Chapter 138 Volume 4, Chapter 28, Moscow Established Connections

Meeting with Molotov at a comfortable state dacha in the Kremlin for the second time with Stalin his complaints about military supplies he demanded high sacrifices from the allies Reply 14th August Kremlin Banquet 14th August A friendly interlude We talked about the old debate The past should belong to God The failure of the Conference of the Two Military Staffs General Brooke was worried about the situation in the Caucasus Mountains Farewell to Stalin on the 15th of August He was so confident in his defense of the Caucasus Mountains He invited me to an impromptu banquet Molotov also came to a six-hour talk Stalin on Kolkhoz Policy The Anglo-Soviet Joint Communiqué arrived in Tehran I gave it to the War Cabinet and Roosevelt I am encouraged by the President's report.

The next morning, I woke up late in my gorgeous bedroom.It was Thursday, August thirteenth, which is always Brenning Day for me.I have agreed to visit Molotov at noon in the Kremlin in order to explain more clearly and fully the nature of the various military operations we are planning.I pointed out how injurious it would be to the common cause if we were to be blamed for abandoning the Bash program, and to have to make public the reasons against such military action.I've also been more specific about the political context of the Torch Program.He listened humbly without expressing any opinion.I proposed to him that I would go to see Stalin at ten o'clock at night.I got a reply that evening, saying that eleven o'clock would be more convenient.As the subject of discussion was the same as that of the previous night, he asked me if I would like to accompany Harriman.I said yes, and Cadogan, Brooke, Wavell, and Ted.They had arrived safely on a Russian plane from Tehran.They were caught in a very dangerous fire in the Liberator.

[1] Blenheim Day (Blenheim Day), on August 13, 1704, the British, German, Dutch, and Danish coalition forces defeated the French and Bavarian troops in the village of Blenheim in Bavaria, southern Germany.One of the generals who led the coalition forces of Britain and Germany was Churchill's ancestor John Churchill (First Duke of Marlborough.) Translator Before I left the office of this elegant and serious diplomat, I turned to him and said: We have come a long way, and if Stalin treats us roughly, it will be a big mistake.Speaking of this, Molotov's attitude relaxed for the first time.He said: Stalin was a very wise man.You can be sure that no matter how much he argues, he understands everything.I will pass on your words to him.

I made it back to State Villa Seven in time for lunch. It was windy and sunny outside, like our favorite weather in England sometimes.I think we should go sightseeing around.Country House VII is a splendid, large, new country house, set in about twenty acres of fir woods, with large lawns and gardens.Elegant in walks; good in lounging on grass or pine leaves in fine August weather.There are also several fountains in the park.A large glass tank holds all kinds of goldfish. They are not afraid of people, and even swim to your hand to eat.I'm used to feeding goldfish every day.There is a fence around the hotel, about fifteen feet high, guarded by a considerable number of military guards on both sides.There was a bomb shelter about a hundred yards from the house.As soon as we arrived, we were directed to take a tour.Its form is the latest and most opulent.There are elevators at the front and back, descending eighty or ninety feet, and entering the ground.There are eight or ten rooms in the basement, and the upper, lower, left, and right sides are covered with extremely thick steel and concrete.Each room is separated by a thick sliding door.The lights here are brilliant.The furniture is all stylish and brightly colored utilitarian objects, but I'm still more interested in the goldfish.

At eleven o'clock in the afternoon we all arrived at the Kremlin, and we were received only by Stalin, Molotov and the interpreter.Thus began a most unpleasant discussion. Stalin handed me a document.When the interpreter translated it, I said, I will answer in writing, and he must understand that we have decided the course we are going to follow, and blame is useless.We argued after this for about two hours; he said a lot of unpleasant things in it, especially that we were too afraid to fight against the Germans, and that if we tried like the Russians we would feel otherwise; he added , we have broken our promises about the Blowout Plan; and that we have not sent the munitions promised to Russia, but only a little surplus after our own needs have been satisfied.These complaints of his are obviously also for the Americans.

