Chapter 149 Volume 4, Chapter 39, Adana and Tripoli

Necessity for Turkey to enter the war My Memorandum to the Committee of the Chiefs of Staff November 18th My Telegram to Stalin November 24th I want a meeting with the President of Turkey Agreed, they finally reluctantly agreed to fly over the Atlas Mountains, the Turkish government welcomes the meeting, we flew to Adana, a memo I handed over to the Turkish side, a marriage proposal, which fully explained our position to them, and took place in President Inonu's private car. Meeting "Morning Thoughts" My report to the War Cabinet on January 31 Turkey harbors suspicions about Russia Russian victory at Stalingrad My telegram to Stalin on February 2 His message on February 6 Call back a lost opportunity.

The occupation of northwest Africa by the Allies changed the strategic situation in the Mediterranean. Since they had obtained a solid base on the southern coast of the Mediterranean, it was possible to attack the enemy. President Roosevelt and I have long wanted to open another route to Russia and attack Germany's southern flank.Turkey is key to all these plans.For many months we have been trying to get Turkey to join the Allies in the war against Germany.The matter now has new hope, and is more urgent than ever. Immediately after Alamein and Operation Torch were decided, I sent a memorandum on the subject to the British Chiefs of Staff on 18 November.We already have a large number of troops in Egypt and the Middle East, which are meant to stay there anyway, but now that the fighting situation has improved, they can be made active.The gist of the memo is as follows:

A long-term and unremitting effort must be made to get Turkey to join the war in the spring.We must estimate that our naval forces, ships, and landing craft will all be used in the central Mediterranean region, while in the eastern Mediterranean region, only small-scale amphibious combat forces will be available.But through the railway through Syria and the sea route along the coast, it is possible to obtain the road to Turkey, as long as an air protection force can be gradually established, not only Antalya, but even the Dardanelles themselves can be opened , for the delivery of supplies to Turkey.Troops can enter Turkey from Syria by rail and road.

Please place on the record the opinion that Turkey could be won over to our side, provided appropriate measures are taken.Turkey is one of our allies.It will be willing to take a place at future peace conferences as one of the victorious nations.It is eager to be fully armed, its army is in good shape, it lacks only modern specialized weapons, and in this respect Bulgaria has a great advantage thanks to the help of the Germans.The Turkish Army has been mobilized for almost three years and is capable of fighting.So far, Turkey has been hesitant to meet its obligations because of fear.Since we are powerless to help it, we have always been tolerant of the policy it adopts.The situation has now changed.Now that Rommel's army had been wiped out, large numbers of troops were soon available in Egypt and Cyrenaica.With the increased Russian resistance and the possibility of a counter-offensive in the Caucasus, and we will press the Russians to launch this counter-offensive, the pressure on our side in Persia will be greatly relieved, and my Tenth Army may be able to withdraw.There is also the Ninth Army in Syria.As long as the Russians can hold the Caucasus north of the mountains and the Caspian, we can draw from these sources and form a strong British land and air force to assist the Turks.The scheduled date for the concentration of this force should be April, May and February.Please give your suggestions.

The following are the political and military procedures: (1) Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom should guarantee Turkey's territorial integrity and status quo.The Russians have agreed with us on this.Now that the United States is added, I am afraid that Turkey can be completely at ease.Following this assurance, a strong Anglo-American military delegation should be sent to Turkey. (2) From now on, throughout the winter the Turkish army must be equipped with tanks, anti-tank guns and anti-aircraft guns from Egypt and the United States, and airfields must be actively built.We have been building airfields in Turkey for two years.How has it progressed so far?On the Egyptian side, now that Rommel had been defeated, there were clearly surplus supplies there.The Middle East Army has more than 2,500 tanks, and has also seized a lot of materials from the German and Italian troops.The same goes for anti-tank guns and anti-aircraft guns.Turkey must be provided with specialists to teach them how to use and maintain these weapons.There must be a steady flow of arms and equipment to Turkey.We have promised to supply them with a batch of weapons and equipment, but once Turkey secretly agrees to the above-mentioned plan, it will be necessary to send a large amount of weapons and equipment at once, which will far exceed the amount originally promised.What is the capacity of rail transport from Syria to the Bosporus and Dardanelles?I hope to hear from you.It would be a serious mistake to attack Rhodes and other enemy-occupied islands in the Eastern Mediterranean before our side wins over Turkey.Because after Turkey joins our side, a powerful air force based on the coast can be used to support all offensives.We must smuggle around this coast by land and sea while strengthening our air force.

