Chapter 174 Volume 5 Chapter 19 Tehran: Opening of the Conference
The arrangement of the defense work I repeatedly stated my point of view Stalin and President Roosevelt held talks on November 28. The first plenary meeting was held on November 28. President Roosevelt first made a speech. Stalin explained the situation on the Soviet front. Thirty-five Divisions Stalin endorsed the attack on southern France as a secondary objective I insisted on the occupation of Rome President Roosevelt and the timing of the various campaigns The correct course Turkey should take.
I cannot praise enough the various reception arrangements made by the parties concerned after my flight to Tehran.The British envoy came to meet me in a car, and we drove from the airport to the embassy together.As we approached the city of Tehran, a Persian cavalry stood guard every fifty yards for at least three miles.This is a clear announcement to the gangster that someone important is about to arrive and which route will be taken.The mounted guards showed the way but could not provide any protection.A hundred yards ahead of us, a guard car cleared the way, announcing our approach.Driving speed is very slow.Presently a great crowd filled the spaces between the cavalry; and, looking as far as I could, I saw only a few policemen on foot.When approaching the center of the city of Tehran, the dense crowd had four or five layers.They are friendly, but reserved.
They squeezed a few feet away from my car.No security measures had been taken in advance to prevent an attack by two or three desperadoes armed with pistols or bombs.By the time we reached the corner leading to the Legation, the road was jammed; we stopped for three or four minutes among the crowded, gaping Persian crowd.If it had been intended beforehand to expose us to the greatest danger, neither the safety of our sudden and secret arrival nor the effective escort, the situation we now encountered would be the most perfect arrangement.However, nothing unexpected happened along the way.I smiled at the crowd and they all smiled back at me.Finally, we reached the British Legation, surrounded by a tight cordon of British and Indian troops.
The British Legation and its gardens were almost adjoining the Soviet Embassy, and the Anglo-Indian troops responsible for our security were in direct communication with the much larger Russian troops on guard around the Soviet Embassy.Soon the armies of the two countries will join up, and we will have an isolated area here, and all precautions in time of war will be taken.The American Legation, guarded by American troops, is about a mile away from us.That is to say, during the meeting, President Roosevelt or Stalin and myself had to go back and forth through the narrow Tehran streets two or three times a day.At this moment, Molotov, who had arrived here twenty-four hours before us, provided information that Soviet secret intelligence had discovered a plot to kill one or two of the Big Three (as we were called at the time). The plot of the characters.He was therefore very disturbed by the constant passing of one or two of us through the streets.He said: "If any of these incidents happened, it would have an extremely unfortunate impact.This cannot be denied.
Molotov invited President Roosevelt to immediately move into the Soviet embassy, which was two or three times larger than the British and American embassies, on a vast site, now surrounded by Soviet troops and police.I warmly support Molotov's invitation.We persuaded Mr. Roosevelt to accept this good idea.The next afternoon, he moved into the Russian embassy with his entire staff, including some excellent Filipino cooks on his yacht.
A spacious and comfortable residence has been prepared for him there.This way we all lived in one circle and could discuss World War issues without interruption.I lived comfortably in the British Legation, only a couple of hundred yards walk from the stately Soviet embassy, tentatively the center of the world.I was still very ill, the cold and sore throat were so severe that I was unable to speak for a while, but Lord Moran sprayed my throat with potions and continued to heal, and at last I was able to say what I had to say. There is a lot to say.
Much has been wrongly said about the course I took at this meeting (which was fully agreed by the British Chiefs of Staff).There is a legend in the United States that I tried to thwart the plans of Operation Overlord, which was about to launch an offensive across the English Channel, and at the same time that I was trying to lure the Allies into some kind of large-scale invasion of the Balkans, or a large-scale war in the eastern Mediterranean. Battle, this is actually tantamount to cutting off the Overlord's battle plan.Most of these absurd claims have been exposed and refuted in the preceding chapters, but it may be worthwhile to show here what I actually sought, and to a large extent achieved.
The Overlord Operation Plan, which is currently being carefully prepared, will be launched in May or June, 1944, at the latest in early July.Troops participating in this campaign and the ships transporting them will still have the highest priority.Second, the Anglo-American armies fighting in Italy had to be replenished and supplied so that they could take Rome and then the airfields north of the capital from which they could attack southern Germany.After obtaining these advances, on the Italian battlefield, we will not cross the Pisa|Rimini line, that is, we are not going to extend our front to a wider area of the Italian peninsula.If the enemy had resisted these campaigns, it would have drawn and held down large numbers of German troops, given the Italians a chance of meritorious service, and kept the flames of war burning on the enemy's front.
