Chapter 204 Volume 6, Chapter 14: The Prologue of the Visit to Moscow

Russian Offensive Progress Red Army reaches Baltics October 20 Belgrade is liberated I am eager to meet with Stalin again We are concerned about the future of Poland and Greece World Organization and Dumbarton Oaks impasse General Smuts calls from General Smuts I plan to visit Moscow USA The President approves of Stalin's gracious invitation to Russia and the Far East. On October 5, I leave for Moscow for the Italian campaign. The huge Russian offensive in the summer of 1944 has previously been described in this book only until the end of September, when, with the assistance of the Romanian Revolution, the Soviet army advanced from the Danube valley to the Hungarian border, and then stopped to rest and resupply.Now we're going to move on to the end of autumn.

We are watching with keen interest and growing hope the fate of this great campaign.The German garrisons of the Baltic countries in the north were practically cut off due to Russia's deep southward march, and it would be very difficult to remove them.The first attacks on them in mid-September came from both ends of Lake Peppers.The offensive spread rapidly, covering the entire Baltic coast from Riga to the north in three weeks. [1] A large lake between eastern Estonia and western Pskov, now called Lake Chud.translator On September 24, the southern front flared up again.An offensive into the Yugoslav border along the south bank of the Danube began.The Russians were supported on their left flank by defiant Bulgarian troops.Together they then made contact with Tito's irregular forces, which helped to disrupt the difficult but skilful German retreat from Greece.Despite the apparent imminent danger in Poland, Hitler took the Hungarian campaign seriously and stubbornly sent reinforcements.On October 6, the Russians, with the assistance of the Romanian army, launched the main offensive, directed at Budapest from the southeast, and supplemented it with an assault from the Carpathian Mountains in the north.Russian troops crossed the banks of the Danube, Belgrade was liberated on October 20, and the German garrison there was annihilated.

The arrangements I made with the President over the summer to divide responsibility for individual countries affected by military operations have flown smoothly over the three months we agreed.But as autumn approached, everything in Eastern Europe became more tense.I felt the need to meet again in person with Stalin, whom I had not seen since the Tehran Conference, and despite the tragedy in Warsaw, I felt a new connection with him after the successful start of Operation Overlord. The Russian army was now in hot pursuit on the Balkan battlefield, and Romania and Bulgaria were already under their control.Just because the victory of the great alliance was only a matter of time, Russian ambitions naturally grew accordingly.Behind the rumbling Russian front, communism has risen. Russia is the savior, and communism is the gospel she brought.

I have never felt that our past relations with Romania and Bulgaria required any special sacrifice on our part, but the fate of Poland and Greece aroused strong feelings in us.For Poland we fought the Great War; for Greece we fought hard.Both governments are in exile in London, and we feel it is our duty to help them recover their countries, if that is what their people really want.On the whole, these sentiments were also shared by the United States, who, however, were very slow to appreciate the upsurge of communist influence, which had penetrated and now came with the direct entry of the Kremlin-commanded armies.I hope to take advantage of the better relations with the Soviet Union to reach a satisfactory solution to these new problems opened up between East and West.

In addition to these major issues concerning the whole of Central Europe, the question of the world organization is now lingering in the minds of all of us.Between August and October, at Dumbarton Oaks near Washington, a lengthy conference had been held in which the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, and China worked out what is now known as a program for the maintenance of world peace.They proposed that all peace-loving nations should join a new organization called the United Nations.The organization consists of a General Assembly and a Security Council.The General Assembly discusses and studies how to promote and maintain world peace, and recommends to the Security Council how to implement it.Every country is required to be a member of the General Assembly and each has the right to vote, but the General Assembly can only make recommendations and adopt declarations; it has no executive power.The Security Council investigates any dispute between the United Nations and can, in fact, resort to force to settle disputes if they cannot be resolved peacefully.This is very different from the League of Nations.Under this new formula, the General Assembly can discuss and recommend, and only the Council can take action.The council's discretion is not limited by a definition of aggression, nor by regulations on when force may be used and when sanctions may be imposed.