(3) In connection with the above two points, we should also urge the Russians to strengthen their southern flank, clear the Caucasus of the enemy, and retake Novorossiysk.The most important thing is that the offensive should continue as soon as possible from the area north of Stalingrad to Rostov-on-Don in a south-west direction. This intention was told to me by Premier Stalin. This series of military operations, if successful, would eventually allow supplies to be transported through the Dardanelles, under the protection of a strong air force, to the Russian Black Sea ports, and through which any naval assistance the Russians may require in the Black Sea .

My memo describes only the initial stages.I informed Stalin of my thoughts on November 24. I have communicated to President Roosevelt some preliminary views concerning Turkey, and have found that we both agree.I think we should all try again to get Turkey to fight with us.I therefore hope that the United States will also be included in an Anglo-Soviet pledge of respect for the territorial integrity and status quo of Turkey. Second, we have already begun to ship a considerable amount of munitions, including 200 tanks, from the Middle East to Turkey.Third, I hope that by the beginning of next spring, a strong force can be assembled in Syria, so that if Turkey is threatened, or if it is willing to join our side, this force can be sent to assist Turkey.Obviously, your operations in the Caucasus or areas north of that have a significant impact on that as well.If Turkey joins us, we will not only be able to fight to open the air route to your left flank on the Black Sea side, but we will also be able to bomb the Romanian oil fields from Turkish bases.Now that you have held the major oil-producing regions of the Caucasus, the oil fields of Romania have become extremely important to the Axis powers.

On November 28 Stalin replied that he fully agreed with the President and me on the Turkish question.Every effort should be made to get Turkey to fight alongside us next spring.This is extremely important to speed up the defeat of Hitler and his accomplices. The issue remained on hold until the Casablanca Conference convened.It became one of the main issues discussed at the meeting.We have included in the report of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and its notes the general agreement reached on the need for Turkey's participation in the war.At this time, I hope to meet President Inonu in Turkey to resolve this issue.There was also much to do in Cairo, and I hoped to drop by the Eighth Army in Tripoli on the way home, and to visit Algiers, should it be taken by then.There are many things that I can solve immediately, but there are many more things that I need to see with my own eyes before deciding.I therefore sent a telegram from Casablanca to the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary on January 20, which read as follows:

After studying the situation beforehand, I raised the Turkish question with President Roosevelt.The President and I agreed that Turkey, both arms and diplomacy, would be handled by us, and that China, and of course French North Africa, would be handled by the United States.You must be satisfied with this.Immediately after the President leaves here, provided the weather is favorable, I will fly from Marrakech to Cairo, where I intend to stay for two or three days in order to resolve several important issues.Isn't it time for me to have direct contact with Turkey?If you two think it is feasible, the Foreign Secretary should immediately make a proposal to the Turkish side.

I received a telegram the next day saying that Mr. Attlee and Mr. Eden had looked into the matter with the War Cabinet and that they urged me to go straight back to London to report to Parliament about my meeting with the President.My cabinet colleagues objected to my going to Cairo because they thought the risk was superfluous.As for the proposal to contact Turkey, they opposed it even more vigorously.They firmly believed that the time was not yet ripe for engagement, and that if I persisted, I would either be rejected or fail. These arguments did not convince me at all. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary

January 21, 1943 I deeply regret what happened to Turkey.I think this is a lost opportunity of a lifetime.I didn't want to force Turkey to make any promises, I just wanted to show them how we can help them now to keep their country safe.These methods are threefold: (1) assure them; (2) provide them with substantial arms assistance; (3) support them with special anti-aircraft artillery units, aircraft, anti-tank weapons, radar, etc., should they be attacked .Even if the Turks are afraid to go to war, I will never be disappointed. Mr. Eden sent me a private telegram to say that he thought the arguments put forward by the War Cabinet to be quite sound and that the results which I thought important could be obtained by other means.I discussed the matter with the President on the basis of these two London telegrams.Accordingly, on the 24th of January I called London again as follows: Prime Minister to Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary January 24, 1943 I must solemnly request the War Cabinet to reconsider the matter, and let me know of their decision as soon as possible.I now wish and request that the following telegram be sent in my name to President Inonu or the Prime Minister of Turkey, as the matter may be decided by you: I will be in Cairo after a meeting with the President of the United States in North Africa.The British and American Governments have given me the right to speak on behalf of both Governments on the furnishing of the Turkish Army with the latest weapons and on general questions concerning the overall defense and security of Turkey.Therefore, I am willing to meet with the Prime Minister of Turkey in a secret place, and if necessary, I can also try to get the Chief of the Reich General Staff to meet with Field Marshal Chuck Mack or other senior Turkish generals.Cyprus can be a very reliable and safe meeting place for friendly talks on the general situation, and if you deem it suitable, I will be more than happy to go there. President Roosevelt attaches great importance to action taken on this line, and when my colleagues in the Cabinet are willing to send the above-mentioned telegram, he will personally send a telegram to Inonu as follows: President Inonu: After the meeting with me, Prime Minister Churchill will go to Cairo. He will most likely want to hold a meeting with you or your prime minister at some convenient, undisclosed location.If he does wish to have a meeting, I very much hope that you or your Prime Minister will find time to meet with him.Roosevelt. Even if the Turkish side refuses to hold talks with us, it doesn't matter. I have no vanity in these matters.The conquest of Tripoli, the successes of the Russians, and my speaking on behalf of the two great allies make this a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, and I implore you not to miss it. The flight from Marrakech to Cairo was considered to be free from difficulties after careful reconnaissance and study.It does not fly over any enemy-occupied territory, nor does it fly close to any front.Both the Chief of Air Staff and the pilot considered the flight to be extremely safe and reliable.In any case, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff and I need to be there in order to discuss with Wilson the whole question of his new theater of operations and the disposition of the Tenth Army, from which we are about to draw a large force for the attack on Sicily . I am confident that you two and my fellow Cabinet colleagues will give me the freedom to act so that I can take what I believe is in the country's best interest. The War Cabinet reiterated their arguments against my meeting with the Turkish leaders.They were in favor of the continuation of the staff talks and felt that it would be unavoidable to contact the top Turkish figures without prior preparations, especially if the required ships and vehicles were not ready in case supplies were to be delivered as a result of the agreement. too early.Lying in the comfort of my bed in Taylor Cottage, looking out at the Atlas Mountains, exasperated by the obstruction of the War Cabinet, I longed to hop on the C|4 that waited patiently and calmly for me at the airfield Type 16 aircraft, flying over the Atlas Mountains. Furthermore, I am convinced that I am right and that the President fully agrees with me on this issue.Therefore, I replied again on January 25 as follows: Prime Minister to Deputy Prime Minister and War Cabinet January 25, 1943 Neither the President nor I have been convinced by the arguments you have presented.It never occurred to us to urge Turkey to join the war without considering objective conditions and circumstances.These objective conditions and situations must be created in advance.First, Turkey must be well armed.Secondly, the situation created by the attack on Italy and the advance of the Russians must first have a major impact on the security of Turkey.But I