Chapter 177 Volume 5, Chapter 22, Tehran: Conclusion

December 1st lunch talk How to win TurkeyRussia demands for Italian shipsPoland's bordersCurzon line and Oder lineFrank talksFinland no land, no reparationsFinal reconciliationThe German questionPartition Germany?President Roosevelt's Proposal Let me state my personal opinion Marshal Stalin's point of view Let's move on to Poland A broad agreement on military policy The political situation is still in doubt At the climax of the war I am deeply worried about the current division of power in Germany: this cannot last . Before and after we made important decisions on strategic issues, several extremely important political issues remained prominent.On December 1, the heads of state of the three countries ate together at the luncheon hosted by President Roosevelt in the Soviet embassy.Also attending the luncheon were Molotov, Hopkins, Eden, Clark Kerr, and Harriman.The first thing we talked about was the problem of persuading Turkey to join the war.

Hopkins asked us what support we had to give Turkey if it went to war.Roosevelt said that Inonu must have asked what we could do for them.Before we have studied the situation of the landing craft, we must proceed cautiously and not make rash promises.I said we had seventeen squadrons of the British Air Force in Egypt that were not under the command of the British and American High Command, and Air Admiral Ted had three spare squadrons.They are mainly fighter jets and can be used to protect Turkey.In addition, we have three anti-aircraft artillery regiments.That is what we have promised Turkey.We made no promise to Turkey that we would send any troops to support it.It has equipped fifty divisions, so there is no need to send troops.

Stalin said that if Turkey entered the war, it should give us part of its territory.I agree and say that Ploiesti will be vulnerable.All that we Brits have offered to Turkey is not a generosity, but three air squadrons drawn from the middle of the Mediterranean in order to round up seventeen to twenty.Maybe the US could add some bomber squadrons.As we said, we can only provide air protection.We cannot send the army.The landing craft needed for the attack on Rhodes in March could be used in the period between the Italian campaign and the Overlord campaign.President Roosevelt wanted this to happen, but he said that the loss of landing craft was so severe that we needed to use all the landing craft we could get for the Overlord campaign.I replied that I saw no difficulty.We didn't make any proposals for Turkey, and I don't know if Inonu would take any.President Roosevelt was going to Cairo to see what his staff would have to say.We Brits can only supply our twenty squadrons.The Turks don't need an army, they just need air protection.Besides, Inonu probably won't go to Cairo.

He may be sick.Stalin interjected. I said that if he refused to come and President Roosevelt was leaving, I proposed to meet him in Adana on a cruiser.Inonu will be there.Landing craft are a key issue in all our campaigns.A part could perhaps be transferred from the Indian or Pacific Ocean, and a larger part could be built.If we can't do this, we will have to abandon some of the plans, but we agree that the Overlord campaign cannot be affected. Roosevelt then pointed out that my proposal to call in landing craft from the Pacific would not work.Because of the distance, and the fact that the U.S. forces were advancing northward every day in the Gilbert and Marshall Islands, attacking Japanese supply money.They need to use all the landing craft they currently have.

Hopkins asked again how many landing craft would be needed to capture Rhodes.I replied that we had no obligation to Turkey to attack Rhodes or any other island, nor to supply landing craft.Roosevelt said that if he had been Inonu, he would have demanded the capture of Crete and the other islands. I said: I want the air bases in Smyrna and Badrun.We built those airports.Once we get these bases, and put in squadrons, we can clear the skies of German aircraft.In any case, even if we shot down a German plane and sacrificed one of our own, it would still pay off.We must deplete the German defense forces on the island.If Turkey actively participates in the war, these islands will fall without a fight.In this case there was no need even to attack Rhodes.The islands must be supplied by Germany, and if we can cover the air from Turkey, our destroyers will be able to destroy the German convoy, but this cannot be done at present, because Germany still has air supremacy.If we gain bases in Turkey, we will be able to keep pressure on the Germans, which will be a preparatory step for the Overlord campaign.

Stalin agreed with this.President Roosevelt also agreed to negotiate on the basis of twenty air squadrons plus a number of bombers, but he was not prepared to engage in a two-sacrifice battle. Then, I summarized everyone's opinions.We only provide Turkey with limited air protection and anti-aircraft guns.But winter has come and Germany will not invade Turkey.We will continue to provide it with arms.Turkey should accept the Soviet Union's invitation to attend a peace conference with us in the future, a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.We also pledged that if Bulgaria attacked Turkey for declaring war on Germany, the Soviet Union would retaliate against Bulgaria, which had never happened before.In addition, we also recommend Turkey to cooperate with the victorious powers, and we will give a lot of assistance and friendly treatment.