I categorically refuted his argument, just without any insults.I thought he wasn't used to repeated criticism, but he didn't look angry or even agitated.He repeatedly stated his opinion that it should be possible for the British and Americans to land six or eight divisions on the Cherbourg peninsula, since the British and Americans already had air supremacy.He felt that if the British army fought against Germany like the Russian army, they would not be so afraid of the German army.The Russians, and indeed the British Air Force, had proved possible to defeat the Germans.If the British Army and Russia fought at the same time, the British Army could also win.

I interject to say that I don't mind what Stalin said about the bravery of the Russian Army.The proposal to land at Cherbourg did not fully take into account the existence of the English Channel.Finally, Stalin said, we cannot fight any longer.He has to accept our decision.Then, out of the blue, he invited us to a banquet at eight o'clock tomorrow night. After accepting the invitation, I said that I would fly back at dawn on the day after tomorrow, the 15th.Uncle Yue seemed disturbed by this and asked if I could stay a little longer.Of course, I said, I'd always like to stay an extra day if it would do something good.Then I loudly accused him of being unkind to me.I've come all the way here to build good relationships.We have done everything we can to help Russia, and we will continue to do so.We fought against Germany and Italy for a year completely alone.Now that the three major powers have formed an alliance, as long as there is no division and confrontation, they will surely be able to win.I was agitated when I said this; before my words were translated, he said a tone of his love to hear me speak.The talks have since continued in a less tense atmosphere.

He was absorbed in talking about the two rocket-firing mortars of Russia, whose effects were devastating; and suggested that our specialists, if they could wait a little longer, could demonstrate them.He said he was going to give us all the information on the mortars, but in exchange for something?Should there be an agreement on the exchange of information on scientific discoveries?I said that we would give them all kinds of information unconditionally, except that some new inventions, if carried by aircraft, would be shot down when flying over the enemy's lines, thus making it more difficult for us to bomb Germany, which would be considered separately.He took my advice.He also agreed that his military authorities should meet with our generals.So we arranged to meet at 3:00 p.m. that day.I said they needed at least four hours to discuss in detail the technical issues involved in the Bash, Siege, and Torch programs.He immediately pointed out that the Torch Program is military correct, but the political aspect needs to be more prudent, that is to say, it needs to be handled more carefully.From time to time he brought up the bashing plan and complained a lot, and when he said we didn't keep our promises, I replied, I object to that.We have kept every promise.I pointed out the memorandum to Molotov.He apologized, saying that he confided his sincere opinion, that there was no suspicion between us, only a difference of opinion.

Finally I asked about the situation in the Caucasus.Was he prepared to defend the Caucasus Mountains, and with how many troops?Speaking of this, he asked someone to bring a three-dimensional model, and explained the strength of the troops on this line of defense in a candid tone and clear knowledge.He said that twenty-five divisions are now being prepared.Pointing to the various gates, he said, these will be held.I asked whether these gates were fortified.He said: Of course.The Russian front (where the enemy has not yet reached) is just north of this main mountain range. He said that they must stick to it for two months, and the mountains will be covered by heavy snow after two months.He said he was confident they could do it, and then went on to detail the strength of the Black Sea Fleet concentrated in Batumi.

This part of the talks went smoothly, but when Harriman asked about the plan to transport American planes through Siberia, the United States repeatedly urged this plan. Only recently did Russia agree to implement it. He replied perfunctorily: Wars are not won by planning.During the conversation, Harriman fully supported me, and neither of us backed down or said a single unkind word. As I was leaving Stalin rose to salute and held out his hand to me.I shook hands with him. On August 14th I made the following report to the War Cabinet: We asked ourselves how to explain last night's performance and the change after a good result the night before.I think it is likely that his people's commissars did not understand the message I brought with him.They may have far more power than we imagine, but little knowledge.Perhaps Stalin wanted to gain great benefits for their own future, or it might be to vent their grievances.Cadogan said Eden encountered the same inflexibility for the second time since talks began on Christmas Day; Harriman said the tactic was also used early in the Beaverbrook delegation's visit.