think it is strange that anyone should doubt whether it would be in our interest for Turkey to join our war if the proper conditions have been created.Nobody wants to push the Turks over their borders, just to let us occupy their airfield.Because of these airfields we will be able to paralyze the Ploiesti oil field, which, in the judgment of the Chiefs of Staff, will have far-reaching consequences.Moreover, in four or five months' time, when the great campaign which we are determined to wage begins, it will doubtless be a valuable addition to our war effort if Turkey joins the Allied side against the enemy.I have no doubt that the Joint Chiefs of Staff feel the same way, but they are now dispersed.All I can say is that the Chief of the Reich General Staff and the President and his advisers agree. 2. I earnestly request that the controversial telegram be sent.I am convinced that even if you so-called refusal (and it is unlikely), the consequences will never be serious, and the President agrees with me.On the contrary, if the Turkish side accepts it, it is in their own interest that they will never let this important contact with the victorious side fail.If they make unrestricted arms demands to the President and me, I will report them to you first and then decide whether to grant them. 3. Therefore, I would like to ask you to send my telegram.The President, who will be leaving in a few hours (Monday morning), authorized me to send his telegram as soon as your decision has been made. This, of course, compels the Cabinet to make a decision.That afternoon I received a telegram from the War Cabinet reluctantly assenting to my plan, and it was with a lighter heart that I sent the following telegram to London: Prime Minister to Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary January 25, 1943 I am most grateful to you for allowing me to try out my project.We might just get a flat refusal, and in that case the blame is on me, but I don't think I'm going to wait for an answer from Turkey.I think it is more likely that they will agree.If they agree, I think I can make some progress.How difficult it is to be alone when you can't talk to everyone! 2. In addition to Turkey, there are also great possibilities in South Tunisia.I shall endeavor to make the best use of these possibilities.The Desert Army has reached the current stage of glorious record in the 1,500-mile battle, and has become the most influential event on the coast of North Africa. However, the last time I saw the Desert Army, their morale was so low , out of order.It is absurd to think (by God) that I did not know until noon today whether I would be answering the questions put against me in the House of Commons tomorrow, or meeting General Wilson in Cairo. I could not help sending the following telegram: Prime Minister to Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary January 26, 1943 Right now we are flying over the Atlas Mountains, where the snow glistens in the sun.You can imagine how much I want to meet with you in the House of Commons tomorrow, but it is difficult to do so because of business. So on the afternoon of the 26th, after having a very delicious dinner prepared by Mr. Penda at Taylor Villa, we set off on the C|46 plane.After a good night's sleep on the plane, I sat in the co-pilot's seat for the first time in eight months next to my young American pilot, Capt. sunrise.We need not fly so far south this time, for Alamein has driven our enemy some fifteen hundred miles to the west.When we arrived at the airfield, ten miles from the pyramids, we were greeted by the British ambassador, Lord Killern, and the Cairo headquarters.Then we went to the embassy together.There I met Sir Alexander Cadogan, Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, who had been sent by the British Cabinet at my request.It is with relief and satisfaction that we have been able to compare the present situation with the situation in August 1942. At this point I received a telegram saying that Turkish President Ismail Inonu welcomed the proposal for a meeting.There were several proposals regarding the timing and location of the meeting.One of the plans is for me to go to Ankara in person.In view of the lack of security shown by the recent bombing attempt on the murder of the German ambassador Papen, the Foreign Office was particularly opposed to this suggestion.Another suggestion was made by the Turkish President that I could meet his Prime Minister Mr. Saracholu in Cyprus on January 31, after he had dinner at the German embassy that day.Go there.The Turkish side also