Chapter 129 Volume 4, Chapter 19, Molotov's Visit

Soviet demands on the Baltic States Negative by the United States I moderated my objections March 7 to President Roosevelt Telegram Anglo-Russian relations during a period of friendliness Britain declares that if Hitler uses poison gas on Russia Germany will be gassed in retaliation Contrary to Stalin's Correspondence Concerning Proposals for Molotov's Visit to London and Washington He Arrives in London on May 20th Conversation on May 22 Concerning the 1942 Cross-Channel Operation Lack of Landing Craft Molotov Consults My Russian Prospects I promise we will fight whatever happens. Aiden suggests replacing a Territorial Agreement with an Anglo-Russian Alliance Treaty. Negotiations have improved. Our Russian guests at Checkers had an amicable exchange with Stalin. Report to President Roosevelt. Lotov returns to London Communiqué on the 11th of June concerning the opening of the Second Front in 1942 I defend our position with a memorandum We cannot make any promises The progress of the main battles on the Russian battlefield Sevas The fall of Topol.

In December 1941, when Mr. Eden visited Moscow, he encountered a special request from the Russian government to recognize the current status of the Soviet Union's western border.The Russians were particularly eager for explicit recognition of Russian occupation of the Baltic states and the new Russian frontier with Finland within the framework of a general treaty of alliance.Mr. Eden refuses to take any responsibility on this matter, emphasizing, among other reasons, that we have assured the United States Government that no secret agreements on territorial changes will be concluded while the Great War is on.

At the conclusion of this meeting, it was agreed that Mr. Eden should convey the Soviet request to the British Cabinet and the United States, and that it should be considered in future negotiations for the formal conclusion of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty.The United States Government has been notified of all this. Their attitude towards the Russian proposal was clear and negative.In the eyes of the Americans, accepting such a requirement is a direct violation of the principles of the Atlantic Charter. When I arrived in Washington the day after the United States entered the war, I heard Mr. Eden report that when the Soviet government wanted to annex the Baltic states, as indicated in the telegrams published in the previous volume, I had expressed my disapproval.But now, three months later, under the stress of events, I don't think that moral position can really be maintained.In a fight to the death, those who fight for a great cause should not be burdened with more than they can bear.

My attitude towards the Baltic States has not changed, nor has it changed, but I think that at this point it is too late to procrastinate. former navy personnel to president roosevelt March 7, 1942 If Winant had been with you, he would have given you the opinion of our Foreign Office regarding Russia.The increasing seriousness of the war made me feel that the principles of the Atlantic Charter should not be interpreted in such a way as to deny Russia the frontiers which it possessed when Germany attacked it.It was on this basis that Russia joined the Atlantic Charter, and, I suppose, after occupying the Baltic states at the outset of the war, the Russians must have taken drastic measures to clear these areas of hostile elements.Therefore, I hope that you will allow me to act freely and conclude the treaty with Stalin as soon as he wishes.Everything pointed to a massive German attack on Russia in the spring, and we were helpless against the only country with which the Germans were fighting.

Still, the President and the State Department stood by their position, but, as we shall see below, we finally came to a better conclusion. In Anglo-Russian relations, there was a period of friendliness at this time. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin March 9, 1942 1. I have telegraphed to President Roosevelt, urging him to agree to our treaty with you at the end of the war concerning the borders of Russia. 2. I have given clear instructions that the supply we have promised shall not be interrupted or delayed. 3. Now that the weather has improved, we have resumed our powerful air offensive against Germany day and night.We are also continuing to study other measures to ease some of the burden on your part.

4. The steady progress of the Russian army and the well-known losses of the enemy army are naturally a source of great encouragement for us in this difficult period. Premier Stalin to Prime Minister March 15, 1942 I am very grateful for your call to Kuibyshev on March 12. I would like to express to you the appreciation of the Soviet government for your telegram concerning measures to secure supplies to the Soviet Union and to intensify air strikes against Germany. I am convinced that, despite temporary defeats, the joint action of our forces will ultimately defeat our common enemy.On the battlefield against Hitler's Nazism, 1942 would be a decisive year for a turn of events.