What, Stalin asked, did Mr. Churchill expect the Soviet Union to do if Turkey declared war on Germany, which resulted in Bulgaria attacking Turkey, and the Soviet Union declared war on Bulgaria? I said, I don't ask for anything specific, but when Soviet troops advance through Odessa, it will have a huge impact on the Bulgarian people.The Turkish army has rifles, brave infantry, and fairly good artillery, but no anti-aircraft guns, no planes, and very few tanks.We have military schools, but Turks don't come to classes very often.They don't learn fast.The Turkish army is brave, but not modern.They have spent 25 million pounds on the purchase of arms, mainly American arms, which we have transported.

Stalin said Turkey would most likely not join the war.They're going to give us their air bases; that's probably how things go, but that's fine too. President Roosevelt then asked Mr. Eden to explain what the Turks had said in Cairo.Mr. Eden said that he had asked the Turkish Foreign Minister to hand over the air base to us and told the latter that Germany would not attack Turkey.But the Turkish foreign minister refused, saying that Germany would definitely respond to Turkey's provocation.Turkey would rather go to war in accordance with the agreement than to become indirectly involved in the war by taking the actions suggested above.

I found that whenever we asked the Turks to make the most of their neutrality and give us their air bases, they replied: Oh no, we can't play a passive role.But if we ask them to actually go to war, they say, Oh, no, we're not fully armed yet. So I suggest that, if necessary, other methods must be adopted.If Turkey refuses to participate in the war, it has given up the opportunity to participate in the peace conference.It will be treated like any other neutral country.We also declare that Great Britain is no longer interested in Turkish affairs and will cease to supply arms. Mr. Eden said he wanted to be very clear about what would be demanded of Turkey.Do we agree that Turkey is only fighting against Germany and not against any other country?Would the Soviet government have fought Bulgaria if Germany had thus made Bulgaria part of Germany's war against Turkey?Stalin agreed with both of the above points.I said that, in my personal opinion, I would be satisfied if Turkey made the best use of its neutrality.We thus came to a great degree of agreement with regard to my great object of asking for limited measures to win Turkey into the war.At the same time, we also decided to invite Inonu to Cairo to discuss with me and President Roosevelt.Although I understand that the Turks are distressed by our failure to attack Rhodes and lose the islands of Kos and Leros, thereby giving Germany air supremacy in the Aegean Sea, I do not address this issue because I have already gained my I think it's exactly what I'm asking for, and I'm optimistic that these can already meet the needs.

At this moment, Molotov asked whether an answer could be given to the Soviet government regarding the Italian ships.Roosevelt's answer was simple.Most merchant ships and a few warships can be used by the three countries during wartime, and they will be distributed according to rights after the war.Until the end of the war, the best way is to let whoever can make better use of these ships.Molotov said Russia could make good use of them.I asked where the Soviet government was willing to hand over the ships.Stalin said that the handover procedures can be handled in the Black Sea, if not, it can be changed to the North Sea.If Turkey does not participate in the war, the handover in the Black Sea will not be possible.However, the ships can still be used in the North Sea.