suggested that their president and his entourage could also meet me secretly in his special car at any point in Turkey, as long as the place suits me; this is of course much more convenient.It was then agreed to hold talks on January 30 in Adana, on the coast near the Turkish-Syrian border.I immediately informed the President and Stalin of this decision. prime minister to president roosevelt January 27, 1943 It can be seen from the telegram sent to you by the Turkish side that they welcome this very much.I am in Cairo at the moment, and in a day or two I will be going to a secret meeting place in Turkey, the name of which will be telegraphed later.I will let you know the whole situation.Hope you are well and in good spirits.It appears that newspapers around the world have responded well to our meeting. Prime Minister to Premier Stalin January 27, 1943 President Roosevelt and I agreed that I would suggest to the President of Turkey that he hold a conference with me in order to try to equip the Turkish Army better and more quickly in case of danger.The Turkish President has replied that he warmly welcomes this plan to strengthen Turkey's flank defenses and, if I agree, he is willing to make the matter public at the appropriate time after the talks.I understand that you already know my opinion on this issue from the telegrams between you and me, and I will tell you the details in time. Please allow me to once again express my admiration for the successive brilliant victories achieved by the Soviet Army. I went to meet the Turks in that C|46.It took only four hours to fly across the Mediterranean, most of which we could see Palestine and Syria before we landed in Adana.Cadogan came with me, and Generals Brooke, Alexander, Wilson, and other officers; they were in another plane.We landed with great difficulty on the small Turkish airfield, and as soon as the welcoming ceremony was over, a long, brightly painted train carrying the President of Turkey squirmed out of the mountain pass. , all the members of the Turkish cabinet and Marshal Chuck Mack, they welcomed us with great cordiality.Since there is no residence nearby, several sleeping cars were added to the train for us to live in.We stayed on the train for two nights, and each day we had long talks with the Turks and a pleasant meeting with President Inonu over meals.On the way, I drew up a document to Turkey for their study.Its original intention was a marriage proposal, in which the President and I made a request for a spiritual marriage. The threat to the northern flank of Turkey has now been relieved by the crushing defeat of the Germans by the Russians; the threat to the southern flank of Turkey has also been relieved by the fact that the two generals Alexander and Montgomery drove Rommel back 1,600 miles from Cairo, Three-quarters of his army was wiped out, and nine-tenths of his equipment was destroyed.However, the Germans are not reconciled, they still need oil and are eager to move east, so they may try to break through the center this summer.Turkey must be prepared to resist any such aggression by force.We are here to learn how we can best help our allies at this grave but promising time.To this end, we intend to increase the speed and quantity of modern munitions supplied to the Turkish army, which unfortunately lacks such munitions.The President of the United States asked me to represent not only my country, but him in this matter.Of course, this does not mean that I have the right to write a blank check on behalf of the United States. I still have to consult with the United States on some specific issues.But the president is very keen to have this meeting, because he wants Turkey to be safe and strong, and to work closely with our two great Western democracies, not only in the end of the war, but in the recovery of the world after the war .Therefore, I think that you are expected to consider any proposal we make with extreme approval. 