Chapter 205 Volume 6 Chapter 15 October in Moscow

October 9th I arrive in Moscow Our first meeting in the Kremlin Half a sheet October 11th My telegram to the President Stalin attends a banquet at the British Embassy My message to Harry Hopkins The Balkan Dispute 10 October 11 My draft letter on Eastern Europe October 12 My report to the cabinet Russia and Romania Great Britain and Greece October 13 My meeting with the Poles Reception at the Bolshoi Theater Russia's war against Japan Plan for the second military conference in the Kremlin on October 15th Curzon Line October 16th My telegram from Emperor Wu Emperor Poland National Day October 22nd My telegram to the President Germany's future Contact with the Soviet Union is more important than ever for tight.

We flew to Moscow on the afternoon of October 9 and were greeted with full decorum by Molotov and many senior Russian officials.This time we lived in Moscow, where we were well cared for and lived comfortably.I lived in a well-appointed small house of choice, and Anthony lived in another nearby.We are satisfied with the fact that we have our own board and lodging together.At ten o'clock that night we held our first important meeting in the Kremlin.It was just Stalin, Molotov, Eden, and me, with Major Burls and Pavlov acting as interpreters.It was agreed to invite the Prime Minister of Poland, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Romer, and Mr. Grabski, an old academician with a gray beard, charm and ability, to come to Moscow immediately.To this end I telegraphed Mr. Mikoleček that we wanted him and his friends to come and discuss with the Soviet government and us, as well as the Lublin Polish Committee.I made it clear that a refusal to come to the talks would be tantamount to a flat rejection of our proposal, which would remove our responsibility to the Polish government in London.

It was a good time to talk things over, so I said: let's settle the Balkans.Your troops are in Romania and Bulgaria, and we have our interests there too, with various sending groups and agencies. Don't make us disagree over petty issues.As far as Britain and Russia are concerned, how can you have a 90 per cent advantage in Romania, we have a 90 per cent say in Greece, and an equal share in Yugoslavia?Taking advantage of the time I was translating this passage, I wrote on half a piece of paper: Romania Ninety percent of Russia 10% from other countries Greece Ninety percent of the UK

(consistent with US) Russia ten percent Yugoslavia 50｜50% Hungary 50｜50% Bulgaria Russia seventy-five percent 25% from other countries I handed the note to Stalin, who was listening to the translation.After a brief pause, he picked up a blue pencil and ticked the paper in agreement, then handed the note back to us.That's how it all worked out, faster than writing it down. We had, of course, long thought over our claims, and it was only a matter of dealing with the wartime arrangements at hand.Both sides planned to leave all major issues to be discussed later. At that time, what we hoped was that there would be a peace talk after the victory of the war.

There was a silence after that.A penciled note is placed in the center of the table.I concluded by saying: Doesn't it seem cynical that we seem to be dealing with such hasty attitudes in matters that matter to millions of lives?Let's just burn the note.No, you keep it.said Stalin. I also raised the general question of Germany, which was agreed to be studied in depth by our two foreign ministers and by Mr. Harriman.I told Stalin that in our future discussions the Americans would brief him on their plans for the 1945 Pacific War. So we sent a joint letter to Roosevelt, introducing the situation of the first meeting.

October 10, 1944 We agreed not to include in our discussions the issues of the Dumbarton Oaks meeting, which will have to be brought up at our tripartite meeting.We must consider the best way to achieve a coherent policy towards the Balkans, including Hungary and Turkey.Arrangements have been made for Mr. Harriman to attend as an observer all meetings of important business, and for General Dean to attend all meetings concerning military matters.Arrangements have been made for technical contacts on the military side between our senior officers and General Dean, as well as any future meetings with Mr. Harriman that may be necessary between the two of us and the two Foreign Ministers.We'll personally keep you updated on the progress we've made.