After thinking about it, I think that Stalin knew in his heart that we were right; he knew that the landing of six divisions for the implementation of the bashing plan would not benefit him this year.Moreover, I am convinced that his sound and keen military judgment will definitely lead him to firmly support the Operation Torch plan.I think it's possible he apologized to us.I'm holding out hope for this one.In any case, I am convinced that this way of utterance is better than any other method.They never meant not to continue fighting. I personally think that Stalin was very confident of victory. When I thanked Stalin for forty Boston planes, he made a dismissive gesture and said: They are American planes.You can thank me when I give you the Russian plane.When he said these words, he did not mean to belittle American aircraft, but only said that what he valued was his own strength. I understand that they are going through an extremely tense situation.In the end, I think they need a lot of publicity for this visit. The following is the memorandum handed to me by Stalin: August 13, 1942 As a result of the exchange of views in Moscow on March 12 this year, I have learned that the British Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, considered it impossible to organize a second front in Europe in 1942.It is well known that the organization of the Second Front in Europe in 1942 was decided long ago during Molotov's stay in London, and was announced in the Anglo-Soviet Communiqué of June 12 last year .We also learned that the purpose of organizing the Second Front was to withdraw the German troops on the Eastern Front to Western Europe and establish an important base in Western Europe to resist the German fascist troops, thereby alleviating the serious crisis faced by the Soviet troops on the Soviet-German front in 1942. situation.It is not difficult to understand that the British government’s refusal to open a second front in Europe in 1942 will cause the Soviet Union’s national public opinion, which is pinning their hopes on opening a second front, to suffer a huge blow and complicate the situation faced by the Red Army on the battlefield. and hinder the command plan of the Soviet army.Leaving aside the difficulties caused to the Red Army by not opening a second front in 1942, the military situation of Britain and the other Allies will undoubtedly be damaged.My colleagues [1] and I believed that the most favorable conditions existed for opening a second front in Europe in 1942, because almost the entire German army, and the most elite German troops, had been transferred to the Eastern battlefield, and the German troops remaining in Western Europe There are not many, and their combat effectiveness is not strong.It is difficult to say whether the conditions for the opening of the second front in 1943 will be as favorable as in 1942. We therefore believe that it is possible and effective to open a second front in Europe, especially in 1942.I tried my best to persuade the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom on this matter, but unfortunately failed. However, Mr. Harriman, the representative of the President of the United States, fully supported the Prime Minister during the talks in Moscow. On the morning of the next day, August 14th, after a good rest, with the assistance of the Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Cadogan, I prepared the following reply which I thought to be proper and definite: The best Second Front in 1942 and the only possible major battle from the Atlantic was the Operation Torch.If it can be carried out in October, it will help Russia more than any other plan.It also paved the way for the campaign of 1943 and had the four advantages mentioned by Premier Stalin in his talks on August 12.The British and American governments have made up their minds about this, and are making all preparations with the utmost speed. 2. The Anglo-American attack on the Cherbourg Peninsula and the islands in the English Channel with six or eight divisions is a risky and useless military operation compared with the Operation Torch Plan.The Germans have sufficient forces in Western Europe to hold us back on this small fortified peninsula, and will concentrate all their air forces in Western Europe against us.The opinions of the British navy, land and air force authorities all believe that such a military operation can only end in disaster.Even if our army occupied these strongholds, it would not cause the German army to withdraw a division of troops from the Russian battlefield.This plan would do us far more harm than the enemy, and we would uselessly deplete vital men and landing ships for the real campaign of 1943.This is our firm view.The Chief of the Reich General Staff will exchange views with the Russian commander in detail, the scope of which will be determined according to the wishes of both parties. 