With regard to the first point of your call, that is, the border question of the Soviet Union, I think that if the two parties are willing to accept the agreement and sign it, it is still necessary to exchange views on the terms of the agreement that are suitable for each party. Because of the general desire to find ways to assist the Soviets in the impending German offensive, and because of the fear that Germany would use poison gas, possibly mustard gas, on them, I have obtained the approval of the Cabinet to make a public statement: If the Germans attack the Russians With poison gas, we will also gas Germany in retaliation.

Prime Minister to Premier Stalin March 20, 1942 1. Thank you very much for your reply to my latest telegram on the 15th.Beaverbrook has gone to Washington, where he will facilitate the resolution of the Treaty with the President, as we have communicated between us and between our Governments. 2. Ambassador Maisky had lunch with me last week, and he referred to some evidence that the Germans will use poison gas against you in their attempted spring offensive.After discussion with my colleagues and the Chiefs of Staff, I wish to assure you that His Majesty's Government will treat the use of gas weapons against Russia as if it were used against ourselves.I have stockpiled gas bombs for delivery from aircraft; and, should your army and people come under such attack, we will not hesitate to use them against all suitable targets in western Germany.

3. As for whether we should issue a public warning at an appropriate time, explaining that this is our decision.Consider this question, for such warnings may prevent the Germans from adding this new terror to the world's terror.Let me know your opinion on the matter, and whether, in view of the German preparations, you think this warning is justified. 4. There is no urgency at the moment.I need, of course, to have sufficient time to prepare my country's precautions against poison gas before I take measures which will expose our cities to this new type of attack. 5. I believe that you will give the new ambassador of our country the opportunity to submit this letter in person and have the convenience of negotiating with you in person.Before he went to your country, he had, as you know, been in close personal contact with General Chiang Kai-shek for the past four years.I think he has enjoyed the great respect and confidence of the general; I hope and believe that he will also enjoy the same respect and confidence from you.He and I have been good friends for many years.

Premier Stalin to Prime Minister March 30, 1942 1. I am most grateful for the letter which was recently forwarded to me by Sir Clark Kerr.I had a long talk with Sir Clark Kerr, and I have no doubt that our joint work will take place in an atmosphere of total mutual trust. 2. I wish to express to you that the Government of the Soviet Union has pledged to the Government of the United Kingdom to treat the use of poison gas by the Germans against the Soviet Union as against Britain, (and) that the British Air Force will immediately use the stockpile of the United Kingdom against appropriate targets in Germany Lots of gas bombs, much appreciated.