I said that after all the efforts the Soviet Union has made or is making, this is only a trivial matter.We just ask for a little time to discuss this issue with the Italians.I said I would like to see these ships go to the Black Sea, and maybe I could also send some of His Majesty's warships with me at the same time.President Roosevelt and I needed some time to arrange this issue with the Italians.Some of their small ships have been used to help with patrol work, and some submarines are also transporting important supplies.We must not let the Italian fleet mutiny, nor let them scuttle ships.President Roosevelt and I only need a month or two to make arrangements with the Italians.By then, the ships, after refitting, will be at the disposal of the Russians.I also added that I wished to send four or five British submarines into the Black Sea.This is one of the things we can ask Turkey if it accepts only demands to make the most of its neutrality, but we will follow the wishes of Marshal Stalin.We have no ambitions for the Black Sea. Stalin replied that he would be grateful for any help. After lunch, after a short break, we went into another room and took our seats at the conference table.We continued the discussion all afternoon.The next important issue is Poland. President Roosevelt began by saying that he hoped that the Polish and Soviet governments would restore diplomatic relations so that our decisions would be acceptable to the Polish government, but he acknowledged that there were difficulties.Stalin asked what government he should consult with.The Polish government and its friends in Poland kept in touch with the Germans.They slaughtered partisans.Neither President Roosevelt nor I can understand what is going on there. I said that the Polish question was very important to us people in the United Kingdom because we declared war on Poland because Germany invaded it.Although we were unprepared, we went to war because of Germany's attack on Poland.I used three matches again to compare Germany, Poland and the Soviet Union.One of the main goals of the Allies was to secure the western borders of the Soviet Union from future German attacks.Speaking of which, I remind Stalin that he mentioned the Oder boundary to the west. Stalin interrupted me to say that the question of re-establishing relations with the Polish government had not been mentioned before, he said, but only the determination of Poland's boundaries.Today, the question is framed quite differently.Russia is even more eager than any other country to maintain good relations with Poland, because for Russia it is a question of the security of its frontiers.Russia agreed that Poland could be revived, developed and strengthened mainly at the expense of German interests, but he separated Poland from the Polish government-in-exile.He broke off relations with the Polish government-in-exile not because of a momentary rash action, but because the Polish government-in-exile, together with Hitler, carried out slanderous propaganda against Russia.What guarantees are there that this will never happen again?He wanted assurances that the Polish government-in-exile would no longer kill partisans, but instead encourage the Poles to fight the Germans and not participate in any plots.He welcomed any Polish government that took such positive steps and was willing to resume relations with them, but he was not sure that the Polish government-in-exile could become such an ideal government. At this point I said that it would be very beneficial if we could understand the Russian perspective on borders at this table.In this way I was able to put the question to the Poles and state frankly whether I thought the conditions were fair.I speak only for His Majesty's Government, which wishes to be able to tell the Poles that this plan is feasible and the best they can get, and that His Majesty's Government is not prepared to express dissent at the Peace Conference.Then we can move on to the question President Roosevelt raised about restoring relations.What we need is a strong and independent Poland, a Poland on friendly terms with Russia. This was correct, Stalin said, but the Poles could not be allowed to occupy Ukrainian and Belarusian territories.That's unfair.According to the borders of 1939, the territories of Ukraine and Belarus have been returned to Ukraine and Belarus.Soviet Russia insisted on the boundaries of 1939 because they appeared ethnographically correct. Eden asked if this meant the Ribbentrop-Molotov line. You can call it what you want.said Stalin. Molotov said the line is generally known as the Curzon Line. No, says Aiden: there is an important distinction. Molotov said there was no difference at all. So I took out a map and pointed out the Curzon Line and the 1939 line, and also the Oder Line.Eden said the southern end of the Curzon Line was never regulated. At