At this time, I have no objection to landing on the southern French Riviera, targeting Marseilles and Toulon, and then the Anglo-American forces advance north along the Rhone Valley to meet the main attack across the English Channel.But I prefer to adopt another plan, that is, to use the Istrian peninsula and the Ljubljana strait to launch a right-wing attack from northern Italy, directed towards Vienna.I was delighted when President Roosevelt proposed this plan, and, as follows, I tried to get him to proceed with it.If the German army resisted, we could draw many of their divisions away from the Russian or Channel fronts.If we do not meet their resistance, we can liberate large and important areas at very little cost.I know that we will meet resistance, and in this way, we will give decisive support to the Overlord's battle plan.
My third request is that we should not neglect the eastern Mediterranean theater and all the great gains it may bring, as long as it does not affect the strength that can be used for a cross-channel attack.On all these matters, I stand by the ratio I proposed to General Eisenhower two months ago, that four-fifths of our forces be devoted to Italy, one-tenth to Corsica and the Adriatic, and A tenth is used in the eastern Mediterranean.I haven't changed this position for a year, and I haven't backed down a step.
Britain, Russia, and the United States all agree on the first two campaigns, which require the use of nine-tenths of our current strength.And all I must urge is the efficient use of a tenth of our strength in the eastern Mediterranean.Only a fool would argue that how much better it would be to concentrate all our forces on decisive campaigns and to forego all other opportunities that should be regarded as useless distractions?However, this argument ignores some overriding facts.All existing ships in the Western Hemisphere, down to the last tonnage, were tasked with preparing for the Battle of Overlord and maintaining our Italian front.Even if more ships could be unearthed, they could not be used, because the landing plan had filled the relevant ports and camps to the maximum.As for the eastern Mediterranean theater, it did not require any manpower and material resources that could be used elsewhere.Air forces assembled for the defense of Egypt could have carried out their missions just as effectively, or more effectively, if they had taken off from more forward outposts.All the troops (and two or three divisions in the field) had already reached this field, and there were no other ships except local ships to transport them to the larger field.If these forces are used actively and vigorously, they will inflict serious damage on the enemy, otherwise they will be mere spectators.If we capture Rhodes, our air force can control the Aegean Sea, and we can also establish a direct connection with Turkey by sea.Another way is that if Turkey can be persuaded to enter the war, or make the most of its neutral position, and lend us the airfield we built for it, we can also control the Aegean Sea; then there will be no need to take Rhodes up.Both options are feasible.
Of course, the target we are fighting for is Turkey.If we could get Turkey, we could control the Black Sea with submarines and light naval forces, give Russia a great deal of assistance, and Deliver supplies to the Russian army by a less expensive, shorter, and more frequent route than the Arctic Ocean or the Persian Gulf.
These are the three themes that I have always raised vigorously with President Roosevelt and Stalin, and I have repeated my reasons without hesitation or regret.I could have persuaded Stalin, but President Roosevelt, heavily influenced by the prejudices of his military advisers, vacillated in the debate and dismissed all these minor but promising opportunities.Our American friends took pleasure in their obstinacy, thinking that at least we had not let Churchill drag us into the Balkans.In fact, I have never had such an idea in my mind.I think we made a mistake in military policy by not drawing Turkey into the war and taking control of the Aegean with forces that would otherwise be unusable.This mistake cannot be justified by not taking the above-mentioned plan and also achieving victory.
Soon after President Roosevelt moved into the new residence of the Soviet embassy, Stalin visited him, and the two sides had a friendly talk.According to Hopkins' biography, President Roosevelt told Stalin that he had agreed with Chiang Kai-shek to carry out active military activities in Burma.Stalin had a very low evaluation of the combat capability of the Chinese army.President Roosevelt mentioned one of his favorite topics, educating the people of the Far Eastern colonies in the art of self-government.He reminded Stalin not to mention India to Churchill.Stalin also believed that this is undoubtedly a question that can easily hurt feelings.Roosevelt said that reform in India should start from the bottom.Stalin replied that reforms from the bottom meant revolution.I lay quite at ease in bed that morning, treating my cold and dealing with the many telegrams from London.