I would like to extend my heartfelt best wishes to you, and congratulations to the bravery of the US military and General Eisenhower's command of operations on the Western Front. I then reported privately to the President. October 11, 1944 We feel that there is an air of special sincerity here, and the two of us have sent you a joint letter.You can trust us to handle everything without binding you.The arrangements we have made for Al I think will satisfy him without impeding the personal contact necessary for us to be effective.Regarding these situations, I will truthfully report to you.

2. It is absolutely necessary that we try to achieve a common point of view on the issues of the countries of the Balkan Peninsula, so that we may prevent civil wars in some countries, and avoid that when civil wars occur, you and I may sympathize with this side, but the treaty The uncle sympathized with the other side.I will keep you informed of all this, and of all the tentative agreements reached between Great Britain and Russia, nothing will be settled without further discussion and coordination with you.On this basis, I trust you will have no problem with us trying to have frank talks with the Russians.

3. I have not yet received your clarification as to what parts of your Pacific war plan we may refer to Stalin and his officers.I hope to be aware of this, otherwise I may overstep the boundaries of what you think you can say in conversation with him.At the same time I will be very cautious.We didn't talk about the Dumbarton rubber tree plantation meeting, except that the meeting was set aside as you wish.Yet Stalin, at today's luncheon, expressed his appreciation for the meeting and the great degree of consensus that had been achieved there.Stalin also severely denounced Japan as an aggressive country at this luncheon.

From what we've talked, I have little doubt that he will declare war on Japan immediately after defeating Germany.But surely both Al and Dean should be able to not only ask Stalin to do certain things, but at least tell him briefly about what you want to do yourself and the kind of things we want to help you do. On the evening of October 11, Stalin came to the British Embassy to attend a banquet.This is the first time a British ambassador has managed to make such an arrangement.All security is done by the police.One of my guests, Mr. Vyshinsky, said as he passed the armed guards of the Russian secret police on the steps: Clearly, the Red Army had scored another victory, taking the entire British embassy.We had a comprehensive discussion in an uninhibited atmosphere until two or three o'clock in the morning.We discussed, among other issues, the next UK general election.Stalin said he was convinced that the result of the general election would be the victory of the Conservative Party.In the political arena, it is really not easy to know friends, but it is even more difficult to know people.