There has been a great deal of discussion about who should sit on the Security Council and how they should exercise their significant powers.Finalize it: The three major powers and China should be permanent members of the council, and France can also join in at an appropriate time, and the General Assembly should elect six other countries to participate in the council, with a term of office set at two years.What remains is the question of voting rights.Although each member state of the General Assembly has the right to vote, it can only study and make recommendations, and even this has little substantive value.Determining the voting method within the Security Council is even more difficult. Discussions have exposed many differences among the three major allies, which can be seen later in this chapter.The Kremlin does not intend to join an international organization where they will be overwhelmed by a large majority of small states that, while unable to influence the course of the war, will surely demand equal status in victory.I am convinced that we will only be able to reach a good settlement with Russia if we are united in partnership by a common enemy.Hitler and Hitlerism are doomed, but what will be after Hitler?

General Smuts's meditations on his farm in South Africa caused him to think along the same lines, and during the meeting he sent me the following telegram: field marshal smuts to prime minister September 20, 1944 I am deeply concerned by the crisis arising from the impasse with Russia in the World Organization talks, which, however, occurs at precisely the most unfortunate moment before the final end of the war.I am afraid that in this case, as in others, we will be forced to make important decisions, hastily and with dangerous speed.All the telecommunications, international aviation information, etc., are spreading the same gossip.Since this stalemate could in any case have clearly disastrous consequences here, I do not presume to issue this warning letter.

At first, the attitude of the Soviet Union struck me as absurd. Not only would the other great powers not accept their arguments, but even smaller ones might well reject them.But after thinking about it, I tend to take a different view.I think Molotov was serious about expressing the attitude of the Soviet Union, and Cadogan and Clark Kerr also correctly stated this point, which is related to the honor and status of the Soviet Union among the allies.She was asking if she was trusted and treated as an equal, or if she was still seen as a rogue and an outcast.The misunderstanding here actually goes beyond mere disagreement.By offending Russia's pride and causing feelings of inferiority, this could lead to a deterioration of European relations with far-reaching consequences.Russia, conscious of its strength, will become more greedy than ever.Her reflexes and sense of power show no effort on her part to explore a solution.

What will her future relations be with countries like Germany, Japan, and even France?Not to mention the smaller countries.If a world organization were created without Russia, she would become the center of power for another group. So we're heading towards a third world war.If the United Nations does not establish such an organization, it will look foolish and useless in the face of history.This creates a very serious dilemma into which we must avoid at all costs into which we may unknowingly fall. Given these dangers, the small country must be prepared to make concessions to Russia's pride and cannot claim theoretical equality on this issue.If this requirement is insisted on, it will have extremely serious and destructive consequences for small countries.In discussing issues of strength and security, it is extremely unwise to raise theoretical arguments of sovereign equality, and the United States and the United Kingdom use their influence to favor common sense and security first, rather than the status of small states.

As far as gains and losses are concerned, the principle of unity among the great powers has much to offer, at least in the immediate postwar years.Should this principle prove to be impractical in practice, the situation could be revisited when mutual confidence had been established and a more practical basis had been established.Rupture should be avoided at all costs in the present.Provided the principle of unanimity of the several great powers is adopted, including even voting rights on matters directly related to their interests, this outcome requires the United States and Great Britain to use all their influence to induce restraint and judicious Russian action. Some, rather than contemptuous of world opinion.At this point, both countries are largely likely to succeed.If Russia shows intransigence, the UN organization may need to act, and it is to blame.The principle of unanimity has at worst only the effect of a veto, that is, the effect of preventing actions that might be wise or necessary.But its effect will be negative; it impedes action, but it also makes it impossible for Russia to pursue a course of action that the United States and Britain disagree with.