The first plenary meeting was held at the Soviet embassy at 4:00 p.m. on Sunday, November 28.In the spacious and exquisite conference room, we sat down around a large round table.With me at the meeting were Eden, Dill, the three chiefs of staff, and Ismay.President Roosevelt was accompanied by Harry Hopkins, Admiral Lehi, Admiral King, and two other officers.Generals Marshall and Arnold were not present.According to Hopkins' biographer, they mistook the meeting and had already set off for a tour outside Tehran.Major Burls, my admirable interpreter who translated for me last year, is with me again.Pavlov still translated for the Soviets.Mr. Pollan is a newcomer, working as an interpreter for the American side.Accompanying Stalin were only Molotov and Marshal Voroshilov.Stalin and I sat almost face to face.We had agreed in advance that President Roosevelt would chair the first meeting, and Roosevelt agreed to do so.At the beginning of the meeting, he first delivered a speech, which was very decent.According to our records, he said: For the first time the Russians, the British, and the Americans came together as members of one family, with the sole aim of winning the war.No fixed agenda was drawn up for the meeting in advance, and anyone was free to discuss any issues he wanted, as well as issues he didn't want to discuss.On a friendly basis, everyone can speak freely, but the content will not be published.
In my opening remarks, I also emphasized the significance of this meeting.I said that this conference may symbolize the unprecedented gathering of the powers of the whole world in the history of mankind.The shortening of the war may be in our hands; the surety of victory is almost certainly in our hands; the happiness and destiny of mankind is certainly in our hands.
Stalin said that he attached great importance to the friendship we mentioned among the three major powers.The three major powers have indeed obtained a major opportunity, and he hopes that everyone will make good use of this opportunity.
President Roosevelt then started the discussion, first briefly describing the situation of the war from the American point of view.He first talked about the Pacific battlefield, which is of special significance to the United States, because the American troops stationed there bear the main responsibility with the cooperation of Australia, New Zealand and China.The United States has assembled most of its navy and most of its one million soldiers in the Pacific battlefield.This can be seen from the fact that the battlefield is so vast that a supply ship can only make three round trips a year.The United States has adopted a policy of depleting the enemy's strength, and so far, this policy has been successful.There can be no doubt that Japanese ships, both warships and merchant ships, were sunk in such numbers that new ships could not be replenished.Mr. Roosevelt went on to describe his plan for the recapture of northern Burma.British and American forces will cooperate with Chinese forces, under the command of Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten.He mentioned that we also discussed plans for amphibious operations against Japanese lines of communication from Bangkok.Although we have made the best efforts to keep to a minimum the forces necessary to accomplish our main objectives, the numbers required are considerable.The purpose of these plans is to enable China to continue to actively participate in the war, open up the Burma Road, and at the same time establish positions so that we can start from these positions and defeat Japan as quickly as possible after the collapse of Germany.We hope to get a base in China to attack Tokyo next year.
President Roosevelt then spoke of the situation in Europe.The United Kingdom and the United States have held many meetings and formulated many plans.A year and a half earlier it had been decided to undertake an expedition across the English Channel, but transport and other difficulties made it impossible to fix a firm date for the campaign.Sufficient forces must be assembled in Britain, not only for the actual landing, but also for the advance inland.The English Channel was a very nasty part of water, and it was impossible to launch an expedition before May 1, 1944.May 1, 1944, was the date fixed at the Quebec Conference.Landing craft have always been a limiting factor in previous landings, he explained.If we decide to undertake a large-scale expedition in the Mediterranean, we must completely abandon the campaign across the English Channel.If it were decided to fight only a smaller campaign in the Mediterranean, it would delay the above-mentioned campaign by a month or two, or even three.Therefore, both he and I wanted to hear from Marshal Stalin and Marshal Voroshilov at this military conference to see what course of action we could take that would be most helpful to the Soviet Union.Many plans have been proposed and discussed to increase our offensive power in Italy, the Balkans, the Aegean, Turkey, etc.The important task of this meeting is to decide which plan to adopt.The main goal was to enable the British and American forces to minimize the burden on the Soviet forces.
Then, Stalin made a speech. He welcomed the victory of the United States in the Pacific Ocean, but said that the Soviet Union could not yet participate in the war against Japan, because almost all of the Soviet army would be used against Germany.The Soviet army in the Far East is sufficient for defense, but to launch an offensive, it needs at least three times the current strength.
They come to the Pacific theater to join forces with friendly forces, and it must be at the time of Germany's collapse: then we will all fight side by side.