3. Neither Britain nor the United States broke their promises.I am referring to section 5 of my memorandum to Mr. Molotov dated June 10, 1942.This section expressly states, therefore we cannot make a guarantee.The memorandum presented after the lengthy talks made it very clear that the chances of such a plan being adopted were slim.Several sessions are documented. 4. However, various legends about the landing of British and American troops on the coast of France this year have given the enemy the illusion, so the enemy has already stationed a large number of air forces and troops on the coast of France in the English Channel.It would be to the detriment of the common interest, and especially of Russia, if there should be an open debate about this plan; for in this controversy the British Government would have to use whatever force it thought was inappropriate to carry out the plan of combat. Arguments are made public to the nation.This would lead to the general dismay of the Russian armies which had placed their hopes in this plan, and the enemy would be free to withdraw further troops from Western Europe.The most ingenious way is to use the bashing plan to cover the Torch Project, and announce at the beginning of the Torch Project that this is to open up a second front. This is an action we ourselves intend to take. 5. We cannot admit that the talks with Molotov on the Second Front have become any grounds for changing the strategic plan of the Russian Supreme Command, because we have already made verbal and written reservations about this talk. 6. We reaffirm our determination to assist our Russian ally in all practicable ways. That evening we attended a formal Kremlin banquet attended by about forty people, including several commanders, members of the Politburo, and other senior officials.Stalin and Molotov received us cordially and cordially.The banquet went on for a long time, and from the beginning there were toasts and short speeches.There have been many naive tales of drinking competitions at Soviet banquets in the past.This claim is untrue.The marshal and his colleagues always toasted in small glasses, taking a sip at a time, but I practiced according to this legend. During the banquet, Stalin had a very pleasant conversation with me through the interpreter Pavlov.He said: Mr Bernard Shaw and Mrs Astor visited some years ago.Mrs. Astor suggested that Mr. Lloyd George be invited to Moscow.Stalin replied: Why should we invite him?He is the leader of the meddling. To this, Mrs. Astor replied: That is not true.It was Churchill who led him astray.Stalin said: In any case, Lloyd George is the leader of the government and belongs to the left.He is responsible for this.We would rather like a real enemy than a fake friend.Mrs. Astor said: Well, Churchill is finished.Stalin said: I am not sure that is the case.If disaster strikes, the British people may also turn to this old war horse.He said here, I interjected: she said very interesting.I'm the most active person in the meddling, and I don't want you to think otherwise.He had a friendly smile, so I said: Have you forgiven me yet?Interpreter Pavlov said: Prime Minister Stalin said that all this has passed, and the past should belong to God. I once said in a meeting with Stalin: Lord Beaverbrook once told me that when he was sent to Moscow in October 1941, you asked him, and Churchill said in Parliament that he He warned me about the impending attack on the Soviet Union. What did he mean?I said: Of course I mean the telegram I sent you in April 1941.I produced the telegram which Sir Cripps delivered to him belatedly.When it was read and translated to Stalin, he shrugged.I remember.I didn't need any warnings then.I know the war is bound to come, but I think it may be delayed for another six months or so.For the sake of the common cause, I refrained myself from asking him what would have become of us all if we had been retreating all the way back and he had given Hitler plenty of valuable supplies, time and aid. I reported to Mr. Attlee and President Roosevelt a more official account of the banquet as soon as I could. Former Navy Personnel to Deputy Prime Minister and President Roosevelt August 17, 1942 The banquet took place in an atmosphere of great friendliness and with usual Russian rituals.Wavell made a brilliant speech in Russian.I toasted to Stalin's health, and Cadogan raised his glass to curse the inevitable death and destruction of the Nazis.Although I sat on Stalin's right, I had no chance to talk about important issues.Stalin and I, and Harriman, were photographed together, and Stalin gave a very lengthy speech, referring to the intelligence services, and he wonderfully cited the events in the Dardanelles in 1915, when he said the British had won, the Germans and the Turkish The army is already retreating, we don't know it yet because the intelligence is wrong.That statement, though inaccurate, was clearly a compliment to me. 2. I left at about 1:30 p.m. because I was worried that we would be dragged to shoot a lengthy video that would tire us out.When I said goodbye to Stalin, he said that our differences were only a matter of method.I said that even if there is such a difference, we should try our best to eliminate it with actions.After a sincere handshake, I said goodbye, walked a few steps, and was about to walk through the crowded room when he hurried over again, accompanied me through the corridors and stairs, and walked a long way to the gate, where I was There shook his hand again. 