this time, the people attending the meeting gathered together in twos and threes.Everyone gathered around my map and the map that the Americans had produced, and it was difficult for the interpreter to take notes. Eden reminded that the Curzon Line was originally intended to be extended to the area east of Lviv. Stalin replied that the border lines on my map were not drawn correctly.Lvov should remain on the Russian side, and the frontier should be drawn west to near Przemyšl.Molotov will bring a map of the Curzon Line and its description.Stalin said he didn't want any Polish population and if he found any area inhabited by Poles he was more than willing to give it up. I reminded that the value of German land is much greater than that of the Pripyat swamp.It is an industrial area, so it will contribute to a better Poland.We want to be able to tell the Poles that the Russians are right, and we want to be able to tell the Poles that they have been treated fairly.If the Poles refuse to accept it, we have nothing to do.I make it clear here that I speak only for the British, and add that there were many Poles in President Roosevelt's America, all of whom were his countrymen. Once again Stalin stated that he would not make claims if it could be shown which areas were inhabited by Poles, and at this time he shaded the areas west of the Curzon Line and south of Vilna on the map, acknowledging that these major It is an area inhabited by Poles. At this time, everyone again conducted a long-term study of the Oder River line on the map in twos and threes.At the end of the study, I said that I appreciated the division and would say to the Poles that it would be very stupid for them not to accept it.I would also like to remind them that if it were not for the Soviet Red Army, they would have been completely wiped out.I will point out to them that they have acquired a very desirable country to live in, which is more than three hundred miles in length and width. Stalin said that this area would indeed become an industrial powerhouse. And it is friendly to Russia.I interrupted. Stalin replied that Russia wanted a friendly Poland. According to the record, at this time I said to Mr. Eden in a rather emphatic tone that I did not want to worry about the ceding of parts of Germany to Poland and Lvov.Eden said that if Marshal Stalin used the Curzon Line or the Oder Line as the basis for discussions, that would provide a start. At this moment Molotov produced the Russian map of the Curzon Line and the text of Lord Curzon's wireless telegram with all the place names attached.I asked Molotov if he objected to the Poles getting the Vopole region.He said he didn't mean that. I said that it would be very wise for the Poles to take our advice.I'm not going to argue hoarsely about Lviv.I turned around and said to Stalin that there is no great distance between us in principle.Roosevelt asked Stalin if he thought it possible to relocate people on a voluntary basis.Marshal Stalin replied that it might be possible. With this, we conclude our discussion on the Polish question. President Roosevelt then asked Stalin if he was going to discuss Finland.Is there anything the US government can do to help Finland get out of the war? Stalin said that the Swedish Deputy Foreign Minister had recently told Mrs. Kollontai (the Soviet ambassador) that the Finns were worried that Russia would turn Finland into a Russian province.The Soviet government replied that they did not want to make Finland a province of Russia unless the Finns forced them to do so.Therefore, Mrs. Kolontai was ordered to tell the Finns that the Soviet government did not refuse to receive the Finnish delegation in Moscow, but hoped that the Finns would explain their views on withdrawing from the war.While Stalin was in Tehran, he had just received the gist of the Finn's reply, forwarded to him by Herr Borchmann.The reply did not mention Finland's intention to break with Germany at all, but raised the question of borders.The Finns suggested that the 1939 borders should be used as the basis for discussions, but suggested certain modifications in favor of the Soviet Union.Stalin believed that the Finns were not really eager to hold serious negotiations.Their conditions were unacceptable, and the Finns themselves knew it.The Finns still wanted the Germans to win; at least some firmly believed that the Germans would. Roosevelt asked if it would be beneficial if the American government persuaded the Finns to go to Moscow.Stalin replied that they were going to Moscow, but that it would not do much good if they went with their existing plans. I said that I had sympathized with Finland during the Russo-Finnish war, but turned against it when it entered the war against the Soviet Union.Russia must be assured of Leningrad and its passage.The status of the Soviet Union as a permanent naval and