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Chapter 153 Volume 4, Chapter 43, The Third Visit to Washington

Memoirs of the Second World War 邱吉爾 12223Words 2023-02-05
An Anglo-American meeting is needed A voyage in the Queen Mary We prepare for the Trident meeting Our disappointing story about Burma My papers on India and the Far East The importance of using naval power to assault The spoils of the islands of all kinds The Japanese Maximum expansion has been reached We need to occupy the Atlantic islands We arrive in Washington President Roosevelt welcomes May 12 Trident meeting begins My remarks at the opening of the discussion Seize the fruits of success Turkey and the Balkans have concluded a separate peace treaty with Italy Benefits Must Lift Russia Our Armies Shouldn't Do Nothing Across the Channel Offensive Aid To China Sumatra's Tips Defeated Japan's Long-Term Plan The President's Answer On a Weekend in Xanadu We Passed by Frederick Barbara Fritsch I got perfect marks on memorization In the President's cabin retreat Proposed meeting with Madame Chiang Kai-shek I speak to Congress for the second time on Wednesday, May 19 A milestone in the war Saved a continent We A heavy responsibility for the future.

Once the situation in Africa was established, there were serious reasons for me to rush to Washington.Victory, what should we do?Should the fruits of victory be satisfied only with the Tunisian tip, or should we drive Italy out of the war circle and bring Turkey to our side?These are vital issues that can only be resolved if I meet personally with the President.Second only to these problems was the battle plan for the Italian battlefield.I realize that there are serious differences lurking beneath the surface and that, if not adjusted, these differences will lead to difficulties and ineffective action in the rest of the year.So I decided to hold a meeting of the highest possible level.

On April 29, I telegraphed President Roosevelt: In my opinion, among the problems that we urgently need to solve together, the first is the Sicilian problem and how to expand the results of the war afterwards; the second is to consider the future of the Burma campaign based on our experience and the shortage of ships.There are many other urgent matters that you and I may take the opportunity to raise in time.I think I can manage to come and see you on Thursday, May 11th.Please let me know if you would like to do this, or if you would like to send someone to us, it would be more convenient for us.

The doctors would not allow me to fly to the maximum altitude required by the bombers, and the fast seaplanes on the northern route could not take off until May 20th because of the recent freezing.Therefore, it was decided to go by Kaido.We left London on the 4th of May, and next day embarked on the Queen Mary at the mouth of the Clyde.The equipment of this boat is really amazing, it can adapt to our every need.The whole delegation was accommodated in the main cabin, a part of the deck completely isolated from the rest of the ship.Offices, conference rooms and of course a map room are all ready for use at any time.From the time we got on board, our work never stopped.

Every clever precaution was taken to conceal the identity of the passengers on board the Queen Mary.Numerous notices in Dutch were posted here and there, implying that Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands and her entourage were on this ship bound for America.The upper and lower passages in the ship are all built with gorgeous ramps so that wheelchairs can be pushed smoothly.The intention was to arouse rumors that the President of the United States and a large number of his staff would be in England when the ship returned.The more legends, the greater the security.The cover-up was so successful that some of the cabinet staff who were on the Queen Mary to America for the Hot Springs Grain Conference were stupefied with astonishment when they saw us on board.More than five thousand German prisoners of war had been loaded on board.It has been suggested that they should be transferred to other ships, but I see no danger of them being able to do us any harm, as they are properly managed and unarmed.When this question came to me, I gave instructions that they could go together.

The meeting which I had named the Trident would last for fourteen days and was intended to discuss all aspects of the war.So our delegation has to be huge.The official attendance was in full force: the Chiefs of Staff Committee with its considerable staff; Lord Leathers with senior officers from the Military Transport Department; Ismay with my Ministry of Defence staff.We were also joined by Indian Commander-in-Chief, Field Marshal Wavell, Admiral Somerville, and Air Admiral Pierce.I called them to the meeting because, I think, our American friends must be desperate for us to do everything possible, if not impossible, to take immediate military action from India.This conference must hear directly from those who will undertake the task.