3. I have written to you about the Thursday night meeting, perhaps looking things too darkly.I think I must fully appreciate the fact that they were greatly disappointed that we could not provide more aid at a time when they were fighting vigorously.In the end, they still swallowed this bitter pill.We can only concentrate all our forces now, speed up the implementation of the Torch Program, and defeat Rommel. Both Stalin and I agreed that there should also be some meetings of the highest military authorities of both sides.Accordingly, two talks were held on 15 August. I report the results of the meeting to Mr. Attlee and President Roosevelt as follows: At a meeting in Moscow on Saturday (August 15th), Voroshilov and Shaposhnikov[1] met with Brooke, Wavell and Ted.Brook et al. provide specific reasons for not executing the thrashing plan.Although the Russians were very interested in talking, they followed strict instructions and did not express any views.They don't even attempt to dispute important specifics.After a while, the chief of the imperial general staff asked about the specific situation of the Caucasus defense line. Voroshilov replied that he was not authorized to talk about the situation in this regard, but he was going to ask for instructions.So a second meeting was held that afternoon, at which the Russians repeated what Stalin had told us, that twenty-five divisions would be deployed to defend the Caucasus front and the passages at both ends; they It is believed that they will be able to hold Batumi and Baku and the Caucasus Mountains until the winter snow and the situation of their positions are greatly strengthened.However, the chief of the Imperial General Staff is still worried.For example, Voroshilov said that all the gates were fortified, but when the chief of the Imperial General Staff flew over 150 feet above the west bank of the Caspian Sea, he saw only that the northern defense line had just begun to build anti-tank barriers, bunkers, etc.During my private conversation with Stalin, he confided to me other compelling reasons for his confidence in victory, including a massive counter-offensive.Just because he asked me to keep it a secret, I won't talk about it in detail here.I myself feel that their strength will be on par with the enemy's, but the Reich Chief of Staff says that has not yet been reached. [1] Chief of Staff of Russia. I was offended by many of the things that were discussed at our meeting.I sympathize with the tense situation in which the Soviet leaders find themselves: the vast front nearly two thousand miles long is full of flames and blood is flowing, and the German army is only fifty miles from Moscow and is advancing on the Caspian Sea.Discussions on military technology were not very satisfactory.Our generals ask questions that their Soviet colleagues have no right to answer.The only requirement of the Soviet Union is to open up a second front right now.In the end, Brook was a little rude, and the military meeting ended abruptly. We will start at dawn on the 16th.At 7:00 p.m. the night before my departure, I bid farewell to Stalin.We had a useful and important conversation.In particular, I asked him if he could hold the passes in the Caucasus Mountains, and prevent the Germans from entering the Caspian Sea, capturing the oil fields around Baku and all the important targets, and then pushing south through Turkey or Persia.He spread out the map and said with great confidence: We will stop them from advancing.They cannot cross the Caucasus Mountains.He added: There are rumors that the Turkish army will attack us in Turkestan.If they do, I can handle them just as well.I said there was no such danger.The Turks intend to stay out of the matter and will never have a dispute with Britain. At the end of our hour-long conversation, I got up to say goodbye.Stalin seemed suddenly disturbed, and said to me in a more earnest tone than he had ever used: You left at dawn, why don't you come to my house for a drink? I said, I have always liked this method.So he guided me through many corridors and rooms until he came to a quiet road still within the Kremlin, and two hundred yards to his house.He pointed out to me that the rooms he lived in were not too big or too small, simple and generous. There were four dining rooms, an office, a bedroom and a large bathroom.Presently, first a very old housekeeper, and then a beautiful red-haired girl, who dutifully kissed her father.Stalin winked at me, as if to tell me, you see, we Bolsheviks also have families.Stalin's daughter began to set the table, and after a while the housekeeper brought out some dishes.At this time Stalin opened various