At this time, too, the President was on good terms with the Soviets and, as we saw in the previous chapter, mentioned Molotov's visit to Washington.He would have preferred that the envoy go to America first, but Stalin had other plans. Premier Stalin to Prime Minister April 23, 1942 Recently, the Soviet Government received from Mr. Eden two drafts of the Soviet-British agreement, which differ in certain specific facts from the terms of the agreement discussed by Mr. Eden when he was in Moscow.Since these drafts reflected new differences of opinion which could not be resolved by correspondence, the Soviet Government decided to send Mr. Molotov to London in spite of all obstacles, in order to resolve by personal consultations all the problems preventing the signing of the agreement.The question of opening a second front in Europe (which was brought up by the President of the United States in his last letter to me, in which he invited Mr. Molotov to Washington to discuss it) required a preliminary exchange of representatives of our two Governments opinion, it is even more necessary to do so. Please accept my congratulations and wish you success in your battle against the enemies of England. former navy personnel to president roosevelt April 24, 1942 With regard to your call about Molotov's itinerary, I have received a letter from Stalin saying that he is sending Molotov here to discuss certain differences in the terms of our agreement because he wishes to resolve them as soon as possible. .He might even be on his way.You must understand that I can no longer advise him to change the schedule of the visit.Therefore, I intend to agree to discuss our draft as soon as Molotov makes his surprise visit and hope that the main obstacle will be removed immediately.But I will suggest to him that he go to Washington to see you before finally signing. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin April 24, 1942 I thank you for your call of April 23rd.We certainly welcome Mr. Molotov, and I am sure we will be able to do useful work with him.I am glad that you can approve this visit, because I believe this visit is extremely valuable. Molotov did not arrive until May 20, and formal discussions took place the next morning.On this day and at two subsequent meetings, the Russians maintained their old position and even specifically raised the question of agreeing to the Russian occupation of eastern Poland. This was rejected as incompatible with the Anglo-Polish Agreement of August 1939.Molotov also offered to recognize Russia's claims to Romania in a secret agreement.This also runs counter to our understanding with the United States.As a result, talks within the Foreign Office, chaired by Mr Eden, although extremely friendly, have come to an impasse. In addition to the treaty issue, Molotov came to London to test our attitude towards opening a second front, so on the morning of May 22, I had a formal meeting with him. Molotov said at the beginning that he was sent by the Soviet government to London to discuss the establishment of a second front.This is not a new problem.It had been raised about ten months ago, and now, especially recently, it has been promoted by President Roosevelt, who suggested that Mr. Stalin send him (Molotov) to America to discuss the matter.Although it was the United States that initiated the present discussions, the Soviet government believed that he should go to the United States via London, since the main task of organizing a second front would fall first to the British.What happens on the Russian battlefield in the coming weeks and months will have serious consequences for the Soviet Union and its allies.The Soviet government attached great importance to and appreciated the material assistance provided by Britain and the United States.However, the most pressing problem is to open up a second front.The purpose of his visit was to find out what the British government thought of the prospect of withdrawing at least forty German divisions from the Soviet Union in 1942, since the present comparison of armed forces in the Soviet seems to have an advantage.Can the allies do the above things? In my reply, I outlined to Molotov our common views on future operations on the Continent.In previous wars the power which possesses the command of the sea has had the great advantage of being able to land on the coast of the enemy at will, since it is impossible for the enemy to prepare every point for a sea attack.The whole situation has changed since the advent of the Air Force.In France and the Low Countries, for example, the enemy can move air forces to any threatened point along the coast within a few hours; military strategy.A corollary of this is that most of the coast of the continent will be unavailable for our landing.Therefore, we can only consider our operations on that coast where we have the advantage and fighters can gain air supremacy.In fact, our options are limited to the Pas de Calais, the tip of Cherbourg, and parts of Brest.Landings in one or more of these areas this year have been studied and preparations are being made.Our plans were based on the assumption that the landing of successive attacking groups would inevitably give rise to an air battle which, if continued for a week or ten days, would