Before we get to Washington, there are a lot of things we have to sort out internally. Now we're all on one deck.The joint planning and intelligence staffs held meetings almost without interruption.The Chiefs of Staff Committee meets once a day, sometimes twice a day.I maintained my regular habit of presenting my opinion to them every morning, in the form of memorandums and directives; generally, I discussed it with them once every afternoon or evening. These processes of research, planning, discussion continued throughout the voyage, and important decisions were made after careful consideration.

We must immediately consider the various battlefields.With regard to the plan of operations in Europe following the victory in Africa, we are in complete agreement.The attack on Sicily was decided at our meeting in Casablanca, and as stated above, all preparations were made.The Chiefs of Staff were convinced that, after the capture of Sicily, and even at the same time as the attack on Sicily, Italy proper should be attacked.They proposed to capture a bridgehead in the toe of Italy, followed by a further attack in the heel, as a prelude to the advance on Bari and Naples. A document stating these opinions and arguments was prepared on board, and upon our arrival in Washington this document was to be given to the Joint Chiefs of Staff as the basis for our discussions.

We anticipate further difficulties in agreeing with our American friends on the second broad line of British military operations, namely, operations from India.It had been agreed at the Casablanca Conference that the goal of capturing Rakhine (Achab) before May 1943[1] would be to make a limited advance from Assam and gain a new starting point, thereby improving our strategy against China. air routes and air freight.We have also set November 15, 1943 as the tentative date for attacking Burma, but the final decision will be made in July depending on the force that may be used.All of this is documented, however, we have done little de facto.The attack on Rakhine (Achab) has failed, and it is out of the question to capture the area before the rainy season.Because of many logistical difficulties and the inability of Chinese troops to move to Yunnan in the spring, the attack from Assam has not yet begun.There has been some increase in airlift to China, but the adequate development of airlift routes and the requisites for an overland advance into central Burma are far beyond our human and material resources.Therefore, it seems obvious that the entire operation plan of Anajim cannot be launched in the winter between 1943 and 1944, and there is no need to argue.

[1] The code name of the campaign plan is Cannibal. I know that these conclusions will disappoint Americans.The president and those around him still have an overestimation, thinking that given China enough weapons and equipment, China will be able to fully exert its military power.They are also unduly concerned that if aid is not sent immediately, China will immediately collapse.I totally disagree with the idea of ​​marching to recover Burma along the worst lines of communication in Assam. I hate the jungle it's going to go to the winner anyway.I'm thinking about air power, naval power, amphibious operations, key points, and so on.

It is, however, of the utmost importance to our great cause that our friends should not think that we are slack in our efforts to carry out the Casablanca plan, but believe that we are prepared to do our best to satisfy their desires.During the first few days of the voyage, therefore, I prepared a long paper on the general situation in India and the Far East, especially those areas for which we had the main responsibility. The planned Battle of Anajim we all considered impossible in 1943; the Chiefs of Staff were studying alternatives or other possible means.With regard to these approaches, several general comments can be made. 5. Going into the jungle full of swamps to fight the Japanese is like going into the water to fight sharks.Better yet, lure him into a snare, or catch him on a hook, then drag him out onto dry ground, and hack him to death with an axe.So how do you trick this shark and lure it into a trap? 6. The strategic value of the torch operation plan is to force or lure the enemy to fight on the battlefield where they consume the most.This campaign gave us important territory, bases, and a new French Army.This French army probably consisted of eight or ten divisions.The success of this campaign opened up the Mediterranean Sea, and thus allowed the free passage of a major part of our sea traffic.Can we seize one or some strategic strongholds in the theaters of the United States, Britain, the Netherlands, and Australia, and force the Japanese to counterattack under conditions that are not good for us but good for us?To this end, command of the sea in the Bay of Bengal must be consolidated.Secondly, it is necessary to establish effective air supremacy