bottles and set up a table magnificently.Then he said: why don't we invite Molotov?He is worrying about the communiqué, we can draft it here.Molotov had a good knack for drinking.Only then did I know that there will be a banquet here.I had planned to dine at State Villa No. 7, where General Anders, the Polish commander, was waiting for me.I told my new eminent interpreter, Major Burrs, to call and say I wouldn't be back until after midnight. After a while Molotov came.We were seated, and together with two interpreters, there were five of us.Major Burls, who had been in Moscow for twenty years, had a very pleasant conversation with the marshal at the table, and sometimes the two chatted so eloquently that I could not intervene. We sat at the dinner table from 8:30 until 2:30 the next morning, including the pre-dinner meeting for a total of more than seven hours.The banquet was obviously impromptu, but the dishes were served one after another.We carefully selected and savored the many delicious dishes, which seemed to be the custom in Russia, and we tasted all kinds of wines.Molotov put on an air of gallantry, and Stalin made fun of him as much as he wanted to make the banquet a success. After a while we talked about the convoys bound for Russia.He spoke roughly of the Arctic convoy which had been almost completely destroyed in June.I have already mentioned this matter at the appropriate place in this book.I didn't know as much about this incident then as I do now. Pavlov said to me with some hesitation: Mr. Stalin asked, does the British Navy have no sense of honor?I replied: You have to believe me, what we did was the right thing to do.My knowledge of navies and naval warfare is indeed considerable.Stalin said: It means that I don't understand anything.I said: the Russians are the heroes of the land, but the British are the heroes of the sea.He stopped talking, and was as excited as before.I turned to talk to Molotov: does the marshal understand that his foreign minister said during his recent visit to Washington that he decided to visit New York entirely on his own initiative, and that his return was delayed not because of an airplane obstacle, But out of their own volition? Although almost any amusing thing could be said at a Russian banquet, Molotov clearly took them seriously.Stalin showed a happy expression and said: He didn't go to New York, he went to Chicago, where other thugs lived. With that, the rapport is restored and the conversation continues.I began to speak of the landing of British troops in Norway with Russian support, and explained that if we could capture the North Cape this winter and eliminate the German forces there, the convoy route would be open from then on.As I have stated, this idea has always been one of my favored plans.Stalin seemed fascinated by it, and after talking about means and methods, we agreed that the plan must be carried out if possible. It was past midnight, and Cadogan had not yet brought the draft communiqué. I ask, please tell me, is the tense situation of this war for you personally the same as the implementation of the kolkhoz policy? This word immediately excited the Marshal. He said: No, no, the collective farm policy is a terrible struggle. I said: I think you must feel uncomfortable, because you are not dealing with millions of nobles or great landowners, but millions of small people. He raised his hands and said: Tens of millions, that is terrible.It went on for four years.This policy is absolutely necessary if we are to avoid periodic famines and tractor tillage.We must mechanize our agriculture.If we gave tractors to individual farmers, within a few months these machines would be completely destroyed.Only collective farms with workshops could use tractors.We take the trouble to explain to farmers.It is useless to argue with the peasants.When you have told all you have to say to a farmer, he says that he must go home and ask his wife and discuss it with everyone.In this respect, the last sentence is a new way of saying it to me. After talking to them, he often replied that he didn't want a collective farm, he would rather not have a tractor to plow the land. Are these people what you call rich peasants? He said: Yes, but he didn't repeat the word.After a pause, he said again: The situation at that time was very bad and very difficult, but it was necessary. I asked: what was the result? He said: "Very well, many of them are involved.Some got cultivated land in the Tomsk or Irkutsk provinces or farther north, but most of them were hated by the peasants and wiped out by their farmhands. After a long pause, he said: We have not only greatly increased the supply of grain, but also greatly improved the quality of grain.In the past, all kinds of grains could be grown, but now no seeds other than the Soviet standard seeds are allowed to be planted in all parts of the country.Those who do not do so are severely dealt with.As a result, the food supply has increased substantially. At this point in writing, the past