Chapter 137 Volume 4, Chapter 27, The First Moscow Conference

My trip to Moscow Mr. Harriman flew with me over the mountains to Tehran, the Summer Palace of the King of Persia, to discuss the Trans-Persian Railway, from Tehran to Moscow, to the Caspian Sea and the Volga, to Moscow State Villa VII, in the Kremlin, to meet Stalin, the dark beginnings one 942 does not open a second front The fierce words create a dark background I introduce the Torch program I draw a picture of a crocodile May God make this cause a success Stalin's deep understanding has been a long day. During my stay in Cairo, preparations for the trip to Moscow were already underway.On August 4th I called Stalin:

Prime Minister to Premier Stalin August 4, 1942 We intend to leave here one day and arrive in Moscow the next day, with a stop in Tehran. Particular arrangements for the travel are to be agreed between our Royal Air Force authorities on the Tehran side and your Air Force authorities.I would like you to instruct your Air Force authorities to assist you in every way. As for the date, I cannot yet decide, beyond what I have already suggested to you. I also desperately hope that the Americans will play an active role in the upcoming talks. former navy personnel to president roosevelt August 5, 1942

I very much hope that you will support and sponsor my talks with Uncle Jo.Can you let Al go with me?I think it would be so much easier if we could all be together.I am now faced with a task without much experience. Please send a copy of your reply to London.I'm making my whereabouts confusing. President Roosevelt to former Navy personnel (in Cairo) August 5, 1942 I am asking Harriman to go to Moscow as soon as possible.I think your opinion is correct, and I will immediately inform Stalin that Harriman will assist in all aspects according to his and your opinion. Harriman joined me in Cairo in time to accompany us.

On August 10, after dinner with eminent personalities in the convivial embassy in Cairo, we set off for Moscow late at night.We were traveling in three planes with General Wavell, Chief of the Imperial General Staff, who spoke Russian, Lieutenant-General Ted and Sir Cadogan.Al Harriman and I were on the same plane.At dawn we flew close to the Kurdistan Mountains.The weather was fine and Van der Kloot was in high spirits.As we approached the rolling plateau, I asked him how high he was going to fly it.He said nine thousand feet would do.However, looking at the map, I found some peaks as high as 11,200 feet; there seemed to be a very high peak of 18,000 or 20,000 feet, but it was farther away.You can fly around the mountains and fly safely as long as you don't suddenly fly into the clouds, but I still want to fly to 12,000 feet, so we started breathing oxygen tubes.We landed at Tehran airport around 8:30 am. As we approached the ground, I noticed that the altimeter recorded 4,500 feet, and I ignorantly said: You'd better calibrate that instrument before we take off again.But van der Krudt said: Tehran airport is above 4,000 feet above sea level.

I was greeted at the airport by Sir Reid Bullard, British Minister in Tehran.He was a solidly built Briton with a long experience in Persia and no sense of injustice. We estimated that we could not fly over the northern mountains of Mount Elbrus before dusk, so King Mompos invited us to have dinner with him in his palace. swimming pool.In the morning, I watched the majestic mountain peak, which was shining with purple and orange colors, and it was extremely brilliant.In the afternoon, in the gardens of the British Legation, a long meeting was held with Al Harriman and senior British and American railway officials, at which it was decided that the United States should take over the entire trans-Persian railway from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea.This railway, recently built by a British company, is a remarkable piece of engineering.The route passes through many canyons and there are 390 large bridges.The President, said Harriman, would take full responsibility for making it work, and would supply locomotives, wagons, and troop technicians in numbers that we cannot match.I therefore agree to the transfer, provided that we have priority over major military needs.Because of the heat and noise of the Tehran city where every Persian seemed to have a car and kept honking I slept in the tall woods at the summer cottage of the British Legation, which was about a thousand feet above the city.