of coastal bases centered on the main strongholds occupied.With this protection, unless the enemy comes upon him with excessive force, a comparatively small army can fight alone; and in case of a major attack, we reinforce our garrisons or make them retreat, according to our general plan. 7. To make a successful landing, the safest way is to land where you are not expected to land there.It should be possible, if need be, for us to carry thirty or forty thousand men across the Bay of Bengal to Cong Mawlamyine to some point or more in the Timor crescent.This crescent includes: (1) Andaman Islands; (2) Myeik, targeting Bangkok; (3) Carat Isthmus; (4) Attacks in North Sumatra; (5) the southern tip of Sumatra; (6) JAVA. 8. In deciding the method of landing, the importance of going ashore should first be considered, and a strong air base should be quickly established there by a series of carefully prepared methods.In the first stage, it is not necessary to win the real target.This target can be captured in the second step, under the cover of an effective coastal air force, so that it can be more certain.But in any case, if the landing is resisted, it can only be successful under the condition that aircraft carriers of all levels carry a large number of air forces.This air cover provided by the navy can be withdrawn and used elsewhere after the air force (temporary or permanent) is established on the coast base.The capture of even one of the most intolerable major points of the enemy would make the enemy mobilize his forces for recovery, and spread his forces along a long coastline, so that he would be threatened by naval power.Only a decisive attack on certain points can bring about this dispersion of forces.Otherwise, the enemy will be safe there, with the convenience of choosing the best defensive position.The enemy is content with the valuable possessions he has plundered, and we must try to recover by taking the offensive.All other means should be studied with a spirit of hope, resolutely overcoming real difficulties and overcoming the multitude of imaginary difficulties which have always hindered action. 9. Once the Italian fleet has been destroyed or neutralized, and we have established air supremacy in the trans-Mediterranean sea lanes, the powerful British naval force can be reorganized into the Eastern Fleet with capital ships, aircraft carriers and auxiliary ships.We should not exaggerate Japan's strength.It is impossible for them to resist the concentrated pressure of a naval attack supported by air forces on all strongholds.Their own air force is constantly weakening, and after the US and Australian battles in the Pacific, it must be more tense.After attacking a certain point, it is easy to force the enemy's forces to become more dispersed. 10. Our report shows that there are only about 20,000 Japanese in the 600-mile-long island of Sumatra, and about 40,000 in Java.The Japanese captured Sumatra and Java, where the defense forces were much larger than they are now stationed there, with a smaller force. Why do we think that we cannot cooperate with the same valor and the same close cooperation of the sea, land and air force To formulate a battle plan and implement this battle plan?We already have a large force; the power of our navy gives us great possibilities of choosing the place of attack, and we have much to learn from the events of the past fifteen months.Let us not be satisfied with the meager plans that have been put forward.Those plans can only be said to be better than nothing, something that can be taken out at that time. 11. Regardless of the above, in future meetings we should not be lightly committed to any particular plan.Of course, bias can damage the credibility of each program.Moreover, if we unduly attach special interest to any one plan, other plans will be presented as better and forced upon us, owing to the inherent contradictions among the allies.Our reasons for the need for a change in the Anagim plan of operations were first to be opposed by our friends.We should insist on saying that we are keen to fight on this field in accordance with the order and priorities established by the Casablanca Conference.We should direct their views to other alternatives, and only when the discussion has reached this stage can we enter into a detailed debate.My own thinking is that the Americans are bound to take maximum action on this battlefield, and will be satisfied only by our unwavering affirmation of its importance, and that only when these issues are clearly assured, will they Be ready to consider workarounds and other ways.We must make preparations for this research at this moment. 12. I agree that the time has come to formulate a long-term plan for the defeat of Japan and to interweave that plan, as far as is humanly possible, with the stages of the main battle against Hitler. 