2. What should we do in order to increase the quantity of weapons we supply and to make these weapons effective as soon as possible?What is the current shipping situation?What measures should we take to eliminate overcrowding?What steps should be taken to ensure that our allies can use these equipment correctly?We (British people) are not arrogant in these matters, and only want to arm ourselves stronger and better.For example, the Americans sent instructors to train us in the various tanks and weapons they supplied us in the Middle East.Before they went to war, they even sent in large numbers of skilled technicians in civilian clothes to teach us how to make these vehicles work and how to handle them.Another example is the Trans-Persian Railway.We thought we were well managed, but the Americans made some suggestions, and suggested that they send a large number of people to take over to help us manage the railway better.They are now taking over the railway section by section from us.I say this to show that when we propose to send a large number of experts and technicians in plain clothes to Turkey to assist in the processing of these military supplies, so that your army can master and maintain these supplies, there is no harm to the other side The meaning of dignity.In addition, we are very willing to send officers who have extensive experience in tank warfare and other forms of warfare, and are willing to provide all the information required. I am particularly concerned that the Turkish army, with the best infantry and good artillery, has not been given modern weapons to decide the outcome of the war for a full three and a half years after the outbreak of the war, while the Germans have continued to Supply the modern weapons they loot to countries like Bulgaria.Therefore, I am fully aware of Turkey's consistent attitude at all stages so far. The time has come when this gap can and must be closed as quickly as possible. Once Turkey is involved in the war, Britain and the United States must immediately send at least twenty-five air squadrons together.A number of airfields have been prepared and large quantities of supplies have been delivered to them.But there is another class of airfields, the preparations of which were interrupted a year and a half ago, and the construction of this airfield must be vigorously carried out. Materials, spare parts, field repair stations, etc. must all be ready.The nest must be erected so that the iron birds can immediately fly to the site.Before the nest is built, the iron bird can neither perch nor attack.This work must be done to the best of our ability, as it is indeed of great importance to the defense of Turkey, and British and American technicians and air officers have volunteered to do their best for it.Once an agreement has been reached between the staffs of both parties, it should not be delayed for a day. 5. In the event of an unexpected event in the early summer of this year, it is impossible for the Turkish army to be fully equipped with various technical weapons by then.The British could therefore provide some special forces, well trained and mobile, which would not overwhelm the lines of communication like large corps, but which would be necessary to defend airfields and repel tank attacks.In order to defend these airfields and to repel the tank attack, we will place in the tank with the necessary and possible American support, as well as the anti-tank batteries available, including some of the latest seventeen-pounders that have not yet been used. Inside, stand ready in place.We are also prepared to support those already in position with anti-aircraft artillery regiments.We are also preparing to transfer two armored divisions with combat experience as soon as possible.In addition, two armies, the Ninth Army and the Tenth Army, were added. A considerable portion of the Tenth Army will then be engaged in operations in the Central Mediterranean, but three-quarters of the Polish Legion is equipped and of such excellent quality that it can be employed unless the Germans break through the Russian Caucasus The front line is approaching Persia.But that's simply not possible.In addition, the Ninth Army in Syria is expanding to about five divisions.However, if such a large number of troops are mobilized, the communication lines may be congested, so it is best to bring the special forces as soon as possible first. 6. Now I will inform you of the Casablanca Conference and our decision to assemble a large force in the Central Mediterranean.We cannot, of course, divulge details as to exact plans and dates, but our intention is that Tunisia and the United Kingdom bombard Italy heavily, across the Mediterranean, in order to crush it completely and render it incapable of further fighting; preparations, which are now underway.The defeat of Italy would put us in touch with the Western Balkans and with the very promising resistance campaigns of General Mikhailovich in Serbia and partisans in Croatia and Slovenia.According to our calculations and reasonable hopes, we shall have driven the enemy to sea from all parts of the African coast before the summer, perhaps much earlier.In that case, summer in the Mediterranean could