For those intoxicated with newfound power, constraints like consistency aren't such a bad thing.I don't defend it; I hate it; but I don't think it is such a bad tool at the present time that its results must sacrifice the prospects for world peace and security. Talks have so far taken place at the level of official advisers, although higher levels will no doubt be involved.Pending a definite decision at the highest level, I think it necessary to review the whole situation in all its far-reaching implications with the utmost care, and the powers should try to reach some tentative treaties, even if only of a temporary nature, so that the Avoid a catastrophe.Since it is so seriously related to the big issues of the future, it is absolutely necessary for us to agree, and we cannot afford to disagree. Then came another call: field marshal smuts to prime minister September 26, 1944 The results of your hard work in Canada, justify your hard work.I sincerely congratulate you and Mrs. Churchill on your safe return to China. Alexander was able to press on to maintain our prestige in this part of the Balkans when the Italian campaign was again progressing much more slowly than expected, and the approach of the rainy season might even dash your hopes for that area.Although Tito only received all kinds of assistance from us, his actions were not loyal to us. I was worried that our interests would be damaged because he won supreme power in Yugoslavia. Everything that happened in Greece seemed worse.The National Liberation Front is taking control, unfortunately mostly because of our help.I hope that this situation will be checked still with our vital interests in the Mediterranean and the interests of the suffering Greek people in mind, so that our faithful Greek friends may be encouraged by our activism.Papandreou was soon to come under the control of the efforts of elements of the National Liberation Front, no doubt counting on Soviet support.I hope you will take the time to discuss with the King of Greece the best way to protect our and Greece's vital interests.The prototype of the future Mediterranean organization is developing rapidly, but in a way it is not good for us. I do not mean anything hostile to Russia by saying this.Our best hope for the near future lies in close co-operation among the three powers, and my advice to the impasse at Dumbarton Oaks is a testament to that.But the more Russia keeps herself in the saddle now, the farther she will ride in the future, and the less reliable our control will become.Our position in the Mediterranean and in Western Europe must be strengthened, not weakened.In both areas we will have no support from Russia, and possibly even de Gaulle's France.From this standpoint, the dispositions concerning the future of Germany may be of far greater importance to us than, or very differently from, what they presently appear to be.With Germany eliminated from the war, Europe and the world will form a new situation for us.This calls for a radical reconsideration of our entire future foreign policy.Just when there is need for a world organization, our Commonwealth and Empire should also appear as the strongest and most influential factor possible to emerge from this ordeal, and to make us worthy in every respect of the other two great powers. Equal partners, this is also very important. From this point of view, I too deplore the growing tendency to break down the pact of your parties, which has had such brilliant wartime successes.I hope that your great influence will be sufficient to prevent a rupture prematurely and before a new European and world settlement is reached.The matter is not over yet, so please pay attention to Zhenzhen. field marshal smuts to prime minister September 27, 1944 Thank you very much for all four of your telegrams, which I received after I telegraphed you on your return.The stalemate at the Dumbarton Oaks meeting was dealt with in the first two telegrams, and I take note of your comments and lines for future meetings, which appear from many points of view to be highly admirable.Your third telegram speaks of your plans for operations in Europe and Asia, and I appreciate your arrangements for the Italian and Balkan campaigns.Since the enemy appears to be leaving Greece, it