The next day, Wednesday, August 12th, at half past six in the morning, we resumed our journey. The plane rose gradually as we flew over the valley leading to Tabriz before heading north to Lake Enzili on the Caspian Sea.As we flew over this second range, we rose to an altitude of eleven thousand feet to avoid clouds and peaks.Two Russian officers are now randomly escorting, and the Soviet government is responsible for our route and safe arrival.From west to east, the snow-covered mountains emit a ray of light.At this point I discovered our plane was flying alone, and the radio reported that our second plane, carrying the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Wavell, Cadogan, and others, had to return to Tehran because of an engine failure.Two hours later, I saw the Caspian Sea ahead.Below is Lake Enzili.I have never seen the Caspian Sea, but I remember, twenty-five years ago, as Secretary of State for War, taking charge of a fleet on the Caspian Sea that ruled the pale blue, calm waters for nearly a year.We are now flying downward and no longer need to breathe oxygen.We could vaguely see Baku and the Baku oil fields on the west coast.The Germans are now very close to the Caspian Sea, so we are going via Kuibyshev to get away from Stalingrad and the war zone.This brings us close to the Volga Delta.As far as the eye can see, the land of Russia is brown, with thousands of miles of plains and no one inhabited.Here and there you can see squares of cultivated fields, indicating that they were once state farms.A long stretch of the mighty Volga winds and shines through broad black swamps.Sometimes a highway appeared, running like a ruler from one end of the broad horizon to the other.After watching like this for about an hour, I climbed through the bomb bay and went back to the cabin to sleep.

I thought over and over my mission to this miserable and sinister Bolshevik country.In its inception, I tried to strangle this country; until Hitler came along, I thought it was the mortal enemy of civilized liberty.What do I have to say to them now to do my duty?General Wavell, who has a penchant for literature, has summed up what I have to say in a poem.The poem is divided into several stanzas, and the last line of each stanza is a sentence that does not open a second front in 1942.It's like moving a big piece of ice to the North Pole.And I also considered it my duty to tell them the truth myself, to pour out my heart to Stalin face to face, and not to rely on telegrams and messengers coming and going.At least I would express my interest in their well-being, and my understanding of what their struggles have to say about the whole situation.But we have always hated their vicious regime in the past; before the German army attacked them, they sat back and watched our country die, and ecstatically carve up the colonies of our empire in the East with Hitler.

The weather is fine and the wind is mild, and I am more anxious to get to Moscow, so I am not going to detour to Kuibyshev, but to fly directly to Moscow, but I am also worried that I will lose the opportunity of a grand banquet and a warm welcome from the Russians. .At five o'clock, the spiers and domes of the buildings in Moscow were already in sight.All the batteries along our carefully laid-out route had been told to fly round the city and land at the airfield which I would visit again in this great war. We were greeted by the Russian generals headed by Molotov, the diplomatic missions of various countries, and a large group of photographers and journalists as usual on such occasions.I reviewed a grand guard of honor dressed in extremely gorgeous costumes and very particular about military etiquette; after the band played the national anthem of the three great powers whose unity had determined Hitler's inevitable death, the guard of honor held a parade.I was led to the loudspeaker and gave a short speech.Al Harriman delivered a speech representing the United States.He will live at the US embassy.Mr. Molotov accompanied me in his own car to State Villa VII, the prepared residence eight miles outside Moscow.When I was passing through the seemingly deserted streets of Moscow, I opened the car window to get some air. To my surprise, I found that the car window glass was more than two inches thick.I have never seen such thick car window glass.Interpreter Pavlov said: The minister said it was much safer that way.After more than half an hour, we arrived at the villa.