As for the situation in Europe, Stalin said that he would first briefly explain the experience of the Soviet Union in waging war.The Germans had anticipated their offensive in July; but the Soviets, having gathered sufficient troops and equipment, found it relatively easy to launch an offensive.He frankly admitted that they had not anticipated the victories of July, August and September.The German army is weaker than people think.
He then gave a detailed account of the recent situation on the Soviet front.In some theaters the fighting has slowed down, in others it has come to a complete standstill, and in the Ukraine and to the west and south of Kiev the initiative has passed to the Germans in the last three weeks .The Germans reoccupied Zhytomyr and perhaps the Koros field.Their goal is to recapture Kiev.But in general, the initiative remained in the hands of the Soviet troops.
He said he wanted to answer questions about how the British and American forces could best help Russia.The Soviet government had always considered the Italian campaign to be of great value to the Allied cause because it opened up the Mediterranean.But to attack Germany, Italy is not a very suitable starting point.The Alps lie between the two countries.Therefore nothing can be gained by concentrating large numbers of troops in Italy in order to attack Germany.Turkey is a better place to enter Germany than Italy; but it is too far from the heart of Germany.He believed that northern or northwestern France was the most suitable place for British and American troops to attack. Of course, the German army would desperately resist there.
Although I was invited to speak earlier, I have not spoken.I now set out the UK's position.
I said that we had agreed very early with the United States that we would invade northern or northwestern France from the English Channel.Most of our preparations and resources are focused on this battle plan.We would have to have a long discourse, based on facts and figures, to explain why this campaign could not be carried out in 1943, but we have decided to take it in 1944.In 1943, although we did not launch an offensive across the Strait, we launched a series of campaigns in the Mediterranean.In conducting these campaigns we were fully aware of their secondary character, but, in view of our strength and transportation, we considered them the greatest contribution we could make in 1943.The British and American governments now set themselves the task of carrying out the planned offensive across the English Channel in the late spring or summer of 1944.The army that can be assembled by then is about sixteen British divisions and nineteen American divisions for a total of thirty-five divisions.These divisions were stronger than the German divisions both in numbers and equipment.
Stalin remarked at this time that he never considered the Mediterranean campaign to be of a secondary nature.They are of primary importance, but not from the point of view of attacking Germany itself.
I replied that President Roosevelt and I still saw these battles as a stepping stone upon which to conduct the decisive crossing of the English Channel.In view of the conditions of the British forces fighting in the Mediterranean and India, sixteen British divisions to be engaged in the campaign across the English Channel were the maximum that a country with a total population of 45 million could provide.The combat strength of these divisions can be maintained, but their numbers cannot be increased.The United States has a large number of reserve divisions, so to expand the battlefield and maintain the war, it must rely on the United States.However, in the late spring or summer of 1944, six months from now, President Roosevelt and I often considered what we could do well during those six months with the available human and material resources in the Mediterranean To reduce Russia's burden as much as possible without delaying the Overlord operation plan by more than a month or two.The seven most elite divisions of Britain and the United States and a certain number of landing craft have already sailed or are sailing from the Mediterranean to Britain.The result was a weakening of our Italian front.The weather has been bad, and until now it has been impossible to take Rome, but we hope to take it in January;
General Alexander, under General Eisenhower, was commanding the Fifteenth Army Group fighting in Italy with the aim not only of capturing Rome but of destroying or capturing ten or eleven German divisions.
I also stated that we had no intention of penetrating the wider Italian boot, much less crossing the Alps into Germany.Our general plan was first to capture Rome, to capture its airfields to the north, thus enabling us to bomb southern Germany, and then we would be able to establish a front around the Pisa|Rimini line.After that, consideration should be given to the possibility of opening a third front to complement, not replace, the campaign across the English Channel.One possibility was to enter the south of France. Another possibility was to march northeastward toward the Danube from the head of the Adriatic Sea, as President Roosevelt suggested.
What should we do in the next six months?Regarding the issue of supporting Tito, we have many reasons to say.He contained many divisions in Germany, and did a far greater service to the cause of the Allies than Mihailovich's Zetniks.We will obviously reap great benefits by backing him up with supplies and guerrilla activity.The Balkan theater is one of the areas where we have been able to push the enemy's forces the farthest.This brings us to the biggest problem, which must be decided after military personnel have studied it, that is, how to get Turkey to join the war and open up our communication line through the Aegean Sea to the Dardanelles and then to the Black Sea.As long as Turkey participates in the war and we can use its air base, then we can occupy the islands in the Aegean Sea with a small force (about two or three divisions) and the air force already stationed in this battlefield.If we can reach the ports in the Black Sea, the transport fleet can continue to come and go.At present, we can only maintain four transport fleets on the northern route, because the escort ships must only be used for the Overlord operation plan; but once the Dardanelles are opened, the transport ships currently in the Mediterranean Sea can continue to supply Supplies were shipped to Black Sea ports in the USSR.