air power in the Baltic must be guaranteed.But the people of the United Kingdom would not be happy if the Finns were absorbed into the Soviet Union against their will.I was therefore very pleased to hear what Marshal Stalin had to say.I see no use in asking for reparations.The Finns might be able to cut down some trees, but it wouldn't do much good. Stalin said he didn't want money, but in about five to eight years the Finns could supply Russia with paper, wood and many other things, which would more than cover the losses they had done to Russia.He thought the Finns should be taught a lesson, and he was determined to get compensation. I said that, in my conjecture, the Finn's blundering attack had done Russia far more damage than a poor country like Finland could recover.I added: the famous slogan is still ringing in my ears: no land, no compensation.Maybe Marshal Stalin doesn't like me saying that. Stalin replied with a smile: I have already told you that I have become a conservative party member. Then, I asked him what exactly he was asking for.We're about to have the Overlord campaign.I hope that by spring Sweden will be in our war and Finland will be out.Stalin said, this is very good. The talks then turned to the specifics of the territory of Vyborg (Stalin said: Vyborg is definitely not negotiable.), the Karelian Isthmus and the Khango.Stalin said: If it is difficult to transfer Hange, as an alternative, I am willing to accept Bitsamo.It was a fair trade, Roosevelt said. The British, I said, wanted two things: first, that Russia should be satisfied with her boundaries; life, but we do not wish to exert any pressure on Russia.Stalin said the allies could still squeeze each other occasionally, if they wanted to.But for the Finns, they had to be kept alive.As long as they can make up half of the losses they caused, that's fine.Roosevelt asked if it would do any good for the Finns to go to Moscow with no conditions.Stalin said that if there was no guarantee of an agreement, sending people to Moscow could only benefit Germany, since it would profit from the failure of the talks, and the aggressors in Finland would also benefit , they will say that the Russians do not really want peace. I say, it's a lie, and we're all going to call it a lie. Well, Stalin said: If you must do it, let them do it. Roosevelt said the present Finnish leader was pro-German; if there were others in the group we would make some progress.Stalin thought it would be better if there were others, but he had no objection even to Rettie.Anyone, even the devil, can come.He is not afraid of the devil. I said I hoped that Marshal Stalin, in his dealings with Finland, would take due account of the possibility of Sweden entering the war in time for our general offensive in May. Stalin agreed with this opinion, but said that he could not waive the following conditions: (1) Restoration of the 1940 treaty. (2) Hango or Bittsummer (for this, he added, Hango was already on loan to the USSR, but he proposed to get Bittsummer). (3) Fifty percent of the losses suffered by the Soviet Union should be compensated in kind.The quantity will be discussed later. (4) Cut off diplomatic relations with Germany. (5) Deport all Germans. (6) Demobilization of the army. Regarding the issue of compensation, I said that it is very easy to cause damage, but it is very difficult to repair the damage. It is uncomfortable for any country to undertake the obligation of compensation to another country.I said: Experience has shown that large compensation does not work.Stalin proposed that if the Finns did not pay reparations, Russia would occupy part of Finland, but if they paid, the Russians would withdraw within the year. I have not yet been elected as a People's Commissar of the USSR, I said: but if I were elected, I would certainly advise against it.We have bigger issues to consider.We support the Russians and are ready to help them, but we must take into account the May campaign.President Roosevelt said that he supported everything that had just been said (referring to disagreeing with large reparations). At this time Stalin asked: Are there any other questions?President Roosevelt replied: There is still the German problem.Stalin said he wanted to see Germany divided.President Roosevelt agreed, but Stalin thought I would object. I said that I have no objection in principle.Roosevelt said that he and his advisers had tried to draw up a plan about three months earlier for the sake of discussion.This plan is to divide Germany into five parts. Stalin said with a smile, I am not listening to the speech because I do not want to divide Germany.I said that I believed that the root of the crime lay in Prussia, the Prussian army and the General Staff. Next, Roosevelt explained his plans for dividing Germany into five parts: (1) Prussia. (2) Hanover and Northwest Germany. (3) Saxony