Everything here is prepared according to the luxury of a totalitarian state.They sent me a very large and handsome aide-de-camp (I believe he came from a noble family under the Tsarist regime) to wait on me, and he was also very courteous and considerate like our host.Some experienced waiters dressed in white and smiling are very able to cater to the wishes and movements of the guests.Various delicacies and wines are placed on the long tables and various cupboards in the restaurant.These things are attainable only by the application of the highest power.I was escorted through a large reception room to a bedroom and bathroom nearly equal in size to the bedroom.The lamps were spotless and extremely bright, even dazzling.Cold and hot water, everything you need.After a long road trip in the scorching heat, I longed for a hot bath.Everything is ready in no time.I just realized that the bathtub is not supplied with hot and cold water separately from the hot and cold taps, and there is no need for a plug.Hot and cold water are sprayed in one place at the same time, and the temperature is adjusted just as desired, and people do not wash their hands in the basin, but wash their hands under running water.I have also adopted this method in moderation at home.If there is no shortage of water, this method is the best.

After the necessary baths, we were all entertained in the restaurant, where there are all kinds of famous dishes and wines, including caviar and vodka, of course, and there are many delicacies and wines from France and Germany, which are far from ours. either our mood or our spending power can afford, and we're going back to the city of Moscow soon.I had told Molotov that I was going to meet Stalin that night, and Molotov suggested seven o'clock. In the Kremlin I met for the first time this great revolutionary leader, a far-sighted Russian statesman and soldier; for the next three years I maintained a close and serious relationship with him, often emotionally but sometimes emotionally. But also very kind.Our talks lasted almost four hours.Only Stalin, Molotov, Voroshilov, myself, Harriman and our ambassador were present at the talks because our second plane (on which Brooke, Wavell and Cadogan took) had not yet arrived and translators.This is based on the records we kept, and based on my memory and the telegrams I sent to China at that time.