practically collapse the enemy's air force on the Continent.Once this is achieved, and air resistance removed, we will be able to land from other points under the cover of our superior navy.The crucial issue in planning and preparation was the availability of the special landing craft necessary for the advance landing on the heavily defended enemy coast.Unfortunately, our capabilities with this particular boat are extremely limited.I raised this point as early as last August when the Atlantic Conference was held; and I made President Roosevelt feel deeply that the United States has an urgent need to build tank landing craft and other offensive ships as much as possible.Later, in January of this year, the president also agreed that the United States must do more to build such ships.On our part, for more than a year we have produced as many offensive ships as we can while building the necessary ships for the heavily damaged naval and merchant ships. However, two points must be kept in mind.First, despite good intentions and best efforts, nothing we did in 1942, even if successful, could have caused the enemy to move large numbers of ground troops away from the Eastern Front.In the air, however, the situation is different.Already in each theater we have one-half of Germany's strength in fighters and one-third in bombers.If our plan to force an air battle on the Continent proves successful, the Germans will have to choose between two paths: either sit back and let their fighter capabilities be destroyed in the Western Front, or withdraw from the Eastern Front out of their air force. The second point concerns the suggestion to Molotov.Our aim is to get the Germans to remove from Russia (including those now on the Western Front) no less than forty divisions.It must be noted that we are at present in Libya against eleven Axis divisions, three of which are German; in Norway against the equivalent of eight German divisions; in France and the Low Countries against twenty Five German divisions. There were thus a total of forty-four German divisions. However, we are not satisfied with this.If any further efforts and plans can be made to lighten Russia's burden within this year, we will not hesitate to put them into practice, as long as they are sound and sensible.It is clear that if some of our actions have catastrophic consequences and allow the enemy to take advantage of our defeats to make a big splash, if it is done at any cost, then not only for the Russian cause, but also for the The whole cause of the Allies was no good. Mr Molotov said he believed Britain sincerely wanted the Soviets to be victorious against Germany this summer.From the perspective of the British government, what were the prospects for Soviet victory?He was willing to hear frank opinions, good or bad, regardless of the opinion of the British government. I said that it is difficult to make a definite judgment on this issue without a detailed understanding of the resources and reserve forces of both sides.Last year, military experts, including German experts, believed that the Soviet Army would be overwhelmed and defeated. They were in fact quite wrong.As a result, Soviet troops not only defeated Hitler, but brought his army to the brink of collapse.Therefore, Russia's allies have confidence in the strength and combat effectiveness of the Soviet army.Information obtained by the British government did not point to any particular massing of German forces on the Eastern Front.In addition, the large-scale offensive threatened in May may not be able to start before June.In any case, Hitler's offensive this year does not seem to be as ferocious or as threatening as it was in 1941. Then, Mr. Molotov asked, what position and attitude would the British government adopt if the Soviet army could not hold out in 1942? I said that if the military power of the Soviet Union was greatly weakened by the German onslaught, Hitler would probably withdraw as much ground troops and air forces as possible back to the Western Front in order to invade Britain.He may also go straight down to the Caucasus and Persia via Baku.This latter advance would expose us to serious dangers, and we would never be content to have enough forces to resist it.Therefore, our fate is closely related to the resistance of the Soviet army.However, if things go against our wishes, if they fail, and we will continue to fight when the situation can no longer get worse, we hope that with the help of the United States, we can establish an overwhelming superiority in the air force, then our future Within eighteen months or two years it would be possible to carry out devastating air raids on German cities and industries.In addition, we will continue to blockade and launch landing warfare against the weakening hostile forces on the mainland.Britain and the United States are bound to win in the end.It should not be overlooked that, after the fall of France, Britain fought alone for a full year with few ill-equipped troops against Hitler's large and victorious army.But what a tragedy for mankind is the prolongation of this war; how earnest are our hopes for Russia's victory; How strong is the desire that we should do everything in our power to defeat the wicked enemy! At the end of our talk, I asked Mr. Molotov