How can we convince Turkey to go to war?If it goes to war, what do we want it to do?Should it be limited to supplying us with bases, or should it attack Bulgaria and declare war on Germany?Should it advance, or stand still on the Thrace frontier?Since Bulgaria was deeply grateful to Russia for having freed it from Turkish slavery in the past, what would happen to Bulgaria if Turkey entered the war?How will Romania respond?
They have made a genuine trial of peace and are ready to accept unconditional surrender.Also, there is Hungary, which way will it go?Among these satellite countries, the political situation is likely to take a turn for the worse, causing the Greeks to rebel and drive the German troops out of Greece.The Soviet Union had a special view and a special understanding of all these issues.It is important if we can understand the Soviet point of view on all these issues.Is the Soviet government so interested in these plans in the eastern Mediterranean that it wants us to proceed with them, even if the Battle of Overlord, originally scheduled for May 1, is delayed by a month or two?The British and American governments purposely withheld any decision until they knew how the Soviet government viewed these issues.
At this time, President Roosevelt reminded me to talk about further plans, that is, to advance to the north of the Adriatic Sea, and then to attack the Danube area in the northeast.I agreed, and went on to say that once we had taken Rome, and wiped out the German army in the narrow stretch of Italy south of the Apennines, the Anglo-American armies would be able to advance deep enough to engage the enemy.We would then be able to hold our line with a minimum of troops, while the rest of our forces would attack either into the south of France, or, as President Roosevelt thought, from the top of the Adriatic to the northeast.We have not yet considered both of these issues in detail, but if Stalin expressed his appreciation, a special subcommittee could be set up to study the methods, methods and facts and figures before presenting a report to the conference.
The discussion thus far has touched upon key issues.The records at that time were as follows:
Marshal Stalin asked the Prime Minister the following questions:
Question: According to my understanding, the task of attacking France will be undertaken by thirty-five divisions, isn't it?
Answer: Yes.They are particularly powerful divisions.
QUESTION: Is this campaign going to be fought by the troops now stationed in Italy?
Answer: Not so.Seven divisions had been or were being withdrawn from Italy and North Africa to participate in the Battle of Overlord.These seven divisions are used to make up the thirty-five divisions you mentioned in your first question.With their withdrawal, some twenty-two divisions remained in the Mediterranean, available for use on the Italian front or on other objectives.Some of these divisions could be used in campaigns against southern France, or they could be sent up the Danube from the top of the Adriatic.These two battles will coincide with the Battle of Overlord in terms of time.At the same time, it is not difficult to set aside two or three divisions to attack the islands in the Aegean Sea.
I then explained that it was absolutely impossible to send divisions from the Mediterranean to the United Kingdom in addition to the seven divisions mentioned above.Shipping is also not enough.Thirty-five divisions of Anglo-American troops were to be assembled in the United Kingdom for the initial attack.Afterwards there would be nothing Britain could do but maintain sixteen divisions in northern France; but the United States would continue to bring in more troops until the total number of expeditionary forces in northern France reached fifty or sixty divisions.The divisions of the United Kingdom and the United States, if the communications units, troops directly under the army, and anti-aircraft artillery teams are counted together, each division has about 40,000 people.Within the United Kingdom there are already many Anglo-American air forces, but in the next six months the United States will double or triple its air force.In this area, therefore, a powerful air force will be concentrated, from which it can easily reach its objectives in the enemy's territory.All troops and equipment are being deployed according to a predetermined plan, which, if the Soviet authorities wish, they can refer to.
Stalin asked me about the plans for the attack on southern France.I say that this plan has not been studied in detail, but our opinion is that it can be combined with the Overlord operation plan, or both at the same time.The attacking force will consist of those currently stationed in Italy.I added that it was also necessary to study President Roosevelt's proposal for an advance northeastward from the head of the Adriatic.
Stalin asked again how many troops Britain and the United States would allocate if Turkey entered the war.
Since I am only expressing my opinion personally, I say that to capture the islands in the Aegean Sea, at most two or three divisions will be enough. In addition, we may have to allocate about twenty air squadrons and Several anti-aircraft regiments would enable it to defend itself, but the provision of these air units and anti-aircraft batteries would not affect other campaigns.