I also wired Harry Hopkins a number of questions. Prime Minister to Mr Harry Hopkins October 12, 1944 Everything here is very friendly, yet the countries of the Balkans are in a pathetic state of disarray.Tito got our protection and lived on Vis Island for three or four months. He fled suddenly without leaving his address, but he left guards in his cave, making people think he was still there.Then he came to Moscow and talked here, a fact Mr. Molotov admitted to Mr. Eden yesterday.The Russians attributed this rudeness to Tito's suspicious peasant upbringing and said they did not inform us out of respect for his request for secrecy.The Bulgarians treated us very badly and arrested some of our officers who were still in Greece and Yugoslavia.I saw a description of how they brutally treated American officers who were taken captive.The Russian attitude is that of course they are willing to point out a lot of inappropriateness to Bulgaria, but just saying it in a fatherly tone hurts me more than it hurts you.They are now deeply concerned about Hungary, which they mistakenly refer to: this country is their neighbour.They demand full responsibility for Romania, but are ready to do justice to Greece.All these questions are being negotiated as best as possible by Mr. Eden and Molotov. 2. Under our stern blackmail, we persuaded Mikolecik and the Poles to accept our hard-won invitation from the Russians.We want them to be here tomorrow. 3. We often meet with Al, and tomorrow night he is going to throw a banquet, in the Teheran way, where there are only a few faceless characters.He is taking part in military discussions and negotiations on the future of Germany, and of course he will be at the beginning of the Polish dialogue.Since we have so many contentious issues with the countries of the Balkans at present, we prefer to discuss matters between two people in a little more depth, so that there is a more frank exchange of views than a large meeting.I'll telegraph everything to the President within a day or two.May I bother you to pass this on to him?I'd love to hear his opinion. The President has sent us an encouraging message. President Roosevelt to Prime Minister and Field Marshal Stalin October 12, 1944 Thank you for your joint letter of October 10. I am extremely relieved to learn that the two of you are agreeing on issues of international policy that are of concern to us in view of our current and future need to work together to prevent world war. After our first meeting, I reviewed our relationship with Russia throughout Eastern Europe.In order to clarify my position, I drafted a letter to Stalin on this issue, enclosing a memorandum stating our understanding of the percentage accepted on the table.Later, I didn't send this letter because I considered that the matter was already done well and I didn't need to worry about it.I have printed this letter only as a true record of my thoughts. Moscow October 11, 1944 I think it is very important that Britain and Russia have a common policy on the Balkan countries that is acceptable to the United States.The fact that Great Britain and Russia have a twenty-year alliance is of particular importance to the extent to which we work together in a broad and trusting manner.I think that all we can do here is prepare for the final decision of our three parties coming together at the table of victory.Nevertheless, I still hope that we can reach mutual understanding, and in some cases, agreement, which will help us deal with urgent contingencies and provide a solid foundation for lasting peace in the world. The percentages I have written down are just a way to see in our minds how close we are to each other and to take the steps necessary to get us to a full agreement.As I said, if these things are put out for foreign ministries and diplomats to scrutinize, they will be considered hasty or even unreasonable.Therefore these things should never be used as the basis for any public documents, especially at this time.However these things can serve as guidelines for dealing with some of our affairs.Once we get these things right, we might be able to stop civil wars, bloodshed, and quarrels in some of the smaller countries involved.Our great principle is to allow countries to establish a form of government that conforms to the wishes of their own people.We have no intention of imposing a monarchy or a republic on any Balkan country.We had, after all, established a certain relationship of trust with the kings of Greece and Yugoslavia.They ask us for protection from the Nazi enemy, and we believe that once normal stability is restored and the enemy is driven out, the people of these countries should have a free and fair chance to choose.It may even be necessary to have monitors from the three major powers there during the general election, so that there is indeed a real free choice to monitor the people.There are some good precedents for this. Nevertheless, in addition to institutional problems, there is an ideological problem in all these countries between totalitarian-style government and what we call a liberal enterprise conditioned by universal suffrage.We are very pleased that you yourself have declared your opposition to attempts to change the existing institutions of the Balkan countries by force or communist propaganda.Let them take charge of their own destiny in the years to come.The only thing we cannot allow under any circumstances is any form of fascism or Nazism.These things will bring to the toiling people no security that your system, nor ours, will, on the contrary, lead to tyranny at home and aggression abroad.In principle I feel that Britain and Russia should feel at ease with the domestic governments of these countries, and neither should we feel at ease with them once the terrible bloodbath they and ourselves have experienced is over and peace is restored. Worry, let