15. The recent unsatisfactory phenomenon of the Burma campaign must not be repeated on a larger scale in 1943-1944.Unless we are fully confident in our ability to launch a campaign according to plan and at the appropriate time, the only other two avenues we must pursue are: (1) Substantial increase in air freight to China; (2) As I mentioned in Section VII, send an overseas expeditionary force to occupy one or more major strongholds. There were no serious differences of opinion among us, and a report was prepared by the Chiefs of Staff for presentation in Washington. Our other urgent question is how to obtain the right to use the Portuguese Atlantic islands.In order for our long-range and very long-range aircraft to be able to fly from Terceira and São Miguel, we need facilities in the Azores.We want Portugal to allow us to refuel our escorts at São Miguel or Faale, and to allow our scouting planes free use of the Cape Verde Islands. All these conveniences will give our convoys better and wider air cover, and thus still more widen the range of safe routes.As these islands enable us to communicate more directly through the central part of the Atlantic, this increases our traffic.These islands give us greater power to attack submarines, not only those operating to and from bases in the Bay of Biscay, but also those resting, refueling, and recharging in the middle of the Atlantic.On all these issues we shall find Americans more enthusiastic than we are. On May 8 I called Stalin: I am currently on my way to Washington in the Atlantic Ocean. This trip is to solve the problem of how to further develop the European situation in Sicily, and also to eliminate improper prejudice against the Pacific Ocean, and to further discuss the issue of the Indian Ocean and how to take an offensive against Japan in the Indian Ocean. I also called the president and he disagreed with my proposal to live in the embassy.I said in telegram: May 10, 1943 We have been under the protection of the United States Navy since yesterday, and we are all grateful for your invaluable help in our continued existence.I expect to arrive at the White House tomorrow afternoon and to travel to Hyde Park with you over the weekend.So far the voyage has been very pleasant and the staff have done a lot of work. On May 11th we arrived in Staten Island.Harry Hopkins was there to meet us, and we immediately took the train to Washington.The President welcomed me on the platform and hurried me to the house where I had lived in the White House.The next day, May 12, at 2:30 pm, we all gathered in his Oval Office to think through and plan our conference work. The following is a summary of the agreed minutes of the meeting: The President greeted us."Less than a year ago, we got together at the White House and worked on the proposals that led to Operation Torch," he said.And it is fitting that we meet again just as this campaign is drawing to a victorious conclusion.The Casablanca meeting set about planning the Husky campaign, which, he hoped, would bring the same good fortune.He believes that the key to our current plan is to use all manpower and weapons against the enemy.Anything that can be put into battle is never allowed to be discarded. He then asked me to bring up the topic and start the discussion.According to the record, what I said was as follows: The Prime Minister recalled that since the last time he sat at the President's table and heard the news of Tobruk's fall, the situation had changed dramatically.He will never forget the supportive attitude of the president at that time, and the generous allocation of Sherman tanks.These tanks gained their fame in Africa.The Britons come to this meeting in the spirit of sticking to the Casablanca decision.Because of our success, adjustments to those decisions may be necessary, and adjustments can also give us a longer-term view of the future.Operation Torch is over, Sicily is not far away; what's next?In the past we have been able to produce a series of shining examples that have changed the entire course of the war because of our pool of ideas.We have the power and prestige to win.Our responsibility is to redouble our efforts and hold on to the fruits of success.The only issue left to be resolved by the chiefs of staff of both sides is that of priority and order.He is convinced that these problems can be solved. He was not going to propose a discussion of submarine warfare and aerial bombardment of Germany. There is no difference of opinion on these matters.He would like to bring up for consideration some of the tasks and issues on which subsequent research might focus.The first priority is in the Mediterranean.The greatest achievement there was to employ the most effective means of getting Italy out of the war.He recalled the situation in 1918, when Germany could have retreated to the Meuse or the Rhine and continued to fight, and the betrayal of Bulgaria completely collapsed the entire organization of the enemy.The collapse of Italy would leave the German people feeling alone and desolate, and perhaps