Chapter 154 Volume Four, Chapter Forty-Four, Various Questions of War and Peace

The General Staff Council entered into an in-depth discussion of the Americans' distaste for General de Gaulle, Portugal and the islands in the Atlantic Ocean, a body for post-war problems. Our discussion on May 22. My proposal for the World Supreme Council and my proposal for Europe. Plans for Regional Councils, Pillars of Peace, Neutral and Allied Nations, National Armed Forces and International Armed Forces, Brotherly Joint Meetings between Great Britain and the United States. Report to the Committee of the Chiefs of Staff. Report to the Privy President on Anglo-American Scientific Research. I Arguing strongly for an attack on Italy General Marshall went with me to Algiers.

The chiefs of staff of the three services are having discussions one after another.Sometimes four sessions a day. At first the differences of opinion seemed insurmountable, almost irreconcilable.During this period, senior U.S. military officials leaked the contents of the meeting to Democratic and Republican senators, causing a debate in the Senate.Thanks to patience and persistence, our difficulties were gradually overcome.In a speech to Congress on May 20, I gave all that could be made public about the real prospects and priorities of the whole situation.The fact that the President and I live together, that we see each other from time to time, that we are known to be in complete agreement, and that the President intends to make the decision himself in the final stages, combined with the extremely valuable work that Hopkins has done, A moderating and at the same time determining influence is consistently exerted in the course of staff discussions.After a serious juncture of differences of opinion, an almost unanimous agreement was reached on the attack on Sicily, thanks to the extreme personal rapport between the military personnel.

Myanmar's recent combat situation has been lifeless.Washington is deeply unhappy about this, and we all feel the same way.I considered the issue of reorganizing the command headquarters, with Wavell as the commander-in-chief of India, Auchinleck as his deputy commander, and one of the best and relatively young army commanders as the commander-in-chief of the East Asian battlefield.I am convinced that change in this area is necessary if we are to address the issues of this battlefield with the importance they deserve. Regarding de Gaulle, Washington had a feeling of disgust.Not a day goes by without the president mentioning this issue to me.Although it was offered in an extremely friendly and often comical manner, I think he has very strong feelings on the subject.Almost every day he handed me one or more documents condemning de Gaulle from the State Department or US intelligence agencies.These documents concluded that de Gaulle had used British money to lure the sailors of the battleship Richelieu to his personal side.It is only out of politeness that our hosts refrain from saying it directly, and because of our financial relationship with the United States, the money is in a sense almost American money.At this time-lapse, I was also very angry with de Gaulle.I sensed that our continuing aid to him might cause an alienation between the British and American governments, and no one was more happy to see this phenomenon than de Gaulle.I am trying to bring all this to the attention of my colleagues at home.Whether at this time we should finally break off with this difficult man was still in my mind, but time and patience provided a tolerable solution.

The islands of the Atlantic are another extremely difficult problem.The War Cabinet's willingness to resort to the ancient treaties of alliance required the Portuguese government to grant us facilities which the President and I, at the urging of the Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have attached great importance to.According to expert estimates, millions of tons of ships and tens of thousands of lives can be preserved.I especially respect Portugal's rights, but feel that we are fighting for its survival and independence, as well as for ourselves.It took nearly six months, and after much loss, to receive this much-needed assistance.However, this result was achieved through long and friendly negotiations, supported by our general military success.

On May 22nd, at a luncheon at the British Embassy, ​​I had an important talk on postwar institutions.I had asked the British ambassador in advance to invite such persons as he considered most necessary to take part in the discussion of this great question.We have invited Vice President Mr. Wallace, Secretary of the Army Mr. Stimson, Secretary of the Interior Mr. Ickes, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee Senator Connally and Under Secretary of State Mr. Sumner Wells, and have given them advance notice of the issue.The embassy staff took notes of all that had happened and the reports I made at the official request of the client.

In the general discussion I said that the first thing to do is to prevent any further German or Japanese aggression in the future.For this purpose, I think there should be a joint organization of the United States, Great Britain and Russia.If the United States would like to include China in its alliance with these three countries, I would be very willing; but, however important China may be, it cannot be compared with the other three countries.The real responsibility for peace rests with these great powers.They, together with certain other nations, should organize a world supreme council. Under such a world council there should be three regional councils, one for Europe, one for the American continent, and one for the Pacific.

