和敵人隔開來的海洋（俄國的情況除外）。只有當美國已經取得那麼大的進展的，而你們正在予以有力援助的那個巨大的造船計劃的進行達到高潮時，我們才能夠把我們的全體男丁和現代科學裝備的力量對準敵人。這一個時期將持續多久，要看投入所有我們的軍事工業和造船廠中的生產努力的熱情如何而定。 然後開始的第二階段可以稱作解放階段。在這個階段中，我們必須以收復已經失去或者還要失去的領土為目的，我們也必須指望被征服的民族從拯救和解放他們的軍隊與空軍大批出現於他們的國境時起舉行起義。為了這個目的，被敵人攻佔的國家或地區，被征服的政府或政權，不應當鬆懈為了那個得到救援的日子而作出的精神上和物質上的努力和準備。侵略者（不論是德國人還是日本人）在各處都必須被當作應當盡可能避開和隔離的患傳染病的人。在不可能進行積極抵抗的情況下，必須維持消極抵抗。必須使侵略者和暴君們感覺到他們的曇花一現的勝利將要遭到可怕的清算，他們就是被追緝的人，他們的事業是注定要失敗的。對於充當敵人的工具的那些賣國賊和叛徒們，將予以特別的懲罰，將把他們移交給他們的同胞們去審判。 有一個第三階段也得加以籌劃，這就是對歐亞兩洲的犯罪國家的城堡和本土進攻。 這樣，我企圖用幾句話來闡明未來的暗淡和不可測度的奧秘。但是在這樣對我們應當力圖循以前進的道路加以預測時，我們絕不可忘記的是敵人的力量和敵人的行動可以在每一個階段影響到我們的命運。而且你們當注意到我沒有企圖給各個階段以任何時限上的規定。這些時限，要看我們的努力、我們的成就和戰爭的危險而變化無常的進程而定。 我很幸運，在華盛頓和渥太華的這些演說都很合時宜。這兩篇演說的發表，是正當我們大家由於同盟的建立和它帶來壓倒優勢的潛力而能夠感到歡欣鼓舞的時候，並且又是在日本經過長期的、不可思議的準備而進行的襲擊使一連串的損失降臨到我們頭上以前。甚至在我以自信的語調講話時，我能預先感覺到不久即將打在我們裸露的皮肉上的鞭撻。在太平洋和印度洋上以及在這些大洋的波濤所衝擊的一切亞洲的陸地和島嶼上，不僅英國和荷蘭，而且美國也不得不付出駭人的代價。擺在我們面前的必然是一個無限的軍事災難時期。 在光明再來到以前，我們必須忍受許多黑暗和令人厭倦的遭受失敗和損失的月分。當我在除夕乘火車回華盛頓時，我被邀請到坐滿了許多美國的重要新聞記者的車廂裡去。我並不是抱有幻想地去祝賀他們大家度過一個光榮的新年。一九四二年即將來臨。這將是辛苦的一年奮鬥和危難的一年，並且是走向勝利的一大步。祝我們大家都安全而光榮地度過這一年！