see one of the largest combat operations currently possible by Britain and the United States.These combat actions, especially Italy's attitude, will greatly affect the entire Balkans.It must be estimated that the Russian army may continue to advance.It must also be taken into account that the Russians might fight across the Black Sea with their superior fleet.So we have to take into account that in the summer the crisis will become very serious and Turkey will need security most then. 7. I know that Prime Minister Stalin is eager for Turkey to be fully armed and capable of resisting aggression.I know that President Roosevelt, like His Majesty's government, hopes that Turkey will be a well-deserved member of our allies to attend the peace conference, because at the peace conference, all issues related to changing the current status quo will inevitably need to be resolved.It is not yet possible to say when this world war will end.But Britain and the United States are convinced that we will win.That's why the President called the Casablanca meeting an unconditional surrender meeting.Recall that we were originally a peaceful nation unprepared for war.But now we have become a martial state far surpassing Germany, Japan and Italy in terms of soldiers and ammunition.We are determined to carry the war to the end, and this time we are determined to completely defeat the enemy, and we will not rest until this goal is achieved.You know the internal situation in Germany probably as well as we do, perhaps a little better than we do.We do not pin our hopes on an early or sudden collapse of Germany, but of course no one can be sure that it will not collapse as suddenly as last time.We must be prepared for both the best and the worst. 8. The last time I came to Turkey was in 1909. At that time, I met many brave people with lofty ideals. They are the founders of modern Turkey.Britain and Turkey have a long and friendly relationship.This relationship was severed for a time by the last world war, when German intrigues and British-Turkish mistakes pitted us against each other.We have fought each other bravely and honorably. But those days are gone, and we and our American allies are willing to work to bring us together as we move forward together toward a world order in which peace-loving peoples of all nations will have the right to Free to live their own lives, a world order in which all peoples will have the opportunity to assist each other. I handed the document to the Turkish president on the evening of the day I arrived in Adana when I held our first meeting in his car. The wide-ranging talks that followed centered on two issues: the structure of the postwar world and the arrangements of international organizations, and the future relationship between Turkey and Russia.I will cite only some of the recorded things I have said to the leaders of Turkey.I said that I had met Molotov and Stalin, and my impression was that both men were willing to maintain peaceful and friendly relations with Britain and the United States.Economically, both Western powers have a lot to offer Russia, and they can help Russia make up for its losses.I can't predict what will happen in twenty years, but we have signed a twenty-year treaty nonetheless.I think that in the next ten years Russia will be working on a revival.There may be various changes: because communism has been modified.I think we should have good relations with Russia, and if the UK and the US can get along and maintain a strong air force, they should be able to ensure stability for a while.This would even benefit Russia.It has vast undeveloped areas, Siberia being one example. The Prime Minister of Turkey pointed out that I had said that Russia could become imperialist. So Turkey has to be very careful.I replied that an international organization would be established to ensure peace and security, which would be stronger than the League of Nations.I also said that I was not afraid of communism.Mr. Saraciolo said that what he was looking for was something more realistic.Europe will be full of Slavs and Communists; once Germany is defeated, all the defeated countries will be ruled by Slavs and Bolsheviks.I replied that things are often not as bad as imagined; even if they are so bad, shouldn't Turkey strengthen its strength and cooperate closely with Britain and the United States.In case Russia attacks Turkey for no reason, the international organization I am talking about will be used to protect Turkey's interests, not only the post-war guarantees for Turkey, but also the post-war guarantees for all