not to forget the difficulty of attacking across the sea.After the defeat of France, we in England were almost defenseless with a few ill-equipped divisions, less than a hundred tanks and less than two hundred guns.However, Hitler did not attempt an invasion because he could not gain air supremacy.What we are facing now is the same difficulty. On May 23rd, Mr. Eden proposed to replace the Territorial Agreement with a general open treaty of alliance for twenty years, without mentioning the borders at all.That evening, the Russians showed signs of backing down.They were impressed by the unity of opinion of the Anglo-American governments they faced.The next morning, Mr. Molotov obtained Stalin's approval to start negotiations on the basis of Mr. Eden's draft.Moscow proposed some minor amendments, mainly emphasizing the long-term nature of the proposed alliance.This treaty, which did not define any territory, was signed on the twenty-sixth of May.This gave me great comfort, far better results than I dared to imagine.Aiden was brilliant in making this new suggestion just in time. After this major issue was settled, Molotov left for Washington to conduct general military negotiations with the President and his advisers on the opening of a second front.It was agreed that Molotov, after hearing the views of the United States, should return to London for final consultations on the matter before returning to Moscow. Our Russian guests indicated that they wished to live outside London during their stay, so I put the Checkers at their disposal.During this period I remained in the new building at Storey Gate.On two nights, however, I went to Checkers.There I had the opportunity to have long, personal conversations with Ambassadors Molotov and Maisky.Maisky is an excellent translator, not only able to translate quickly and calmly, but also very knowledgeable.With the aid of a well-developed map, I have attempted to explain what we are doing, and, explaining the limitations and characteristics of an island nation's war-making capabilities.I explained in detail the techniques of amphibious warfare, and described the dangers and difficulties of maintaining our transatlantic lifeline in the event of submarine attack.I think Molotov was moved by these words and realized that our problems are very different from those of a large continental country.In any case, we are closer than ever. [1] Checkers is the official residence of the British Prime Minister in the suburbs of London.translator The deep-rooted suspicion of the Russians towards foreigners is seen in some startling incidents during Molotov's stay at Checkers.As soon as they arrive, ask for the keys to all the sleeping quarters.After some twists and turns, our guests keep locking their doors after their requests are met.When our managers at Checkers were able to go in and make the beds, they were disturbed to find pistols hidden under the pillows.The three main members of the mission were not only looked after by their own guards, but also by two women who took care of the clothes and tidied up the rooms.When the Soviet envoys went to London, these women often guarded the master's room and only came downstairs in turn when they were eating.We may say, however, that they soon became genial, and even spoke to the mansion in bad French and with gestures. Special precautions were taken for Molotov's personal safety.The room where he lived had been thoroughly inspected by his guards. Every cupboard, every piece of furniture, all the walls and floors had been carefully inspected by skilled eyes.The beds were the object of special attention; the mattresses were probed to prevent time bombs; the sheets and blankets were remade by the Russians, leaving some space in the center of the bed so that the sleeper could jump out immediately without being wrapped up .At night, next to his pajamas and briefcase, he kept a revolver.It is always right to be on the lookout for danger, especially in time of war, but the effort must be consistent with the reality of the situation.The simplest test is to ask yourself whether the other party is interested in killing the person in question.For my own part, when I visited Moscow, I put complete trust in Russian hospitality. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin May 23, 1942 It was a great pleasure to receive Mr. Molotov in London.We had useful talks with him on both military and political matters.We gave him a full and truthful account of our plans and resources.Regarding this treaty, he will explain to you the difficulties, mainly that we cannot breach the contract with Poland, and we must also take into account the opinions of our side and the United States. I believe it would be of great benefit to the common cause if Mr. Molotov could return here from America.At that time we can continue our talks, and, I hope, through such talks, close cooperation between our three countries will be established.In addition, I was then able to update him on the latest developments in our military program. Stalin immediately agreed. Prime Minister Stalin to Mr. Churchill May 24, 1942 Both Molotov and I were of the opinion that he should stop in London on his return from America in order to conclude this negotiation with representatives of the British Government on matters of concern to our two countries. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin May 27, 1942 1. We are deeply grateful for everything you did during the signing of the treaty and took care of our difficulties.I am sure that the rewards given by the United States must be great, and our three major countries will go hand in hand no matter what the circumstances are in the future.It was a great honor to have the opportunity to meet Mr. Molotov; we have done our best to bring down the barriers between our two countries to a great extent.I am especially glad that he will be back here, for there is still much good work to be done. 2. So far, the transport fleet has been going smoothly, but it is currently at the most dangerous stage.I am very grateful for the steps you have taken to support the convoy. 3. Now that we have been allies and friends for the next twenty years, I take this opportunity to express my sincere wishes to you, and please believe that I am convinced that victory will be ours. I promptly reported to the President. former navy personnel to president roosevelt May 27, 1942 We have done very useful work with Molotov this week and last week, and we have completely changed the original proposals for the treaty, as Winant must have told you.The proposals now, it seems to me, eliminate the points on which we are jointly opposed, and are fully in line with our Atlantic Charter.The treaty was signed yesterday afternoon in a very friendly atmosphere.Molotov was a statesman with a freedom of action very different from what we see in Litvinov.I trust you can come to a good understanding with him.Please tell me your impressions. So far, all is well with the Northern convoy, but the danger is bound to be serious for the next two days. Mountbatten and Littleton will travel to America together, but the former's visit, as he is presiding over our common work, must be short. I fully understand that you are currently giving your full attention to the situation in the Pacific, and we will forgive you if you think it is necessary to recall the USS Washington immediately. But by mid-July it is extremely important that we must complete the build-up of the Waspite, the Valiant, the Nelson and the Rodney in the Indian Ocean.This work should be completed if we can keep Washington until King George V is refitted at the end of June. Running convoys between Key West and the Hamptons has obviously had the good effect we expected, but the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico are still headaches.Admiral King and Admiral Pound have been contacted on this matter, and I hope they believe that, even if ventures elsewhere are made, it is possible to provide sufficient escorts to meet the needs of these areas. I must express my gratitude to you for allocating seventy tankers to the United Kingdom for oil storage.Without this help, our oil reserves would be reduced to dangerous levels by the end of the year.Such an action is all the more generous given the terrible loss of American tankers in recent times and the sacrifices made when those ships were brought out. At this time, the Soviet envoy was on the plane to Washington. President Roosevelt's Message to Former Navy Personnel May 27, 1942 Guests are expected to arrive tonight, but the Bolile plans will not be discussed until Thursday.Hope to have a brief overview of your discussions with Molotov about Polilet soon.This will help my understanding. By the President's so-called Plan Bolero, he was referring to the 1942 Operation Bash Plan.This is something we are well aware of. former navy personnel to president roosevelt May 28, 1942 1. In a subsequent report, I will send the content of the official conversation on the various operational plans of Bolile, thrashing and super encirclement and annihilation. Other private conversations also helped improve the atmosphere, but did not change the substance.We have made great strides in goodwill and sincerity. 2. We are working hard with your officials, and all preparations continue to be carried out on a large scale.When Dickie (Mountbatten) arrives, he will explain to you the difficulties of 1942.I have ordered the Chiefs of Staff to study plans for a landing in northern Norway, since the occupation of this place seems necessary to secure our supplies to Russia next year.I have told Molotov that we will have some discussion material ready for him on this subject when he returns here, but we have not gone into it.If a good plan can be made, I am personally very concerned about it. 3. As of now, our northern transport fleet is opening their way.Of the thirty-five ships, five had been lost, sunk or turned back.Tomorrow we should be under the umbrella of the Russian Air Force, if any umbrellas have been prepared.Otherwise, the danger will continue for two more days. 4. Auchinleck's news tonight shows that the war in Libya has already begun. This may be a major battle that we have never had before. 