seems sensible that we should show up there quickly before Greece falls to the National Liberation Front and accuses us of abandoning them.My special interest in the British Empire has referred to this matter in my last telegram. With regard to the Pacific War, what is worth worrying about is that after the victory in the war against Germany, the enthusiasm for the war in the United States will cool down, and the enthusiasm of the Americans will turn to trade and industry.So they will appreciate your full participation.I am also pleased to learn that Mountbatten, despite his past injustice, will now show his talents in Burma and Malaya.Judging from the current developments in China, it is possible that after being driven out of the occupied islands, the Japanese army will occupy the mainland of China, and it will not be an easy task to drive them out.Stalin would be useful there if he entered the war in the future.Unless he goes to war, the war with Japan will be much longer than we now imagine. The division between the United Kingdom and the United States in German occupation seemed fair and reasonable, while the fate of Prussia under Russian occupation seemed likely to become a province or a protectorate of the Bolshevik Soviet Union.This is the end of Hitler's dream.Yet it shows that Europe's 2,000-year-old German problem is still as big as ever. The Dumbarton Oaks meeting ended without agreement.But I felt the urgency to meet Stalin, and I always thought I could talk to him like an ordinary person to another ordinary person. Prime Minister to Chief of Air Staff (for your viewing only) September 27, 1944 Mr. Eden and I may need to go to Moscow.It's nice to fly in a new plane, but it's promised that we won't get it until October 15th, but we may have to leave earlier.I think we can fly one direct flight to Cairo with this new plane, and two stops on the Yorkie, and I want to refuel in Naples or Malta.In Cairo the weather must be watched very carefully.On a clear day the President of the United States can fly over mountains at five or six thousand feet, and I can certainly fly at eight or ten thousand feet for short periods of time.How high did we fly over the Caucasus Mountains in the C|46 transport plane in August 1942?I remember we flew eleven thousand feet, but only for a short time.I think it takes less than three hours to fly the entire mountain range.After this period, you will enter the Caspian Sea and the Russian plains, which are convenient for low-altitude flights.No more detours like we did last time.The fundamental problem is to wait for absolutely clear weather in Cairo or Tehran. Please give me a report and clear plan. I sent a telegram to Stalin on the same day: Prime Minister to Marshal Stalin September 27, 1944 I was pleased to hear from Ambassador Clark Kerr about your praise of the British and American forces operating in France.We greatly value this commendation of the leader of the heroic Russian army. I will take advantage of tomorrow's opportunity in the House of Commons to reiterate what I have said before, that it is the Russian Army that has ripped out the guts of the German war machine and is currently holding a large part of the enemy's army to its own lines. 2. I just returned home after a long meeting with the President.I can assure you that we are deeply convinced that the hopes of the world rest on the unity of Britain, America and the Soviet Union.I am sorry to learn that you have been ill recently and the doctor has not approved your long-distance air travel.The President has had the opinion that The Hague would be the best place for us to meet.We have not yet conquered it, but even before Christmas, perhaps the progress of the war may change the situation on the Baltic coast so much that your journey will not be tiring or difficult. But there will be many uphill battles before such a plan of ours can be realized. 3. Top secret: The president plans to visit the UK immediately after the election, whether elected or not, and then France and the Low Countries.Based on my intelligence, I believe he will be elected. 