As for Europe, I think that after the Great War it could be composed of about a dozen countries or federations into a European regional council.Rebuilding a strong France was important because the prospect of not having a strong country between Britain and Russia on the map was unsatisfactory.And I said, I don't expect the United States to keep a large number of people on alert in Europe indefinitely.Neither can the UK.There is no doubt that the United States has to do something to help maintain order in Europe, and Britain obviously has to participate. I also hope that there may be several federations in southeastern Europe, a Danubian federation based on Vienna, to fill the gap created by the disappearance of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.Bavaria could join this group.The other is the Balkan Federation.

I said I would like to see Prussia separated from the rest of Germany, that a European unit of forty million Prussians would be manageable.I have reservations about the willingness of many to go a step further and divide Prussia itself into constituent parts.Both Poland and Czechoslovakia should maintain friendly relations with Russia.That leaves the Scandinavian countries; and Turkey, which in the end may or may not be willing to take on some tasks with Greece in the Balkan system. Mr. Wallace asked about Belgium and Holland, who he suggested could join France.I said that they could form a group of Low Countries with Denmark.Mr. Wallace also asked whether I had considered the possibility of Switzerland joining France. I said that Switzerland was a special case.Each of the dozen or so European countries should send a representative to the European Regional Council, thus creating a United States of Europe.I thought Count Kudenhof Karlgi's ideals in this matter were worth recommending to them.

Likewise, the countries of the Americas could have a regional council.Canada is naturally a member of this council and represents the Commonwealth of Nations.There should also be a regional council for the Pacific, and I thought Russia should join this. When the pressure on Russia's western frontier is relieved, its attention will turn to the Far East.These regional councils should be subordinate to the World Council.The members of the World Council should be represented on the Regional Councils with which they are directly concerned; I hope that the United States should be represented on the European Regional Councils, in addition to the American Regional Councils and the Pacific Regional Councils.Regardless, the final decision still rests with the World Supreme Council, since any issues that cannot be resolved by the Regional Councils fall naturally to the World Council.

Mr. Wallace believes that other countries will disagree that the World Council should consist of only four major powers.I agree with him, I said, in addition to the four major powers, plus representatives of other countries elected in rotation by the regional committees.The central idea of ​​this structure is like a three-legged stool. The World Council is built on the foundation of the three Regional Councils.However, I attach great importance to the principle of regionality. In the event of disputes, we can only expect those countries with direct interests to resolve them with all their strength.