5. We must not ignore the sportsman's plan of operations (landing in French North Africa).All other preparations will assist this plan if necessary. Stalin almost cried out with joy. Prime Minister Stalin to Prime Minister Churchill May 28, 1942 I am very grateful for your kind feelings and good wishes in signing this new treaty.I believe that this treaty will be of great significance for strengthening the friendly relations between the Soviet Union and Britain, and between our two countries and the United States in the future. close cooperation.At the same time, I also hope that your talks with Molotov on his return from America will provide an opportunity to close the work that remains to be done. As for the protection of the shipping fleet, you may have every confidence that we will do everything we can to that end, both now and in the future. Please accept my best wishes and my confidence in our total victory together When Molotov returned to London after his visit to America, he certainly had many plans for opening a second front in 1942 by fighting across the Channel.We are still actively working on this issue with the Chiefs of Staff of the United States, but seeing nothing but difficulties.A public statement certainly wouldn't hurt anything, but it would also intimidate the Germans to keep their troops on the Western Front as long as possible.We therefore negotiated with Molotov to issue a communiqué.The communiqué, published on June 11, included the following section: In the course of the talks, a full understanding was reached regarding the urgent task of opening a second front in Europe in 1942. I think it is most important that this effort to lead our enemies astray should not lead our allies astray.Therefore, when drafting the communiqué, I handed Molotov a memorandum in the presence of several colleagues in the cabinet hall, explaining that although we had tried our best to draw up a plan, we were not bound to act, nor could we No promises can be made.Later, when the Soviet government accused us, when Stalin personally raised this issue with me, we always took out this memo and pointed out that we could not make any promises because of this. memorandum We are preparing for the landing on the mainland in August or September 1942.As already explained before, the size of the landing force depends mainly on the availability of special landing craft.It is clear that if, at any cost, some of our actions have catastrophic consequences, and allow the enemy to take advantage of our defeat to make a big splash for himself, then, not only for the Russian cause, but also for the The whole cause of the Allies was no good.Because it is difficult to say in advance whether there will be a situation to carry out such an action at that time.We are therefore unable to make any promises, but we should not hesitate to carry out our plans on what appear to be perfect and sensible conditions. Molotov seemed quite satisfied with the outcome of his mission when he flew home at considerable risk.There must have been a friendly atmosphere between us.He seemed interested in a trip to Washington.The twenty-year Anglo-Russian Treaty had been signed, and all hopes were high. While these talks were ongoing, the flames of war on the Eastern Front had been ignited.In the early months of the year, the Russians had used relentless pressure to force the enemy to retreat from many points on the front.Unprepared for the ferocity of this winter campaign, the Germans suffered greatly and suffered heavy losses. When spring came, Hitler issued a directive on April 5th.A preceding paragraph of the instruction reads: The winter campaign in Russia is drawing to a close.The outstanding valor and self-sacrificing efforts of our army on the Eastern Front have resulted in great defensive success. The enemy suffered serious losses in manpower and material resources.Russia also tried to capitalize on the initial victories and expand her reserves during the winter for future operations. As soon as the weather and terrain are favorable, the superior German commander and the German army will take the initiative again to force the enemy to do our bidding. The aim was to eliminate all remaining defensive potential of the Soviets and cut off as much as possible their main source of supply. To this end, he went on, our intention was to hold the center line and capture Leningrad on the northern front. On the front line of the army's southern wing, it forcibly broke through and went straight to the Caucasus.At the outset, all existing armies were to be combined for the main operations in the south, with the aim of destroying the enemy before the Don, in order to gain the oil fields of the Caucasus, and to cross the Caucasus Mountains.We must try to reach Leningrad, at least to the point where the city can no longer be used as a supply and transportation center under the attack of our heavy weapons. In preparation for these major operations, Manstein's Eleventh Army was to capture Sevastopol and drive the Russians out of the Crimea.Army Group South, under Field Marshal Bork, has acquired a large number of troops for this task.There were one hundred divisions organized into five armies, of which there were nearly sixty German divisions, including eight armored divisions, and the rest Romanian, Italian or Hungarian units.在東線的二千七百五十架德國飛機中，有一千五百架已被派去支援南方作戰。 這一場大戰役原來打算大約在五月底開始，但是，俄國人竟然先行出擊了。五月十二日，提莫申科在哈爾科夫以南發動了一次猛攻，深深切進德國戰線。但是，他的南翼是脆弱的，德國的一系列進攻迫使他放棄了已經佔領的一切地方。這次破壞性的進攻，雖然使俄國人傷亡慘重，但是，卻使德國人的計劃推遲一個月之久；如果真是這樣，所爭取的時間對後來是非常寶貴的。 當這場戰役還在進行的時候，德國第十一集團軍已開始攻擊塞瓦斯托波爾。經過一個月的圍困和苦戰，這個要塞終於陷落了。