4. It is my most urgent hope (as far as I know the President is the same) that Soviet Russia will enter into the war against Japan as soon as the German Army has been defeated and destroyed, as you promised at Tehran.Opening up a front for Russia against Japan would force them to struggle, especially in the Air Force, which would greatly hasten their defeat.Judging from all I know about the domestic situation in Japan and the desperation of the Japanese, I believe that once the Nazis are defeated, the three-party joint surrender of Japan issued by our three major powers may play a decisive role.Of course, we must examine these plans in detail together.I shall gladly come to Moscow in October, as long as I can get away from here.If I can't get away, Aiden will be ready to go instead.With my best wishes to you and Molotov. Roosevelt was deeply impressed by Smuts' insights. President Roosevelt to Prime Minister September 28, 1944 I read with great interest the telegram from Field Marshal Smuts that you transmitted (September 20).I think we can all agree with him that the Soviet Union must be regarded as a fully recognized equal member in any association of several great powers to prevent a world war. It should be possible to adjust differences through compromises between all parties involved, and doing so should work well for a few years until the baby learns to walk. The baby here refers to the world body. I reply as follows: prime minister to president roosevelt September 29, 1944 A few nights ago, Uncle Jo (Stalin) was very talkative and friendly when he was talking to Clark Kerr and Harriman.But he complained about his health.He said he felt better only in Moscow, and that even his visits to the front were bad for him.His doctors were against him flying, he took two weeks off to recover after returning from Tehran, and so on. In view of these circumstances, Anthony and I are seriously considering flying there as soon as possible.Now the voyage has been shortened.Stalin has not yet responded to our proposal.The two goals in our hearts are: first, to insist on his participation in the war against Japan; second, to strive for a friendly settlement with Poland.There are also some issues concerning Yugoslavia and Greece that we will also discuss.We will keep you informed about every detail.Al Harriman's assistance would of course be welcome, and perhaps you might send Stettinius or Marshall.I do feel that personal contact is absolutely essential. Germany will not be defeated within this year, I know that very well.I read in a telegram that Omar Bradley was already considering a plan for crossing the Rhine in mid-November, and I detected some signs of increased German resistance. To put it informally: I read your speech with gusto, and I am delighted to see you in such high spirits. wish all the best. The following telegram was received from Stalin on the same day: Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister September 29, 1944 I have received a telegram from you and Mr. Roosevelt concerning the Quebec meeting, which speaks of your further military plans.Your call clearly sets out the great tasks which must be tackled by the armed forces of the United Kingdom and the United States.Allow me to wish you and your military all the best. At present, the Soviet army is busy annihilating the German troops threatening our right flank along the Baltic Sea coast.We cannot penetrate deep into eastern Germany without annihilating these forces.In addition, our army still has two urgent tasks at present, namely: get Hungary out of the war, and use the method of our army to launch an offensive to find out the defense situation of Germany in the eastern battlefield, and break through if conditions are favorable. its defenses. The President approves of our plan to go to Moscow.On September 30 he sent the following telegram: Please let me know as soon as you get a reply from Uncle Joe stating the date of your and Antony's arrival in Moscow.It seems to me that at this moment Stalin was sensitive to any suspicion of his intention to help us in the East. At your request, I will direct Harriman to give you any assistance you may request.As for my representation by Stettinius or Marshall, it seemed inappropriate and of no use. At this time Stalin sent me a warm invitation. Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister September 30, 1944 I have received your call of September 27th. I am as convinced as you are that the firm unity of the three powers will constitute a real guarantee for future peace, and will correspond to the best wishes of all peace-loving peoples.It seems to me that the continuation of our Government in the post-war period by a policy such as we have adopted in this great war will have a decisive effect.Of course, I would love to meet with you and with the President.From the perspective of the interests of our common cause, I think this meeting is of great significance.But personally, I have to have a reservation, because the doctors discourage me from making long trips, and I have to watch this for a while. I warmly welcome your willingness to come to Moscow in October.We're going to be doing research on a lot of very important military and other issues.If you are unable to come to Moscow for any reason, we will of course be prepared to meet Mr. Eden.I was very interested in your conveyance of the President's planned trip to Europe.I am also convinced that he will win this election.As for the Japanese question, our country's position remains the same as it was at the Tehran Conference. Me and Molotov greet you. That's it, I put things in order. Prime Minister to Sir Clark Kerr (Moscow) October 1, 1944 You have seen Marshal Stalin's September 30th telegram, which was extremely friendly.Anthony and I are going to set out on Saturday night, if the weather is fine.The journey has now been shortened so much that we can avoid detours over the Atlantic and Spain, as well as through the mountains and Tehran.The trip need not be longer than three days, it may be as long as two days.Air Ministry to make arrangements with Moscow. 2. I think it is best to go as a guest of the Russian government, because their high level of hospitality is helpful in doing things.But of course we also have to have a banquet at the embassy.Are they being questioned on this matter? 3. I am considering the possibility of Mrs. Churchill traveling with me.At the moment she runs a Red Cross there, and the British people will be happy to know she's there to take care of me.I don't know if this is an appropriate move.Of course she didn't expect to attend the Kremlin banquet, because only men were present at the banquet.But I thought she had something to look at besides her own Red Cross.Will this embarrass the Russians because Stalin has broken his strings?Please be candid about this. Looking forward to reply immediately. The ambassador called back the next day to say that he and the Russians were happy that I had decided to go and that Anthony was with me.Strike while the iron is hot, the Russians are expecting you to be their guest, and Mrs Churchill's suggestion that she intends to accompany you is very welcome. However, my wife decided not to leave at this time.I asked Roosevelt to tell Stalin that he approved of our going, and that Mr. Harriman join the discussion.I also asked what I could say about America's war plans in the Far East. prime minister to president roosevelt October 4, 1944 We want to get them to answer how long it will take, after the fall of Germany, before the superior Russian forces can be concentrated on the frontiers of Manchukuo to confront Japan, and to get their opinion on this campaign question, which in recent times has been The lines of communication stand out because they are vulnerable. Of course our business will be mostly about the Poles, but I think so much like you on this point that I don't need to ask you for special advice. The question of the Dumbarton Oaks meeting is sure to come up, so I have to tell you that we are all well aware that the only hope is the agreement (ie; unanimity) of a few major powers.It is indeed a pity that I have come to such a conclusion contrary to my original thought. Let me know what you would like me to do on this matter, and give Al instructions as appropriate. The President immediately telephoned to express his fullest approval and kindness. President Roosevelt to Prime Minister October 4, 1944 I can fully understand why you feel the need for an immediate meeting between you and Uncle Joe before the three of us meet.The issues you want to discuss over there are of course some issues that the United States really cares about. As far as I know, you will agree. I have