be the beginning of their downfall.The withdrawal of Italy from the war must have had great, if not immediately fatal, consequences for Germany.The first was the influence of Turkey, which in the Mediterranean often compared itself with Italy.The time has come for the United States | Russia | Britain to make a joint demand on Turkey: to ask Turkey to allow them to use bases in Turkish territory in order to bomb Ploiesti and clear the Aegean Sea.If Italy were out of the war, such a demand could not be unsuccessful, and it should be timed when Germany cannot take strong action against Turkey.Another huge effect of the exclusion of Italy from the war was in the Balkans.Patriots of various nationalities in the Balkans were in a difficult position, as they were overwhelmed by a large Axis force, including twenty-five or more Italian divisions.If the Italian army retreated, the effect would be that Germany had to abandon the Balkans, or that Germany would have to withdraw a large number of troops from the Russian battlefield to fill the vacancy there.In this year, there is no other way to provide such large-scale assistance to the Russian battlefield.A third effect would be to clear the Italian fleet.This would allow quite a few squadrons of British battleships and aircraft carrier squadrons to go to the Bay of Bengal or the Pacific to fight Japan. With regard to the Mediterranean, certain questions have been raised.Do we need to attack Italian territory, can we defeat it by air raids?Will Germany defend Italy?Will Italy be an economic burden for us?The prime minister doesn't think so.Does the argument against the whole conquest of Italy apply equally against a tap-dancing operation to establish contact with Yugoslavia?Finally, there was a big political problem for the British and American governments.If Italy puts itself unreservedly in our hands, what kind of life should we give it after the war?Mr. Churchill said that if Italy made a separate peace, we would be able to use Sardinia and the Dodecanese without fighting. The second task was to lighten Russia's heavy burden.Despite the halt of the Arctic convoy, he was deeply moved by Stalin's attitude.In his latest speech Stalin acknowledged for the first time the efforts and victories of his allies.We should not forget, however, that there are one hundred and eighty-five German divisions on the Russian battlefield.We have destroyed the German Army in Africa, but we will soon have no chance of contacting them anywhere.Russia's efforts are significant, and we are indebted to them.The best way to relieve the heavy burden on the Russian battlefield in 1943 was to get Italy out of the war, or to drive it out of the war circle, so that the Germans could be forced to send a large number of troops to suppress the Balkan countries. The third task, the president already mentioned in his opening statement.This is what requires us to deal with the enemy with a huge army, air force and munitions.All plans should be judged by this standard.We have a large Army and Home Air Force fighter fleet in the UK.We have our best and most experienced troops in the Mediterranean. The British Army alone had thirteen divisions in Northwest Africa.Assuming that the fighting in Sicily was completely over by the end of August, and that the Cross-Channel Campaign may not begin until seven or eight months later, in the period between the end of the Sicilian Campaign and the start of the Cross-Channel Campaign (in 1944) , what should these troops do?They cannot be idle in any case, and such a long period of idleness would obviously have a serious effect on Russia, which bears such a heavy burden. Mr. Churchill said that he could not pretend that the problem of landings on the coast of the Channel had been solved.The rough and rough waters, the strength of the enemy's defenses, the number of enemy reinforcements, and the ease of their means of transport, all make this a task that should not be underestimated.But there are many things that can be ascertained from Sicily.He wishes to state with great certainty that His Majesty's Government is most inclined to undertake a large-scale attack on the Continent from the United Kingdom, as soon as the plan has been drawn up which has a fair prospect of success. The next task is aid to China.The difficulties of fighting in Burma are obvious.The jungle prevents us from using modern weapons.The rainy season strictly limited the time limit for operations, and there was no way to involve naval forces in operations. If further analysis showed that there was a better way around Burma, he would be tempted to find another way to take advantage of the large number of troops in India.The alternative, he thought, would probably be to fight the tip of Sumatra and the island of Penang in the middle of the Malay peninsula.He is eager for us to find a way on that battlefield to use the advantages that are so valuable in the Operation Torch program.In that