and Leipzig area. (4) Hesse | Darmstadt, Hesse | Kassel and the area south of the Rhine. (5) Bavaria, Baden and Württemberg. These five regions will all be self-governing, but two more regions will be under the jurisdiction of the United States: (1) Kiel with its canals and Hamburg. (2) Ruhr and Sal. These places serve as trusteeships and are controlled by the United States.He's just presenting the above sections as an idea for discussion. I said: If I may borrow an American idiom, then, I would say that President Roosevelt got it right.Mr. Roosevelt's plan was still very new to me.According to my opinion, there are two kinds of things, one is destructive and the other is constructive.I have two clear concepts in mind.The first is to isolate Prussia.As for what to do after it is isolated, that is only secondary.Then I wish to separate Bavaria, Württemberg, Palatine, Saxony and Baden.Although I am going to deal harshly with Prussia, I am prepared to treat this second group of regions more moderately, in the hope that they will participate in what I call the Danube Commonwealth.The people in these parts of Germany are not evil yet, and I hope they get along, and after twenty or thirty years they will think very differently.The people of southern Germany are not going to start another war, and we should make it worthwhile to forget Prussia.As for whether there are one or two groups of districts, I don't really mind. I asked Marshal Stalin whether he was prepared to act in this direction.Stalin said he was ready to do so, but he would have preferred a plan of partitioning Germany like that of President Roosevelt, which seemed more likely to weaken Germany. When we have to deal with a large German army, we will find that they can fight as hard as they can, as the British and American armies will soon learn.The Austrian army itself was very different, and Stalin recounts how they surrendered.All Germans are the same.And it was the Prussian officers who united them closely.But fundamentally there was no difference between the northern Germans and the southern Germans, because all Germans fought like beasts.We should be careful not to include the Austrians in any such combination. Austria once lived independently and can still live independently again in the future. Hungary, too, must gain its independent existence in the same way.It would be very unwise to divide Germany and create a new combination, whether it be called the Danube Federation or by any other name. President Roosevelt enthusiastically agreed.Germans don't make any difference.The Bavarians have no officer class; otherwise, they would be exactly like the Prussians, as the American Army has discovered. I said that if Germany had been divided into regions, as President Roosevelt suggested, and these regions would not belong to other groups, they would be reunited.The problem was not only to divide Germany, but more importantly, to bring life to these divided regions and at the same time make them content not to depend on the Greater German Reich.Even if it takes us fifty years to do this, that is a great gain. Stalin said that a Danube Federation cannot survive, and that the Germans will take advantage of this and add flesh to the bones, thus creating a new great power.He asked whether Hungary and Romania would be members of any such federation. He then repeatedly explained the future benefits of such a federation for Germany.It would be better to separate and disperse the various tribes in Germany.Of course, no matter how divided they are, they will certainly demand unity.They will always demand reunification.From this he saw a great danger, which had to be mitigated by every economic measure and, finally, if necessary, by force. This is the only way to keep the peace.But if we let the Germans establish a large federation, something will happen.We must take care to separate them, and Hungary and Germany cannot be combined.Nothing can stop a movement aimed at reunification.The Germans always wanted reunification, wanted revenge.We must make ourselves sufficiently strong to be able to defeat them when they wage another war. I asked Stalin if he had considered a Europe of small separate states, with no larger states at all. He replied that he was talking about Germany, not Europe.Both Poland and France are big countries.Both Romania and Bulgaria are small countries.But we must at all costs divide Germany so that it cannot be reunited.President Roosevelt pointed out that his plan was the means to that end.I said that I must clearly state that at present we are only conducting preliminary research on a major historical issue.Stalin said that this kind of research is of course very preliminary. I then brought the discussion back to the Polish question.I said I wasn't asking for any agreement, and I wasn't sure about the issue myself, but I still