therefore instructed Harriman to assist and attend the talks as my observer, if you and Uncle Jo agree; I have informed Stalin accordingly.Of course, Al's status cannot represent the United States to assume any responsibility, and I cannot allow anyone to assume any responsibility on my behalf in advance. However, he can report the situation to me in detail at any time, and I have told him that he will come back and report to me as soon as the meeting is over. report. I am sorry for not being able to be with you in person.However, I am prepared to wait for the three of us to have a meeting anytime after the election here, and your meeting with Uncle Joe should be a useful prelude to that meeting, as I have told Uncle Joe. I agree with you that continued solidarity among our three nations is of the utmost importance.But I'm sorry, but I can't agree with you raising the issue of voting rights at this time.I believe that is something the three of us can work out together, so I would like you to hold off on discussing it until the three of us meet.It is not so urgent after all, it is a matter that directly concerns the public opinion of the United States, the United Kingdom and all member states of the United Nations. I am asking our military personnel in Moscow to send you a copy of our Joint Chiefs of Staff submission to Stalin for your use. I wish you success and I eagerly await news of the developments. prime minister to president roosevelt October 5, 1944 Thank you so much for your comments and wishes.I'm glad that Al will be present at all the major meetings, but I'm sure you don't want that to get in the way of my face-to-face secret talks with Uncle Joe, or Anthony and Molotov, because that's how things usually get done best progress.You may rest assured that, in addition to the report to be sent by Al, I will keep you informed of all matters relating to our common interests. 2. From your last second sentence, I understand that you have sent a general statement of your Pacific plan to your personnel in Moscow, and that it will be handed over to Uncle Yo, and that it will be available to me when I arrive.This will give me great convenience. 3. If Uncle Jo raises the issue of voting rights (he is likely to do so), then I will tell him that there is no need to worry about this issue. When the three parties meet, I believe we will be able to resolve the issue. All the main problems were thus solved, and it remained only to plan the journey. Prime Minister to Marshal Stalin October 4, 1944 Your subordinates are very concerned about the route I was suggested to take.I'm not suited to fly much higher than 8,000 feet, although I can fly there for an hour if necessary.We consider it less risky to fly over the Aegean and Black Seas, and on the whole I have found it to be the best route, without danger of instability. 2. As long as we can safely land and refuel at Simferopol, or any other coastal combat landing site of your choice, if necessary, I shall be perfectly satisfied with the facilities provided.My plane comes with everything I need.The only thing that matters is that I'm going to pre-send an aircraft to set up a joint communications station with you to adjust our piloting and landing.Please issue the necessary commands. 3. I am looking forward to revisiting Moscow this time under the far more pleasant conditions created since August 1942. Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister October 5, 1944 Arranged to land at Sarabz airport near Simferopol, please send your signal plane to that airport. Aiden and I, along with Brooke and Ismay, set off on two planes on the night of the fifth.At Naples we discussed for four hours with Generals Wilson and Alexander.Their reports distress me.I had been out of Italy for five weeks since Alexander began his attack in the last days of August.For the sake of convenience, I will tell the whole situation down to its end in autumn. The Eighth Army's attack was successful for a while, and the omens were good.This surprised the Germans, and by September 1 they had penetrated the Gothic line on a twenty-mile front.As before, Kesselring quickly recovered and began to bring in reinforcements from his central theater.They placed their men on Coriano Ridge in good time and blocked