alone interfere with them. Based on this point of view, I have tried to outline the level of concern we each feel in these countries. We do this with the full consent of the other party and the approval of the United States, because the United States may go far in the long run, but then But unexpectedly, he will come back here with a thunderous force. Your experience and wisdom save me from a great deal of argument when I write to you.Hitler had been trying to capitalize on the widespread fear in western Europe of an aggressive and eccentric communism, and his failure was now certain.However, you are well aware that this fear exists in every country, because whether our different systems are good or bad, no country is willing to take the hand of a bloody revolution, despite drastic changes in the lives, habits, and views of people's societies Before, such means must have been necessary.We feel that we understand correctly that your abolition of the Comintern was a decision to show that the Soviet government did not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.The more deeply this is felt, the smoother things will go.On the other hand, we (and I'm sure America does) have a very broad-based government in which privilege and class are constantly checked and corrected.Looking at it from side to side, we feel that our differences between institutions will tend to become smaller and smaller, while our common ground for people to live richer and happier lives is growing year by year.Perhaps with fifty years of peace guaranteed, these differences, which at present may cause serious trouble to the world, will become mere academic discussions. On this basis, Mr. Stalin, I ask you to be convinced that there is such a great desire in the mind of Great Britain to establish a long-lasting and solid friendship and cooperation between our two countries so that, together with the United States, we Just can put the locomotive of the world into track. I sent the following letters to my colleagues in China: October 12, 1944 The method of percentages is not intended to fix the quotas for participation in the committees of the various Balkan countries, but to express the concerns and feelings of the British and Soviet Governments when they approach the problems of these countries; The way to understand is to be open and honest.This can only be used as a pointer at best; of course, it will never impose any constraints on the United States, nor is it intended to establish a strict system of interests.But when the issues are all laid out, the approach helps the United States see how her two main allies feel about the region. 2. It can be seen from this that Soviet Russia naturally has important interests in some countries along the Black Sea coast. One of them is Romania. Bulgaria, Soviet Russia has a long relationship with her.Britain felt that it should respect Russia's views on these two countries, and it should also respect the Soviet Union's desire to take the lead in guiding these two countries in the name of a common cause. 3. Likewise, Britain and Greece have a long traditional friendship and have a direct stake in Greece's future as a Mediterranean power.Britain, which lost thirty thousand men in this war against the German and Italian invasion of Greece, still hopes to take the lead in leading Greece out of its present distress, while maintaining a close unity with the United States, which is still here today. Regions characterize Anglo-American policy.It is also understood that Britain will take the lead in helping the existing Greek Kingdom government to establish in Athens on the basis of as broad and unified as possible in a military sense.Soviet Russia will also recognize Britain's status and responsibility in the same way that Britain recognizes the close relationship between Russia and Romania.This will prevent civil wars among the Greeks due to the development of rival factions, thereby avoiding disputes and policy contacts between the British and Russian governments. 4. As regards the question of Yugoslavia, the numerical symbol of fifty to fifty is used as the basis for joint action and a concerted policy between the two great powers which are closely involved at present, so that the various elements there may play a role in driving out the Nazi invaders After combining to the maximum extent, a unified Yugoslavia was created.This is done in order to prevent, say, an armed conflict between the Croats and Slovenes on the one hand, and the powerful and numerous Serbs on the other, and also to facilitate the establishment of a common policy of friendship towards Marshal Tito, At the same time guaranteeing that the weapons provided to him will be used against the common enemy Nazis and not used for civil war.Such a policy, if pursued by both England and Russia without partiality or self-interest, would be of real benefit. 5. Since the Soviets are gaining control of Hungary, the main influence will naturally come from them, but ultimately with the consent of the United Kingdom and perhaps the United States. Although we are not directly involved in the fighting in Hungary, we regard it as a Central European country and not as a Balkan country. 