campaign naval power was used to its full potential; complete surprise was available; we captured important territory, and not only brought a new army to our side, but forced the enemy to Fight against the odds.These conditions may apply (elsewhere). Now, he felt, was the time to study a long-term plan for defeating Japan.He would like to show once again Britain's determination to fight the war back home in Japan.The only question is how best to do it.He believed that the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States should play a leading role in the joint study, based on the assumption that Germany withdrew from the war in 1944 and we could concentrate our forces on a major war against Japan in 1945. In his reply the President pointed out that the Allies had already surpassed the Germans and Japanese in production.Therefore, it is very important to have large numbers of land and naval forces engaged in active combat.Regarding Turkey, he is optimistic.The country's participation in the war could provide an important base for the air force to attack Germany's communication lines leading to the Russian battlefield.Considering where we are going from Sicily is a matter of particular urgency.In the Mediterranean area, it is obviously necessary to maintain more than 20 divisions of British and American troops.The expenditure of the Allies' manpower and material resources after the occupation of Italy must be carefully studied in the light of any future campaign in the Mediterranean.In any case, after the Husky battle plan was completed, there must be a surplus of manpower.This should be used to strengthen the Bolero program and should begin immediately.He felt that, as everyone agreed, it was impossible to fight across the English Channel this year, but that in the spring of 1944 the campaign must be fought on the greatest scale. In the Pacific, the president said, the Japanese were weakening.Americans have landed in the Aleutian Islands, and military operations have begun in the Solomon Islands and New Guinea.It was especially important to focus on striking at the long Japanese supply lines.Japan has lost a million tons of ships since the war began, and if this continues, the scope of their military activities must be limited.They suffered the same losses on the Air Force side.In order to maintain the offensive at sea, it is very important to establish air bases in China.The president said it was unreasonable for the meeting to ignore the possibility of a Chinese collapse.In 1943 and 1944 priority must be given to China.Taking back Burma is not enough.China can only be directly aided by air.This can be done by securing Assam Airport at all costs.Strengthening the U.S. Air Force's activities in China's bases means increasing pressure on Japanese shipping.The President concluded by saying that in order to save Russia we must fight the Germans.For this reason he suspected that the occupation of Italy would free the German troops to fight elsewhere.He believed that the best way to force Germany to fight was a cross-Channel offensive. I then replied that since we had agreed that a cross-channel operation would not be possible before 1944, our large forces must be used against Italy.I don't think it is necessary to occupy all of Italy.If Italy collapsed, the Allies would have to seize ports and airfields for further operations in the Balkans and southern Europe.An Italian government, under the supervision of the Allies, was able to control the country. All of these major issues are now thoroughly discussed and resolved by our Joint Chiefs of Staff and their experts. On the weekend of May 15, the President suggested that instead of going to Hyde Park, I should go to Xanadu; He escaped there from the stifling heat and noise of Washington when he had the opportunity.We had an argument over the seats in the car during the three hour journey.Considering the identity of the president and his illness, the only official seat is of course the president's.Mrs. Roosevelt wished to take a small seat up front and put me next to the President. I would not take that seat, the British Empire took action.After about three minutes of a conflict of wills, I prevailed, and Mrs. Roosevelt took her rightful place beside her husband.Harry Hopkins sat in fourth and we raced in with the moto escort.After walking for about two hours, we approached the town of Frederick.Of course, I paid tribute to the famous battleground of Gettysburg a few years ago, but now I ask about the story of Barbara Fritsch and her house [1].This caused Harry Hopkins to recite the following lines: 【1】Barbara Fritsch is the name of the heroine in a poem published by American Whittier in 1864.The flag the poem refers to was that of the federal government during the American Civil War.translator If you decide to shoot, shoot me this spot white head, But don't damage your flag, she said. When it became clear that no one else in the car could continue