Stalin considered it a mistake to send part of our troops to Turkey and other places, and part to southern France.It would be better to think of Overlord as the basic battle plan for 1944, and to send all troops in Italy to the south of France once Rome was captured.Therefore, these troops can join forces with the attacking troops after the Battle of Overlord is launched.France was the weakest link on the German front.He himself did not expect Turkey to agree to enter the war.
I asked whether the Soviet government was in no hurry to bring Turkey into the war.We tried it once, but it failed.Now is it expected that we will try again?
I am all for trying again, Stalin said.If necessary, we should grab it by the neck and make it dry.
I went on to say that Marshal Stalin thought it inappropriate to disperse forces, and I fully agree with that.But all I am proposing is that a few divisions, say two or three, would do well to bring us into direct contact with Turkey, and that the air forces that need to be engaged are those used for the defense of Egypt, which only But it's just a matter of pushing the front line forward.In this way, large numbers of troops would not be drawn from the Italian front or from the Overlord plan.
Stalin believed that if these islands could be captured with only three or four divisions, it would be worthwhile.
I said that my greatest fear was that the war would be at a standstill during the six months between the invasion of Rome and the launching of the Overlord campaign.We should strike the enemy without interruption.The plan of operations which I have proposed, though certainly of a secondary character, is a matter for careful consideration.
Stalin once again pointed out that the Overlord operation plan is a very important battle, and it is best to support it by attacking the south of France.He even advocated the present defensive in Italy and the renouncing of Rome, if by doing so some ten divisions could be mobilized for the attack on southern France.Two months later, the Battle of Overlord will follow, and the troops attacking from two directions can join forces.
I replied that we would not be any stronger if we had ceased our advance on Rome; stronger position.Also, we need airfields north of Rome to bomb Germany.It is impossible for us to abandon the capture of Rome.Such an approach will be regarded by all sides as a fiasco, and the British Parliament will not tolerate such opinions for a moment.
President Roosevelt now suggested that the timing of the individual campaigns required special careful consideration.Any campaign in the Levant would likely delay the Overlord campaign plans until June or July.He himself was against such a delay if it could be avoided.Therefore, he suggested that military experts should study whether it is possible to start the battle in southern France two months before the launch of the Battle of Overlord according to the time proposed by Stalin.
Stalin said that the experience gained by the Soviets from the last two years of fighting proved that large-scale offensives, if carried out from only one direction, are rarely fruitful.
Even better, attack simultaneously from two or more directions.This forces the enemy to disperse their forces, and at the same time, if the attacking units are not far from each other, they have the opportunity to make contact, thus increasing the strength of the overall attack.He suggested that this principle could well be applied to the issues under discussion.
I do not object to these opinions in principle.I said that my proposal for a small amount of aid to Yugoslavia and Turkey did not contradict in any way the above general thinking.At the same time I wish to be able to put on record my opinion that under no circumstances should I consent to the sacrifice of twenty soldiers stationed in the Mediterranean just to observe exactly May 1, the date for launching the Overlord campaign. Military operations of two British and British-controlled divisions.If Turkey refuses to participate in the war, there is nothing to do.I earnestly hope that I am not called to agree with President Roosevelt's question of the exact timing of the campaigns.Can the meeting consider the opinions that everyone has expressed and continue the discussion tomorrow?President Roosevelt agreed and suggested that the chiefs of staff should get to work the next morning.
At this time, Stalin said, he did not expect the meeting to discuss military issues, so he did not bring his military experts, although Marshal Voroshilov would make the best effort.
I asked how we were going to discuss Turkey.The question may be as much a political one as a military one.The meeting should discuss the following issues:
(1) What are we asking Turkey to do?
(2) We want it to join the war, what price are we going to give it?
(3) What are the consequences of paying these prices?
Stalin agreed.Turkey is an ally of the United Kingdom and maintains friendly relations with the United States.It should be advised by Britain and the United States to choose the right path.我說，如果土耳其拒絕俄國請它參加獲勝的一方的邀請，同時又失去英國的同情，那真是糊塗已極。斯大林也說，許多人寧願糊塗已極，所有的中立國家都把那些本可以置身事外而竟然進行戰爭的人看成是傻子哩。
我在會議結束時說，我們雖然都是很好的朋友，但是如果我們自己欺騙自己，硬說我們在一切問題上都取得了完全一致的看法，那也是空談。時間和耐心是必要的。
我們的第一次會談就這樣結束了。