events and strong impressions of millions of men and women who were killed or permanently expelled from their hometowns appeared before my eyes again.The future generation will certainly be ignorant of their plight; but, surely, there will be more food to thank Stalin for.I did not repeat Burke's dictum: If I cannot reform fairly, I will not reform.At a time when world wars are raging around us, it seems futile to speak out about moral questions. At about one o'clock in the morning, Cadogan arrived with a draft communique, and we began to revise it into a final version.At this moment a rather large plate of roast piglets was placed on the table.Before that, Stalin had only tasted various dishes, but now it was half past one, which was his usual time for dinner.He invited Cadogan to feast with him, and after my friend said goodbye, our host feasted alone.After eating, he suddenly entered the next room to read the reports from the various theaters in front, which had been delivered one after another since two o'clock in the morning.It took about twenty minutes for him to return, and by this time we had reached a consensus on the draft of the communiqué.Finally, at half past two, I said I must take my leave.It takes me half an hour to drive to the country house and the same amount of time to get to the airport.At that time, I felt a severe headache, which is not often the case.I also have to look at General Anders.I begged Molotov not to see him off at dawn because he was obviously tired.He stared at me with implied reproach, as if to say: Do you really think I'm not going there? The following is the original text of our communiqué. Mr. Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR JV Stalin Chairman of the People's Commissar of the Soviet Union, Jovi Stalin, held talks with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in Moscow, and the President of the United States, on behalf of Mr. Harriman, attended the talks.The Soviet side also participated in the talks: People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Molotov and Marshal Voroshilov; the British side also included: Sir Clark Kerr, the British ambassador to the Soviet Union, Sir Brooke, the chief of the imperial general staff, and other heads of the British army. Representative and Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, Sir Cadogan. The talks resulted in a number of decisions concerning the war against Hitler's Germany and its allies in Europe.For this just war of liberation, the governments of the two countries are determined to fight with all their might until Hitlerism and any similar tyranny are completely eradicated.The talks took place in an atmosphere of cordiality and great sincerity; this meeting gave us an opportunity to reaffirm that the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States have formed a close friendship and a mutual understanding in full accordance with the alliance between the three countries. We took off at half past five in the morning.I happily slept in the plane, not having the slightest recollection of the sights or conditions of the journey until I reached the southern tip of the Caspian Sea and started flying over the Elbrus Mountains.In Tehran, instead of the legation, I went to the cool and quiet jungle of my summer cottage above the city.There are many telegrams waiting for me here.I had scheduled a meeting in Baghdad the next day with most of our senior officials in Persia and Iraq, but feeling that I couldn't stand the August midday heat in Baghdad, I had no trouble changing it to Cairo.That night, I dined with the Legation staff in the pleasant woods; I was at ease, forgetting all troubles, and slept until dawn. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin August 16, 1942 Having arrived in Tehran after a swift and smooth flight, I take this opportunity to call to thank you for your friendship and hospitality.I have come to Moscow this time with a sense of relief: first, because it is my duty to explain the situation; and second, because I am sure that our contacts will help advance our cause.Please give my regards to Molotov. I also reported to the War Cabinet and President Roosevelt. August 16, 1942｜17 Yesterday at seven o'clock in the afternoon, I went to Mr. Stalin's to say goodbye.We had a very satisfying conversation.He talked at length about the situation on the Russian front, which seemed very exciting.Of course he said with confidence that they could hold out until winter came. 下午八時三十分，我起立告辭時，他問下次將在何時會晤。我說，我將在清晨離去。他然後說：為什麼不到克里姆林宮內我的住所去喝杯酒呢？我就去了，並在那邊進晚餐，莫洛托夫也應召前來。斯大林先生介紹我認識他的女兒，一位漂亮的姑娘，她羞怯地和他親吻，但未邀她作陪。晚餐和公報稿一直進行到今晨三時。我有一位很好的譯員，因此能夠順利地和他們談話。談話時氣氛極其親善，我們頭一遭相處得這麼暢快，這麼友好。我覺得我們已建立了一種對將來很有助益的個人關係。我們對於丘比特計劃談得很多，他認為到十一月或十二月這個計劃就很有必要。如果沒有這個計劃，我真不知道我們怎能將裝備這支巨大的作戰部隊所需要的軍事物資運到。橫貫波斯的鐵路現在只有一半可以通行。他最需要的是卡車。他寧願要卡車，而不要坦克，因為他現在每月可製造二千輛坦克。他也需要鋁。 我最後說：總的說來，這次訪問莫斯科的確使我受到鼓舞。我深信，這次我所帶去的使他們失望的消息，只有由我親自傳達才不致引起真正嚴重的分裂。到莫斯科去是我的職責。現在他們已了解最壞的情況，他們十分友好地提出了抗議；儘管此刻是他們最憂慮最困窘的時期，他們的態度還是友好的。此外，斯大林完全承認火炬作戰計劃的巨大優越性，我也確實相信，大西洋兩岸的人們正在以超人的力量把這個計劃推向前進。