wanted some issues to be put in writing.I therefore proposed the following proposal: in principle, the territory of the Polish state and nation should lie between the so-called Curzon line and the Oder line[1], and also include East Prussia (according to regulations) and Waupole; But the direction of the actual border line needs to be carefully studied, and the population problem may need to be addressed in some areas.There is nothing wrong with such a scheme, which enables me to say to the Poles: I don't know if the Russians will agree, but I think I might get them for you.You see, you have been treated very well.I also add that we will never be able to make the Poles say they are satisfied.Nothing could satisfy the Poles. [1] At that time, the question of whether it was the East or the Sines River had not yet arisen. Then, Stalin said that the Russians really wanted the ice-free port of Koenigsbeck [1], and he drew a possible demarcation line on the map.This enabled Russia to control Germany.If he can get this port, he will be more than happy to agree to my proposals for Poland.I asked Lviv how to deal with it.Stalin said he would accept the Curzon Line. 【1】Currently known as Kaliningrad.translator That night, Roosevelt, Stalin, and I initialed the following document, which sets forth the conclusions of the Tripartite Summit on military matters. Meeting: 1. Unanimously agreed that the Yugoslav partisans should be supported to the greatest extent possible with material and equipment, as well as with commando operations. 2. It is agreed that Turkey will join the war on the side of the Allies before the end of this year, which is very necessary from a military point of view. 3. Note the statement of Marshal Stalin that if Turkey fights against Germany and Bulgaria declares war on Turkey or attacks it, the Soviet Union will immediately fight against Bulgaria.It was also noted that this fact would be clearly stated in the forthcoming negotiations to bring Turkey into the war. 4. Note that Operation Overlord is planned to take place in May 1944, to be coordinated with a campaign in the south of France.The latter campaign will be fought at full strength according to the availability of landing craft.The meeting also took note of Marshal Stalin's statement that the Soviet Union would launch an offensive at about the same time with the aim of preventing the transfer of German troops from the Eastern to the Western Front. 5. It is agreed that the military staff officers of the three countries will maintain close contact with each other regarding the upcoming battles in Europe.In particular, it was agreed that the staff officers involved should collaborate in drawing up a cover plan that would confuse the enemy or make miscalculations about the circumstances of the aforementioned campaign. With this, our long and difficult talks in Tehran come to an end.The conclusions about the military aspects generally determine the future course of the war.The attack across the English Channel was scheduled for May, subject to tides and moonlight.Russia will support this offensive with renewed major offensives.I have from the first been in favor of the proposal to send part of the Allied forces in Italy to attack the southern coast of France.這個計劃沒有經過詳細的研究，但是由於美國人和俄國人都表示贊同，這就使我們比較容易地獲得為保證意大利戰役取得勝利以及攻陷羅馬所必需的登陸艇，而如果沒有這些登陸艇，上述戰役是會失敗的。我對羅斯福總統的另一個提議當然更感興趣，這就是從意大利經過伊斯的利亞半島和裡雅斯特向右推進，最終的目的是要通過盧布爾雅那山峽到達維也納。所有這一切都是五六個月以後的事。只要我們在意大利的軍隊的活動能力，不致由於將他們數量不多但是必不可少的登陸艇弄走而變得癱瘓，那麼隨著戰爭的總的形勢發展，還是有充分的時間作出最後的選擇的。許多兩棲作戰或半兩棲作戰的計劃，都有實現的可能。我希望放棄在孟加拉灣的從海上展開攻勢的計劃，而正如下一章將要談到的，這一點證明是正確的。我很高興地看到，好幾個可供選擇的重要方案仍然保留著。我們將重新作出巨大的努力來促使土耳其參戰，而在土耳其參戰以後，愛琴海將發生種種變化，而這些變化又會引起黑海的形勢發展。在這一點上，我們的希望後來卻落空了。當我們在充滿友誼和為當前的目標而團結的氣氛中分別時，縱觀整個軍事形勢，我個人是非常滿意的。 政治形勢則比較模糊，難以料定。很明顯，政局要以尚待進行的巨大戰役的結局為轉移，而在那以後，又要以每個盟國在獲得勝利時的情緒為轉移。如果西方民主國家在德黑蘭會議上，對俄國人在獲得勝利和消除了它的一切危險後所持的態度有所疑懼，並根據這種疑懼來制訂他們的計劃，那是不正確的。斯大林答允在推翻希特勒和打垮他的軍隊後立即參加對日戰爭，這是具有極端重要意義的事情。未來的希望在於最迅速地結束戰爭，並建立一個旨在防止另一次戰爭的世界機構，這些是以三大國的聯合力量作為基礎，而這三大國的領袖們已經在會議桌旁頻頻握手，以示友誼了。 我們為芬蘭減輕了賠款的負擔，這個辦法大體上至今還在執行。新波蘭的東方和西方邊界大致上已經劃定。東面以寇松線（尚待解釋）為界，而西面以奧得河線為界，看來這片地方將為受盡苦難的波蘭民族提供一個真正的和永久性的國土。當時，東、西尼斯河（它們匯合為奧得河）的問題尚未發生。一九四五年七月在波茨坦會議上，在完全不同的情況下，以激烈的方式提出這個問題時，我立即宣佈英國只堅持東部的支流。這仍然是我們今天的立場。 關於戰勝國如何處理德國這個首要問題，在這次具有重要歷史意義的會議上，只能作為一個重大政治問題給予初步研究，而且正像斯大林所說的那樣，當然是非常初步的研究。我們應當記住，我們這時正在同強大的納粹國家進行著一場可怕的戰爭。在我們的周圍，存在著戰爭的一切風險，而同盟國之間的戰友情誼以及對於共同敵人的復仇情緒，支配了我們的全部思想。羅斯福總統關於把德國瓜分為五個自治的國家以及把兩個具有巨大重要性的地區交給聯合國家託管的這一設想中計劃，對於斯大林元帥來說，當然要比我提出的關於孤立普魯士和成立一個多瑙河聯邦，或成立一個南部德國和一個多瑙河聯邦的建議，容易接受得多。這只是我個人的觀點，但是，我對自己在德黑蘭時我們所處的那種環境下提出這一問題，一點也不後悔。 我們大家都擔心一個統一的德國的力量。普魯士有它自己的偉大歷史。我認為我們有可能同它簽訂一個嚴肅而體面的和約，同時，也可重新建立一個大致按照奧匈帝國輪廓的、具有現代形式的國家。關於奧匈帝國，人們說得好：如果它不存在的話，也會把它創造出來。這裡將形成一個廣大的地區，有了這個地區，要比通過任何其他的解決方法，能更早地實現和平及友誼。這樣，就可以組成一個聯合的歐洲，從而使所有的戰勝國和戰敗國為它們飽經憂患的千百萬人民的生活和自由奠定一個穩固的基礎。 我不認為我對於這一廣大的領域的想法沒有什麼連貫性，但是，在事實的領域中，我們已經遇到了重大的和災難性的變化。波蘭的疆界已經名存實亡，而波蘭在俄國和共產黨的緊緊控制下正惶惶不可終日。德國確是被分割了，但只是令人厭惡地被分成各個軍事佔領區。關於這個悲劇，我們只能說，‧這‧是‧不‧能‧持‧久‧的。