The atmosphere of the first two hours of the talks was gloomy and dull.I immediately raised the Second Front issue at the outset.I said that I would like to speak frankly and would like to hear Stalin's extremely frank opinions.I would not have come to Moscow if he hadn't felt sure that practical issues could be discussed.When Mr. Molotov arrived in London, I told him that we were making plans to contain the enemy in France.I also explained to Mr. Molotov that I could not guarantee actions in 1942 and wrote him a memorandum to that effect.Since then, both the United Kingdom and the United States have carried out a detailed examination of this issue.Both governments don't think they can start a major battle in September, the last month the weather says.But as Mr. Stalin knew, Britain and the United States were preparing for a large-scale military operation in 1943.For this purpose, one million U.S. troops have already been scheduled to arrive at the rendezvous point in the United Kingdom in the spring of 1943, forming an expeditionary force of 27 divisions, and the British government is planning to add 21 divisions to the expeditionary force.Almost half of these armies were to be equipped with armored weapons.So far only two and a half American divisions have been sent to the United Kingdom, with most of the shipments taking place in October, November and December. I told Stalin that I was fully aware that this plan was of no use to Russia in 1942; but thought that by the time the plan was ready for 1943 Germany might have a stronger army in Western Europe .When I said this, Stalin frowned, but he didn't interrupt me.I went on to say that I had good reasons against attacking the French coast in 1942.All our landing craft are only sufficient for one landing on the fortified coast, enough to disembark and maintain six divisions.If successful, more divisions could be transported there, but the landing craft were the limiting factor.Now the United Kingdom, especially the United States, is rushing to manufacture landing craft in large numbers.If the strength of one division can be transported this year, it is possible to transport eight or ten times the strength next year. Stalin began to sulk, seemingly unconvinced by my arguments.He asked if any stretch of the French coast could not be attacked.I pulled out a map and pointed out the difficulty of getting air cover anywhere but actually crossing the channel.He didn't seem to understand much, and asked some questions about the range of the fighter jet.For example, he asked, can't they fly round-trip all day long?I explained that they could fly back and forth, but that such a distance would leave no time for combat; I added that air cover had to be thorough to be effective.He then said that there was not a single division of the German army in France with combat strength; I disputed this assertion vigorously. There are twenty-five German divisions in France, nine of which are on the front line.He shook his head.I said that I would come with the Chief of the Reich General Staff and General Wavell so that they could study such a question in detail with the Russian Chief of Staff.Politicians have a limit to discussing such issues, beyond which it is impossible to proceed. Stalin's face was even darker now.He said that according to his understanding, we cannot use a large number of troops to open up the second battlefield, and we are not even willing to use six divisions to land.I say it does.We could land with six divisions, but such a landing would be harmful because it would greatly hinder the great campaign planned for next year.A war is a war, no joke, and it would be foolish to provoke a disaster that does no one any good.I said, lest I bring news that is not good news.If we invest 150,000 to 200,000 men, we can help him by removing a considerable number of German troops from the Russian field. It would be a big mistake not to attract every single soldier of the German army, but also to destroy the prospects for 1943. Stalin fidgeted, saying he had a different view of the war.You can't win without being prepared to take risks.Why are we so afraid of the Germans?He couldn't figure it out.His experience is that armies must shed blood in battle.One cannot understand the strength of an army without shedding its blood.I asked him if he had ever asked himself why Hitler didn't reach Britain in 1940, when Hitler was at the height of his power and we had only 20,000 trained troops, 200 cannon and 50 tank.He didn't come.The fact is that he too is afraid of such a campaign. Crossing the English Channel is no easy task.Stalin replied that this analogy cannot be made.When Hitler landed in England, he would be resisted by the British people; but when the British army landed in France, the French people would support the British army.It was therefore all the more important, I pointed out, not to expose the French people to Hitler's reprisals when our troops retreated and to deplete the French manpower needed in the great campaign of 1943. At this point in the conversation, there was a suffocating silence on the court.Stalin concluded by saying that if we could not land in France this year, he had no right to demand or insist on landing, but he had to say that he did not agree with my argument. So I opened up a map of Southern Europe, the Mediterranean, and North Africa.What is the second battlefield?Was it simply a landing on the fortified coast opposite England?Could it take the form of other large-scale military operations that serve the common cause?I thought it best to make him look south gradually.For example, if we concentrate our forces in Britain, we can hold the enemy in the Pass of Calais, while attacking elsewhere, such as the Loire, the Gironde, or alternatively the Scheldt. hopefully.That's pretty much the general picture of next year's huge campaign.Stalin feared it would be impossible.I said, indeed, it is indeed difficult to land one million people, but we should persevere in our efforts. We then talked about bombing Germany, and everyone was satisfied with the discussion. Stalin emphasized the importance of fighting the morale of the German people.He said he took bombing very seriously, and he knew that our air raids were having a huge impact on Germany. After this conversation, the tense atmosphere eased.From our long talks, Stalin felt that what we were going to carry out was not a plan to attack or encircle or annihilate, but to use the method of bombing Germany as a