of Europe will be much stricter up.If Russia follows Germany, I will never cease to be its friend.If it does, we will do everything we can to deal with it together, and I don't hesitate to say this to Stalin.Molotov had demanded an agreement that would treat the Balkan states as Russian provinces.We have refused to sign this agreement because: first, the question of territorial rearrangement will be postponed until after the war; second, we believe that the right of all countries to self-determination must be preserved. Lying in bed in a sleeper the next morning, I jotted down my thoughts on post-war security based on the extensive interviews I had had.I call this article "Morning Thoughts".In light of future developments, one passage may be worth quoting: 同盟國的首腦有意根據自由、正義和恢復繁榮諸概念，成立一個旨在維護和平的世界性組織。作為這一組織的一部分，將成立一個歐洲政府機構，這一機構將體現前國際聯盟的精神，但並不具有它所有的弱點。組成這一機構的單位，不僅包括歐洲和小亞細亞兩地的歷史悠久的大國，而且包括由一些小國所組成的若干聯邦，其中顯然將有一個斯堪的納維亞集團、一個多瑙河集團和一個巴爾幹集團。在遠東也將成立一個與此類似的機構，只是成員有所不同，這整個組織是團結在下列基礎上的，那就是戰勝國將繼續保持充分武裝，尤其是在空軍方面，同時又迫使犯罪國徹底解除武裝。誰也無法斷言，戰勝國彼此之間不會爭吵，或美國不會再次退出歐洲，但是鑒於各國經歷了這一切以後，鑒於它們所受到的痛苦，鑒於第三次大搏鬥勢必將使人類所保留的文化、財富、文明蕩然無存，並使我們變得與野獸相差無幾各主要大國必將不遺餘力地使它們之間的光榮的聯合延續下去，並由於作出犧牲和自制，而名垂青史。英國必將不遺餘力地組織一種聯合抵抗運動，以抵禦任何大國的侵略行為，並相信美國將與它合作，甚至可能會因為它在人力和物力上佔有優勢，在這種侵略傾向尚未發展成為公開的戰爭以前就見義勇為，挺身而出，制止這一傾向。 在進行這些廣泛的政治會談時期，帝國總參謀長和我方的其他高級將領也和土方進行了軍事會談。所討論的兩個主要問題是：在土耳其採取任何政治行動以前和以後，為土耳其部隊提供裝備的問題和制訂一個一旦土耳其參戰時，英軍援助土軍的計劃的問題。這些會談的結果，被列入一項軍事協定內。 我們現在必須要回述在斯大林格勒周圍展開的那場驚天動地的事件。前面已經講過了，十一月間會戰的結果是，保盧斯所率領的德國第六集團軍為俄軍的鉗形攻勢所包圍，成為甕中之鱉。曼施泰因在十二月間由西南力圖突破俄軍的封鎖線，解救被圍的駐軍，但終告失敗。他於突入俄軍防線深達四十哩後，便被擋住了，這時他距斯大林格勒尚有五十哩。俄軍由北方發動的一次新攻勢威脅了他的側翼，迫使他從整個德軍南線，包括高加索在內，全面後撤，一直退回到頓河上的羅斯托夫的後面。 保盧斯現在已經陷於絕境。德國人曾力圖由空中為他提供給養，但是能越過封鎖線的飛機寥寥無幾，並且損失慘重。 天氣奇寒，糧彈兩缺，再加上發生了斑疹傷寒，他的士兵的痛苦是可想而知的。他於一月八日拒絕了令他投降的最後通牒，次日，俄軍由西方發動猛攻，戰役的最後階段遂告開始。 德軍進行了頑強的抵抗，因此俄軍猛攻了好幾天才僅推進了五哩。但最後德軍終於不支，到一月十七日俄軍距斯大林格勒城已不到十哩。保盧斯將所有能作戰的人都投入了戰鬥，但是徒勞無益。一月二十二日，俄軍再度猛攻，直將德軍逼到他們枉費心機、妄想佔領的這座城市的近郊。在該處，一度是一支不可一世的大軍的殘部被壓制在一條只有四哩長和八哩寬的長方形地帶裡。他們冒著猛烈的炮火和轟炸，為了保衛自己而進行了激烈的巷戰，但是他們已處於絕境，隨著俄軍的逼近，這些精疲力盡的部隊便開始大批地投降。保盧斯和他的幕僚在一月三十一日被俘，到二月二日，沃羅諾夫元帥宣告一切抵抗均告終止，共俘德軍九萬名。他們便是二十一個德國師和一個羅馬尼亞師所餘的殘部。希特勒費了九牛二虎之力，妄圖以武力征服俄國，妄圖以另一種與共產主義同樣可憎的極權專制制度來消滅共產主義，在德軍遭到毀滅性的打擊以後，這一切也就都成為泡影了。 Prime Minister to Premier Stalin 一九四三年二月二日 你關於土耳其的電報已收到，謝謝。我於三十日在阿達納見到了土耳其的全體重要人物，並與他們進行了長時間的、極為友好的會談。他們願意和我們兩國接近，這無疑是一大進展，他們由德國方面所獲得的消息，也使他們相信，那邊的情況不妙。當前的要務是以現代武器把他們武裝起來，但迄今為止，我們所能勻給他們的現代武器數目尚屬有限。我已設法通過陶魯斯鐵路，將他們所需的一切盡速運去，因為這是一條唯一的陸上交通線；還借給他們一些船隻，以便能由埃及運去更多的供應品。我還給了他們一些我們在沙漠中所繳獲的德國軍用物資。我們雙方已在安卡拉成立了一個英土聯合軍事委員會，以便改進運輸軍火的交通問題。我們雙方正在制定聯合計劃，以便一旦德國或保加利亞進攻他們時，可以援助他們。 二‧我並未要求土耳其在參加我方作戰問題上與我們達成任何明確的政治性協議或許下任何明確的諾言，但據我看來，他們不出一年就會這樣做，可能還會提前，他們也許會根據他們對中立的牽強的解釋像美國參戰前對中立所作的那種解釋一樣允許我們使用他們的機場，供我們轟炸普洛耶什蒂油田的飛機加油之用，這些油田現已成為希特勒的命根子，特別是在你的軍隊克復了邁科普以後。我再說一遍，我並未要求或得到一個明確的政治性的協議，並且對他們說過，他們完全有權這樣宣佈。儘管如此，他們與我會晤這件事本身，他們的整個態度以及我即將電告你的聯合公報，都使他們比以前更明顯地站在反希特勒體系這一邊，全世界也將這樣認為。 三‧鑒於蘇維埃共和國的雄厚實力，他們自然對他們戰後的地位懷有隱憂。我告訴他們說，根據我的經驗，蘇聯從沒有背信失約過；現在正是他們作出良好安排的時機；並且對土耳其來說，最安全的地方還是作為一個戰勝的交戰國在和會上佔有一席之地。我是在不違反我們的同盟的情況下，為了我們雙方的共同利益而說這番話的，因此希望你會同意我的這種說法。我深信，他們會對蘇聯方面所作的任何友好表示立即有所反響。我極願聽取你對這個問題的坦白的意見。我已和他們，尤其是和伊諾努總統建立了極密切的私人關係。 四‧在你最近致羅斯福總統的一封電報中，你曾問起盟軍在北非的作戰行動進展緩慢的問題。就英國第八集團軍而言，我們自那以後已攻佔了的黎波里，並希望不久即可向突尼斯大舉進軍，把馬雷特和加貝斯兩地的敵軍趕出去。的黎波里港的清除與恢復工作正在盡速進行中，但目前我們的交通線只通到班加西，一部分甚至只通到一千五百哩以外的開羅。我們的第一集團軍已獲得了強大的美軍的增援，現在正把給養運往前沿，該部將盡早協同第八集團軍一起發動攻勢。雨季已成為嚴重的問題，交通線也是如此，因為無論是公路或鐵路，都質量不好而且只有五百哩長。但是，我希望能在四月底或提前將敵軍徹底消滅或趕出非洲沿海地帶。據我個人的估計，而這種估計是以可靠的情報為基礎的，在突尼斯的德國第五裝甲集團軍的兵力為八萬名德軍，此外還有二萬五千至三萬名意軍。隆美爾的兵力為十五萬名德軍和意軍，其中作戰部隊大約僅有四萬名，而且武器不足。我們當前的目標便是要消滅這些部隊。 五‧以後再回答你極其適當地提出的關於總統和我在卡薩布蘭卡的具體作戰計劃的問題。 六‧請接受我對保盧斯元帥的投降以及德國第六集團軍的覆滅所表示的祝賀。這實在是了不起的成就。 蘇聯人並未因為打了勝仗而變得更和藹一點，在二月六日，我收到了下列這封冷淡的覆電。 Prime Minister Stalin to Prime Minister Churchill 一九四三年二月六日 蒙將你在阿達納與土耳其首腦人物會談情況見告，至為感謝。 二‧關於你所建議的土耳其方面將對蘇聯方面任何友好的表示作出反響的問題，我謹指出，在蘇德戰爭爆發前後數月中，我們曾發表過若干聲明，這些聲明的友好態度，是英國政府所熟知的。但是土耳其方面對此並未採取任何相應的步驟。他們顯然害怕惹怒德國人。恐怕你所建議的表示也會受到同樣的待遇。 三‧土耳其的國際地位依然非常微妙。一方面，它與蘇聯簽有中立友好條約，還與英國簽有反對侵略的互助條約；另一方面，它又在德國進攻蘇聯三天以前和德國簽了一項友好條約。土耳其既對蘇聯和英國負有條約義務，同時又對德國負有條約義務，此刻我還不知道，土耳其在目前形勢之下，對此有何想法。但是，如果土耳其願意把它和蘇聯的關係變得更友好和密切一點的話，就隨它這樣說吧。若是這樣的話，蘇聯也情願對土耳其妥協。 四‧我當然不反對你發表聲明說我一直獲悉英土會談的情況，儘管我所獲悉的情況並不很充分。 五‧我謹祝在北非的英國第一集團軍和第八集團軍以及美國部隊在即將到來的攻勢中大獲全勝，並預祝將德意軍隊早日趕出非洲。 六‧承蒙電賀保盧斯元帥投降及斯大林格勒附近被圍敵軍全部就殲，特此致謝。 直至三月二日，我才接到斯大林關於蘇土關係的第二封電報。事態有了進展。 就我這方面而言，我謹通知你，在二月十三日，土耳其外長告訴蘇聯駐安卡拉大使說，土耳其政府願就改進蘇土關係問題與蘇聯政府進行談判。蘇聯政府通過它的駐安卡拉大使答覆說，它對土耳其政府的這種願望表示歡迎，並表示願意進行這種談判。目前我們正期待著土耳其大使由安卡拉回來。 打算等他回來後就開始談判。 我和土耳其的會談，原意是為它在一九四三年秋天參戰鋪平道路。但是，由於這年下半年在愛琴海所發生的一些不幸事件，直到意大利崩潰和俄國人節節向黑海北岸的德軍推進後，土耳其才參戰，關於這些事件以後還要詳談。 等到我們戰勝以後，當然一切似乎都會順利起來，但是當年我們面臨的卻是漫長而艱苦的鬥爭。我深信，如果當時讓我照我的想法行事的話（我已把我的想法都講出來了），我本來可以使土耳其在一九四三年年底以前參戰，而不致影響我們的主要計劃，這樣做，對我盟國有利無害，特別是對土耳其有利無害。現在，在戰後的這些年代裡，這些錯誤都已得到糾正，因為美國業已在全力援助土耳其了；但是當年我們在巴爾幹沒有得到土耳其幫助，因此就產生了一九四四年初的種種後果。