If countries that are indifferent to the issues at issue are initially invited to participate in the solution, the result may be mere powerless and pedantic arguments. Mr. Wallace asked, for example, what procedure was actually followed between Peru and Ecuador if there were disputes.I replied that the matter should first be dealt with by the Regional Council of the Americas, but that the Regional Council was always under the overall supremacy of the World Council.In such a case, the interests of nations outside the Americas would not be affected; however, it is clear that a debate threatening world peace cannot be dealt with on a mere regional basis, and that the Supreme Council of the World will soon be involved . I was asked whether my planned federation of nations would be limited to the Allies only, or whether the neutral nations would also be included.I replied that it would be useful, before the end of the war, to try to induce those countries now remaining neutral to join the Allies, and that we should use all possible means of persuasion and suppression to this end, so long as the security of the countries concerned could be improved.Turkey is an example.My policy is to help Turkey build up its own military that it can and will act effectively in due course.I can only see how weak and disreputable the role played by Mr. de Valera, who has always maintained his neutrality, and others, when the Confederates bring criminal nations to court. I mentioned that we have much to learn from the experience of the League of Nations.It is wrong to accuse the League of Nations of being a complete failure.We should blame Member States for failing to fulfill their responsibilities to the Union.Senator Connally agrees with me and points to the achievements of the Union in the years after 1919.Mr. Steen expressed the same opinion. He believed that if the original guarantee to France had been fulfilled, then the future French policy, and the history of the alliance, would be very different. To keep the peace, force is clearly necessary.As to the minimum and maximum armed forces which each country should maintain, I propose that the Allies conclude an agreement among themselves.The armed forces of each country can be divided into two parts, one part is the national force of the country, and the other part constitutes the international police force, which is at the disposal of the regional councils under the direction of the world supreme council.Thus, if one of the twelve countries of Europe threatened the peace, the international police force of the eleven countries could be used against that country if necessary.The personnel of the international police force provided by each country are obliged to fight against any country other than its own country, as determined by the World Council. Mr Wallace said those international police forces would also need bases.I said that I still have some words in my heart to supplement what I just said.The proposal to establish a world security organization does not exclude a special friendship that is not hostile to other countries.I conclude by saying that unless America and the Commonwealth work together in brotherly union, I see little hope for the world.I believe that this association can take the form of mutual benefit without sacrifice.I hope that the citizens of these two countries can enjoy the same rights of travel, settlement and free trade in the territory of the other country without losing their existing nationality.They can use regular passports or special passports or visas.There could even be some common form of citizenship identification card, with which citizens of the United States and the Commonwealth of Nations would enjoy electoral privileges in terms of residency and be eligible to hold public office in the territory of another country, subject of course to Act in accordance with local prevailing laws and regulations. Then there's the issue of bases.I have welcomed the exchange of destroyer bases, not for the destroyers that are useful, but because I feel that it is in the mutual interest of both countries that the United States uses these bases in British territory, just as Britain does in its own The same is necessary in the defense of Italy; for a strong United States is at stake for the Commonwealth, and vice versa.Therefore, I look forward to expanding the common use of bases for the common defense of the common good. The enemy country owns countless islands in the Pacific Ocean.England also has islands and harbours.If I had been in public service after the war, I would have argued that the United States could use as many bases as they needed. All the American guests present said that they shared more or less the same thoughts on the questions I raised, and did not think it impossible for American public opinion to accept these or similar opinions.Lord Halifax asked Mr. Wells whether he thought that the establishment of a European regional council would result in disinterested American public opinion in European affairs.Mr Wells is less concerned, given the supremacy of the world's supreme council and its relationship to the regional councils.Mr. Steen made a point of emphasizing that, in his opinion, after the cessation of the war there must have been a tendency towards relaxation, and a reluctance to engage in new international agency experiments. He believed that it would be much easier to conclude an agreement with the United States in time of war; in fact, it was a problem that could be solved only in time of war, otherwise it would not have been possible.The rest tended to agree with this view, too, and we all felt that it would be best to present future plans of this type as a continuation of our present co-operation, which we would do while the war was still going on . I made two other observations, both of which received enthusiastic approval.The first point is that we should continue the method of joint staff talks after the war; the second point is that we should take all necessary measures to ensure that the main lines of our foreign policy can cooperate closely by means of constant contacts. Mr Wallace told the British ambassador in his farewell that it was the most inspiring conversation he had attended in two years.I am of course cautious in saying that I am only expressing my personal opinion. The Vice President seemed a little apprehensive the next day when he had lunch with the President and me. He was afraid that other countries would think that Britain and the United States were going to be the leaders of the world.I made it quite clear that they should not be deterred from necessary and just action by this opinion.My basic idea is to still have a common citizenship identity card within the UK and US, even if no other country does it.The president likes the free play of these ideals, especially with regard to the military.Both of us felt that the system of the Anglo-American Joint Chiefs of Staff was necessary to continue for a considerable time after the war, at any rate until we could be fully confident that the world was all right. On the main issue of Great War strategy, we had a total of six plenary meetings during the Trident meeting, in which the President and I were present.The Joint Chiefs of Staff are asking us questions every day to make decisions so that their hard work will pay off.Everything went on smoothly, and at the last meeting on the morning of May 25th, they submitted their report to us.I proposed several amendments, which the Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed to.The President and I formally approve the following amended report: Comprehensive Strategic Thinking for Waging War 1. Cooperate with Russia and other allies to bring about the unconditional surrender of the European Axis countries as soon as possible. 