prevarication.I've decided to tackle the toughest issues first, to establish the proper context for the plans I'm here to explain.So I don't intend to clear the cloud anytime soon. In fact, I made a special request that friends and comrades in need should express their opinions openly and honestly, but the meeting was full of courtesy and mutual respect. The time has come for Operation Torch to work.I said, I want to come back and talk about the Second Front in 1942, for which I came here exclusively.I don't think France was the only place where such a campaign was fought.There were other locations, so we and the Americans decided on other plans.The President of the United States authorized me to tell Stalin this plan in secret.I'm going to do this work now.I stress the importance of secrecy.At this time, Stalin was sitting upright, and said with a smile that he hoped that no news would be leaked in the British newspapers. Then I briefly explain the Torch Program.Stalin listened with great interest as I presented the whole plan.His first question was: How would Spain and Vichy France react?A moment later he said that militarily the action was correct; but politically he doubted what effect it would have on France.He specifically asked about the time for the implementation of the plan. I said that it would be no later than October 30, but President Roosevelt and we both strived to implement it on October 7.This seemed to give great comfort to the three Russians present. I also described the advantages of liberating the Mediterranean, where other fronts could be opened.We must win in Egypt in September and North Africa in October; and keep the Germans in northern France at bay.If we can capture North Africa by the end of this year, we can threaten Hitler's European underbelly; this campaign should be considered as complementary to that of 1943.This is the battle we and the Americans have decided to wage. To illustrate my point, I also drew a picture of a crocodile, in order to show Stalin our intention: when we hit the crocodile's hard nose, we also attack its soft belly.Stalin was very interested at this time and said: May God make this business a success. I emphasized that we would love to de-tension the Russian side.If we try to attack northern France, we will be met with counterattacks.If you launch an attack in North Africa, you will have a good chance of victory, which will also help Europe.If we can occupy North Africa, Hitler will bring back his air force, otherwise we will destroy his allies, such as Italy, and there will be a landing battle.The battle in North Africa will have an important impact on Turkey and the whole of southern Europe.My only concern is that the enemy might strike first.If North Africa can be occupied this year, Hitler can be dealt a fatal blow next year.This conversation marked a turning point in our talks. Stalin then began to talk about political difficulties.Will the Anglo-American joint seizure of the Torch Project area cause misunderstandings in France?For de Gaulle, what work are we doing?I said, at this stage, we don't want him to be involved in this campaign. (Vichy) France is likely to fire on the de Gaullists, but less likely to fire on the Americans.Harriman cites American intelligence from various parts of the Torch Region, trusted by the President, and the opinion of Admiral Lehigh, in strong support of my contention. Having said that, Stalin seems to have suddenly grasped the strategic merits of the Torch Program.He cited four main reasons, first, it would hit Rommel in the back; second, it would threaten Spain; third, it would cause Germans and French to fight in France; fourth, it would make Italy bear the brunt . I am deeply impressed by these outstanding insights.It showed how quickly the Russian dictator had grasped a problem that had previously been considered unbelievable.Few men can understand in a few minutes the reasons we have all been arguing about for months, but he can understand the whole situation in a split second. I have added a fifth reason, which is to shorten the distance of the Mediterranean Sea.Stalin wondered if we could get through the Strait of Gibraltar.I said no problem.I also told him about the reorganization of the command in Egypt and our determination to fight a decisive campaign there in late August or September.In the end, they were all clearly in favor of the Torch Project, although Molotov asked if it could be carried out in September. Then I said: France is down, let's cheer it up.France understands the importance of Madagascar and Syria.The arrival of American troops will bring France to our side.The campaign would terrorize Franco.The Germans would probably say to the French at once: Surrender your fleet and Toulon.This would reignite the rivalry between Vichy and Hitler. I spoke of another prospect: that we would transfer the combined Anglo-American air force to the southern flank of the Russian army in order to defend the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus Mountains, and to engage in general fighting in this field.I didn't go into the details, however, because of course we had to win the Egyptian campaign first, and didn't know the president's plans for USAF involvement in the fight.If Stalin agrees with this opinion, we should formulate concrete measures.He replied that they were very grateful for this kind of assistance, but further research was needed on the specific location and other issues.I am very enthusiastic about this plan, because it will bring the Anglo-American Air Forces into a more intense fight with the Luftwaffe; all these air battles will help us to gain air supremacy under more favorable conditions, without causing any trouble in the Pas de Calais . We then assembled around a large globe and I explained to Stalin the great benefits of clearing the Mediterranean of enemies.I told Stalin that if he wanted to meet me again, I would come anytime.He replied that the custom in Russia is that the guests should express their wishes, and he was ready to receive me at any time.He has now seen the worst, but there was a good deal of camaraderie between us as we said goodbye. The meeting has gone on for four hours.It's another hour and a half before I get back to State Villa Seven.Tired as I was dictating cables to the War Cabinet and President Roosevelt after midnight, I had the feeling that the ice had been broken and a human touch had been established.I fell asleep soundly and did not wake up for a long time.