the road to Rimini, and for a week they withstood all attacks until we took it down. Prime Minister to General Alexander September 15, 1944 Hearty congratulations on the capture of the Coriano Ridge and the Marano River Passage.I understand that this is a glorious victory for all the troops involved in the war.Please convey my congratulations to them.I hope this success will brighten the prospects ahead of you. Kesselring brought in seven divisions from his center and right flank, and fought fiercely for three days at San Fortonato.Thanks to the ingenious cooperation of ground and air attacks, this place was finally taken, the enemy retreated immediately, and Rimini was captured on September 20. The weakening of Kesselring's central theater gave Alexander's Fifth Army the long-awaited opportunity.The enemy saves his forces by withdrawing from his forward positions, while we can concentrate our forces on the enemy's main positions without making a preparatory attack.On September 13th the Fifth Army sortied, and two days later the 8th Indian Division led our Thirteenth Army forward across the roadless hills and broke through the Gothic Line on the way to Faenza.On the 18th, the British Army and the American Second Army to its left appeared on the top of the watershed.The eastern end of the Gothic Line had been rounded by the Eighth Army, and now its center had also been breached. Despite the cost of heavy casualties, it was a great success and the future looked promising.Kesselring received more reinforcements, however, and his German divisions eventually increased to a total of twenty-eight divisions.After collecting two divisions from the war zone where there was no fighting, he began to counterattack violently. In this way, coupled with the difficulty of supplying our mountain roads, our Thirteenth Army's advance to Imola was hindered.General Clark therefore turned his violent offensive on the road to Bologna, and the U.S. II Corps advanced with four divisions on 1 October.A few days later, they reached Loiano.The enemy's defense was tenacious, the terrain was rough, and the rain was so heavy that between October 20th and 24th, when they reached a stronghold southeast of Bologna, only four kilometers from the Imola road, The fighting situation reached its peak.The success of our thrust from behind the enemy facing the Eighth Army was almost within reach.然而，用亞歷山大的話說：借助於傾盆大雨和狂風大作，以及第五集團軍的筋疲力竭，德軍防線得以堅守。 十月分對第八集團軍來說也是挫折的一個月。麥克裡裡將軍已經接替了李斯將軍的指揮，李斯將軍剛被調去東南亞擔任更高的職務。十月七日，他開始沿著里米尼｜波倫亞公路的軸線前進，輔以英國第五軍，隨後加拿大軍隊也參加進來；同時，第十軍則在南面的山區作戰。氣候十分惡劣，大雨把無數的河流和灌溉溝渠都淹沒了，開墾過的田地也被淹沒，又變成開墾前那樣的沼澤了。離開路面常常無法行動，然而就在這種困難重重的情況下，部隊仍然跋涉前進，直趨波倫亞。 儘管如此，十月十九日還是趕到了切澤納，代替了在南翼的第十軍的波蘭軍團，朝著弗利｜佛羅倫薩公路奮戰前進，這條路的重要性就在於它提供了與馬克‧克拉克的集團軍進行橫的聯絡的捷徑。如我們所已知道的，這個集團軍正在迫近波倫亞，然而就在這個危急的形勢下，德軍司令採取大膽的決策，從東線調遣三個精良的師到他的中央戰線來。這些師無疑地正好在他的防線的中部及時挽救危局。第八集團軍又有所減員。第四印度師和希臘旅還得被派遣去對付希臘的危機，這件事留待後面一章再說。 十月十日我從莫斯科把到目前為止的事態進展的全部情況告知總統，並加進下面的話： 我感到似乎荷蘭突出部所受的壓力越來越嚴重，我們的前進緩慢而損失很大。鑒於這些情況，我們曾不得不深為遺憾地提出這樣的意見：我們必須把吸血鬼行動（對仰光的兩棲進攻）從三月分推遲到十一月分，把英國第三師留在法國，同時把五十二師也調到那裡去，這個師是我們最精銳的師之一，約有二萬二千人戰鬥力很強的部隊，並且把第六空降師派往荷蘭。艾森豪威爾正指望把這些部隊用於即將到來的萊茵河作戰行動，當然這是輸送增援部隊到法國去的最快速的辦法。 三‧你能否調出兩個美國師，三個師那就更好，到意大利戰線，以便加入馬克‧克拉克的第五集團軍並給亞歷山大增添所需要的力量，他們最好能在三至四星期內到達那裡。我覺得我們即將給艾森豪威爾派去這額外的兩個師這件事，可以供你慷慨地加以考慮。 四‧關於伊斯的利亞、的裡雅斯特等問題，威爾遜將軍正在將他的計劃提交聯合參謀部。這個計劃將與整個戰略目標相協調一致，即把凱塞林軍隊從意大利逐出或就地予以摧毀。 過了幾天他回電如下： 羅斯福總統致首相（莫斯科） 一九九四年十月十六日 我感謝你提供關於意大利戰役的報告，在那裡至今為止，我們雙方聯合作戰所付出的代價已達將近二十萬人的傷亡數，其中九萬名是美國人。我的參謀長們同意威爾遜的這種估計，即目前我們不能指望在今冬摧毀凱塞林的軍隊，波河流域的地形和氣候會阻礙今年內有任何決定性的進展。他們進一步考慮到，德國人完全能夠從意大利調遣五個或六個師到西戰場，只要他們認為這樣做比起把這些師用來牽制我們在波河南面的力量更為有利的話。提供另外的美國師不會影響今年的意大利戰役。現在我們都面臨不曾預料到的人力不足，而比一切其他軍事問題更為迫切的事，是必須迅速準備新的部隊增援艾森豪威爾打進德國和結束歐洲戰爭的戰役。 由於參加從八月二十五日以來的現在這場戰役的戰鬥，在意大利的這些師確實是疲憊不堪的，而艾森豪威爾現在正在進行對德國的決定性戰鬥，他的那些師自從六月初在諾曼底登陸以來一直處於連續不斷的戰鬥之中。需要在從瑞士到北海的漫長戰線上，集結增援的師，這是當務之急。然而更加刻不容緩的是要有新的部隊使艾森豪威爾能給我們前線的士兵以一些休息，這些士兵從諾曼底登陸的第一天起就一直擔任戰鬥的先鋒。以馬歇爾將軍對目前形勢的報告為根據，我們現在正在採取緊急的步驟，先在其他部隊派出這些增援師的步兵團，以便艾森豪威爾將軍能夠輪換一些我們前線筋疲力竭的士兵。 將任何部隊轉調至意大利就將不僅不給法國迫切需要的新的部隊，反而把這些兵力投到無決定意義的北意大利冬季戰役的高度消耗戰中去。對我們在意大利的軍隊所已經面臨的和即將面臨的艱鉅任務，我是了解的，然而我們不能把德國戰役這一主要作戰努力所需要的兵力扣留下來。 鑒於馬歇爾將軍報告中提及的艾森豪威爾將軍目前所面臨的問題，我相信他們兩人會贊同我不把派往法國這個目的地的任何的師調走的主張。 往後的事很快就要講到。儘管決定性的勝利的希望已經消失，對那些在意大利的軍隊來說，他們的首要職責仍然是保持壓力，阻止敵人抽調部隊去增援在萊茵河一帶處於困境的德軍。因此，第八集團軍每逢天氣稍有放晴便奮戰前進，十一月九日攻下了弗利之後，不久又迅速掃清通往佛羅倫薩的一切道路。此後便沒有發動較大的攻勢的可能。一有機會就發起小規模的進軍，只是到了來年春季，軍隊才獲得了來之不易的、本來在當年秋季幾乎就要得到的勝利。