2. At the same time, in cooperation with other interested nations in the Pacific, maintain and expand unrelenting pressure on Japan in order to continue to weaken Japan's military power to the point where it can be forced to eventually surrender.The Joint Chiefs of Staff should consider any expansion plans that affect overall objectives before taking action. 3. In the event of the failure of the European Axis powers, cooperate with other Pacific powers, and if possible, with Russia, to fully exert the strength of the United States and Britain, and bring about the unconditional surrender of Japan as soon as possible. The basic task of supporting the comprehensive strategic thinking is to support the comprehensive strategic thinking, no matter what operational plan is decided, the tasks specified below have the right to prioritize our manpower and material resources, and these issues must of course be approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee according to the changes in the situation Review again. 1. Maintain the security and combat capability of the Western Hemisphere and the British Isles. 2. Maintain the combat capability of our forces in all regions. 3. Maintain major overseas lines of communication, with particular emphasis on defeating the threat of submarines. 4. Strengthen the air offensive against the European Axis countries. 5. In order to make a decisive attack on the axis base areas, it is actually possible to concentrate the maximum human and material resources in a selected area as early as possible. 6. Take necessary and practical measures to assist Russia in combat operations. 7. Take necessary and practical measures to assist China, so that China can become an effective ally and a base for fighting against Japan. 8. Prepare the conditions for Turkey to actively or passively participate in the war on the side of the Allies. 9. Prepare conditions for the African French Army to play an active role in the war against the Axis countries. I can now telegraph home that we have reached an agreement on the whole strategy to the great satisfaction of our Chiefs of Staff Committee.This is due to the authority of the President and my close contact with him.The differences of opinion between the two chiefs of staff were serious for some time.Besides, we now wish to conclude a war-commitment contract to acquire twenty new ships a month from the United States for ten months, to fly the British flag, thus providing full employment for our surplus seamen.It certainly could not have been successful without the president overcoming many objections. I may also send to Sir John Anderson the following papers concerning the atomic bomb and the Anglo-American research work: Prime Minister to Privy Councilor May 26, 1943 The President agrees that the exchange of information on alloy pipes should be resumed and that the enterprise should be regarded as a joint enterprise to which the best efforts of the British and American parties must be made.As far as I understand, he bases his decision on the fact that such a weapon is likely to be developed in time for the present war, and that it falls within the general agreement for the exchange of research and invention secrets. Lord Cherwell should be informed. Although good progress has been made on many fronts, I am concerned that the Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has not made specific recommendations for an attack on Italy after the conquest of Sicily.The best plan I can get is that the Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff decided, as a matter of urgency, that the Allied Commander in Chief, North Africa, should plan military operations while extending the gains of the Husky Operational Plan in order to most effectively mobilize Italy was excluded from the war and contained the largest number of German troops.Which of the various specific military actions should be taken, as well as the implementation of the plan after the decision is made, are left to the Committee of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to make a decision. I know that the minds of the American chiefs of staff have shifted to Sardinia.They believed that the island was the only remaining objective of the massed forces in the Mediterranean for the remainder of 1943.I find this intention regrettable, both for military and political reasons.The Russians fight every day on their vast battlefields, their blood runs into torrents.And we've left this fine army of 1.5 million plus with all their massive air forces and navies idle for nearly a year? The President does not seem ready to bring his advisers into a more correct view of the problem of attacking Italy, but as this was the main purpose of my transatlantic I could not leave it alone.Hopkins said privately to me: You must stay here another week if you are going to carry out your claim, but even then it is not reliable.I was deeply troubled by the circumstances, and on May 25 I personally requested the President to have General Marshall accompany me to Algiers.At the last meeting, therefore, Mr. Roosevelt said that the Prime Minister would soon have an opportunity to discuss with the Commander-in-Chief in North Africa the policy after the capture of Sicily, and he had suggested that it would be of great help if General Marshall could go there as well.He therefore turned to General Marshall and asked him if he could postpone his visit to the South East Pacific in order to comply with the Prime Minister's request.General Marshall replied that he would be very willing. I stated at the meeting that I was embarrassed to discuss these matters with General Eisenhower in the absence of the most senior American representative present.I am glad to hear that General Marshall can go with me, and I am convinced that it will now be possible to do everything satisfactorily in Algiers and to Send a report back to the Joint Chiefs of Staff for their study. It was agreed then that the President and I should write a report on the meeting to Russia.We made several drafts and typed them immediately.We revised and revised the typed drafts until they were almost unrecognizable, smeared with our handwriting.We are all confused about what should be added and what should be removed.Finally, at two o'clock after midnight I said: let me take it tomorrow and I'll sort it out and send it back to you from Butterwood Airport. This statement put the president at ease.He is satisfied with this approach.I added: It would be a good thing if Marshall came with me.The place on the plane is very spacious.Exhausted by the constant mental work, we got up and went to sleep.At this moment, General Marshall appeared.Although it had been decided that he should go to North Africa, he obviously didn't expect to be on the same plane as me, or to take off at the same time, so he came to say goodbye.But now the President said to him: Why don't you go with Winston?You can discuss together the communiqué for Russia.The general was surprised, but he waved his hand readily and said: I must go to his plane.