the following verse, I began to recite it: On a crisp September morning, In the fields where the crops are luxuriant, The cluster of spiers that stand the town of Frederick And briskly continued to read: seventy years old and hunchbacked Barbara Fritsch stood up; She, bravest of Frederick, Picked up the flag they tore down. stop!The dusty brown-clothed soldier stood still over there. fire!Fires a burst of rifle bullets. Window frame and frame trembled, The flag split into several wounds. Old lady Barbara, like that flag from the broken Falling so fast from the flagpole, Grabbed the silk scarf. She leaned out of the window, Waving that flag forward with real good intentions. If you decide to shoot, shoot me this spot white head, But don't hurt your flag, At this place they all sang in unison: she says. I continue to recite: A shadow of sadness, a feeling of shame appeared in the officer's face, In front of this woman's words and deeds A noble instinct throbbed within him. Whoever touches a hair on that grizzled head over there (He is said to have shouted like this, using phrases not quite in line with his previous orders) Just call him dead like a dog.go ahead!He said. So on Frederick's Street The sound of marching footsteps rings all day, flag of liberty It also floats over the heads of these rebels all day long. For the recitation, I got full marks from the noble American audience, none of whom corrected my many misquotes; I discussed at some length, with encouragement, the characters of Stonewall Jackson and Robert Edward Lee, They were two of the noblest men who ever lived on the American continent. After a while, our companions were silent and sleepy as we circled up the Allegheny cross ridge.Before long we arrived at Xanadu, which was basically a small timber house with all the mod cons. In front of the house was a spring and a pool of clear water in which many large trout swam, freshly caught from a nearby stream, waiting for their end of life. The president looks forward to spending hours in his stamp album.His personal valet, General Watson Father, brought him booklets full of stamps and packets of sample stamps which he had long wanted to see.I watched him with great interest, and was silent for about half an hour as he put the stamps into the stamp-book, each in its proper place, and thus forgot about the cares of state.But soon another car pulled up to the gate, and out came General Biddle Smith, who had flown in from Eisenhower's headquarters with a package of major issues to be decided.Roosevelt sadly dropped his stamp collection to concentrate on his mission.We were all very tired in the evening, and we went to bed at ten o'clock. The weekend discussed my meeting with Madame Chiang Kai-shek, who was roaming the United States. She was in New York at the time, and she offered to see me there.We are busy with work, and I can only stay in the United States for a few days before I have to return home. Under such circumstances, I feel that I cannot make such a long-distance trip.So the President invited the lady to lunch so that he could meet me at the White House.She declined the President's invitation with some air of arrogance.Madam Chiang's opinion is that I should make a special trip to New York to pay homage to her.The President was a little annoyed that she hadn't followed through on his plan.It is my strong desire to preserve the peace of the great alliance, and I propose that I meet her on the way, if she does likewise.But this proposal was considered ridiculous, so I had no interest or opportunity to meet the lady before the Cairo conference. On Sunday, the president will go fishing in a creek that flows from a secluded forest. He was placed by the side of a small pond with special care, trying to lure the swift and cunning fish.I tried a few places around for a while.He was not fishing but he was enjoying it and his spirits were high for the rest of the day.他顯然具有一個釣魚者的首要品格,不以釣魚多少來衡量樂趣。星期一,我們必須離開這一愜意的涼爽住處,走下阿勒格尼山,前往真正暑氣蒸人的華盛頓。在回程中經過弗雷德里克鎮時,我要求他們讓我看看巴巴拉‧弗里奇的房子。我驚奇地看到,那所房子只有一層半樓房高。我想像中以為,它沒有四層的話,至少也有三層,我並且精確地考慮到,這位英勇的婦人應該立在窗台後面多遠才能避免由街上向上射來的排槍子彈。現在看起來,我初次見到的這個名聞遐邇的窗子離地面只不過十二尺,南部聯邦軍隊要避免傷害她,無疑必須特別仔細。這個故事就是這樣以對雙方都好的結局結束了。哈里‧霍普金斯莊嚴地背誦: 如果你們決意開槍的話, 就射我這顆斑白的頭顱, 但是別損傷你們的國旗,她說。 在蔣介石夫人缺席的遺憾情緒下,總統和我單獨地在他的房中進了午膳,我們把當時的氣氛弄得非常的歡洽。 應眾議院議長的邀請,我於十九日,星期三中午在國會講演。自從上次我對這個尊嚴的國會演說以來已經十七個月了。 這次演說有記錄,並向全世界轉播。我在演說中試圖包括各方面的形勢。我在下面只引用一段簡單的摘錄: 在北非,我們的建樹比我們的預期好些。計劃得到出人意料以外的助力,因而結果是事半功倍。在這一點上,我們不得不感謝希特勒伍長的軍事知識。如我三個月前在下院預言的,我們這次可以看看這個軍事專家的本領如何了。使馮‧保盧斯陸軍元帥和他的部隊在斯大林格勒遭到毀滅的無理性的頑強執拗,現在又同樣地使我們的敵人在突尼斯蒙受新的災難。 兩位獨裁者的非洲遠征,使他們的國家傷亡和被俘的兵士達到九十五萬人。此外,近二百四十萬噸的船舶沉沒了,近八千架的飛機擊毀了,這兩個數字都不包括船舶和飛機的擊傷數目在內。敵人還損失了六千二百門大炮,二千五百五十輛坦克和七萬輛卡車。在達到戰爭的這一里程碑的時候,我們可以說:挽回了一個大陸的局勢。 前幾天,我乘車經過葛底斯堡的原野,這個地方跟你們的大多數戰場一樣,我知道得很清楚。它是美國內戰中的一次決定性的戰役。葛底斯堡戰役以後,沒有一個人懷疑戰爭的天平會向哪邊倒去,可是聯邦軍在葛底斯堡勝利以後比過去流了更多的血。因此,我們應該鼓起勇氣和振作精神,彼此極端真誠地互相協商,以便不致失去在對日本以及在歐洲對希特勒和墨索里尼作戰中已經獲得的有利地位。 這篇報告甚受國會的歡迎,總統也在廣播中聽到了。當我回到白宮時,他對我似乎很滿意。
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