6. It must be emphasized that the unequivocal statement of the feelings of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom towards the above-mentioned countries is only a temporary indicator during the war in the near future, so it will be up to the three major powers to fully resolve the European issues after the armistice or at the peace table Will review again. At five o'clock in the evening on October 13th we met at the Soviet State Guesthouse called Spiridonovka to hear Mikolecik and his colleagues explain their position.Negotiations were in preparation for the next meeting, at which Anglo-American representatives would meet with the Lublin Poles.I urge Mikoleček to consider two things, namely the de facto acceptance of the Curzon Line, including the exchange of residents, and friendly negotiations with the Lublin Polish Committee for the formation of a united Poland.Changes are about to happen, I said, but it would be great if the question of unification could be achieved near the end of the present war, so I asked the Poles to think carefully about it that evening.Mr. Eden and I will be at their disposal.It was of the utmost importance to them to approach the Polish Commission and accept the Curzon Line as a preliminary agreement for submission to the Peace Conference. At ten o'clock that same evening we met with members of the so-called Polish National Liberation Committee.We see right away that the Lublin Poles are nothing more than Russian pawns.These people practiced their lines, rehearsing them so seriously that even their masters apparently found them too artificial.For example, Mr. Beirut, the leader, said something like this: We are here to demand on behalf of Poland that Lvov must belong to Russia.This is the will of the Polish people.When these words were translated from Polish to English and Russian, I looked at Stalin and saw his expressive eyes blinking knowingly, as if to say: Our Soviet Union is not bad at teaching!Another Lublin chief, Osobuka Moraski, gave a speech that was equally suffocating.Mr. Eden had a very bad impression of the three Lublin Poles. The entire meeting lasted more than six hours, but with little success. On the 14th, the Grand Theater held a reception performance, beginning with a ballet, followed by an opera, and finally the Red Army Song and Dance Troupe performed brilliant songs and dances.Stalin and I sat in the VIP box, and the whole audience applauded us enthusiastically.After the play, we had one of the most interesting and successful military discussions in the Kremlin.Stalin was accompanied by Generals Molotov and Antonov, Harriman was accompanied by General Dean, and I was accompanied by Brooke, Ismay, our head of the military mission in Moscow, General Burrows, and others. We told them from the start of our intentions for Northwest Europe, Italy, and Burma.General Dean then made a speech on the Pacific campaign, and briefly mentioned what kind of particularly valuable support the Soviet Union could provide should it fight against Japan.Afterwards, General Antonov gave a frank account of the situation on the Eastern Front, presenting the difficulties faced by the Soviet Army and their future plans. Stalin interjected from time to time, emphasizing points of particular importance, and concluded by assuring us that the Soviets would be advancing hard, right into Germany, and that we need not have the slightest scruple that the Germans might withdraw any troops from the Eastern Front. There can be no doubt that the Soviet Union intends to take part in the war against Japan as soon as it can muster the necessary forces and supplies in the Far East after the defeat of Germany.Stalin was unwilling to commit to a definite date, saying only that it would be within a few months of Germany's defeat.Our impression is that this can be understood as within three or four months. The Russians agreed to proceed immediately to stockpile food and fuel in their Far East oil fields, and to give the Americans access to airfields and other facilities in the coastal provinces that their strategic air force needed.Stalin did not seem concerned about the effect these preparations would have on the Japanese.In fact, he hoped they would make a premature attack that would galvanize the Russians to fight hard.He said: The Russians must understand why they are fighting. I had a high fever on the 15th and was unable to attend the second military conference held in the Kremlin that night.Eden went instead of me, accompanied by Brooke, Ismay, and Burrows; Stalin was accompanied by Molotov and Antonov, and Lieutenant General Shevchenko, Chief of Staff of the Soviet Army in the Far East, also participated.Harriman was present again, with General Dean.At the meeting, only the issue of the Soviet Union's participation in the war against Japan was discussed, and a substantive resolution was finally reached. Stalin first agreed that we should coordinate our various operational plans.He asked the United States to help store fuel, food, and transportation in the Far East for two or three months. He said that if this can be done and some political issues can be clarified, the Soviet Union can be ready to fight Germany about three months after defeating Germany. Fight against Japan.At the same time he promised to prepare airfields in some coastal provinces for the strategic air forces of the United States and the Soviet Union, and to immediately accept American four-engine aircraft and instructors.A meeting between the Soviet Union and the American military personnel stationed in Moscow could be convened immediately, and he promised to attend the first meeting himself. Days passed, but the abscess of Su Bo's affairs seldom improved.The Poles were prepared to recognize the Curzon Line as the dividing line between Russia and Poland.Russia insisted on using these terms as the basis of the border between Russia and Poland.Neither side will budge.Mikolecik declared that he would be rejected by his own people, and Stalin said at the end of my two hours and a quarter of an hour alone conversation with him that, among those who worked with him, the treatment of Mikolecik was in favor of Only he and Molotov were milder.I am sure that there is strong pressure from both the party and the army in this background. Stalin believed that if no consensus was reached on the issue of the national border, it would be difficult to proceed with the formation of a unified Polish government.If this problem is resolved, he is more than happy to let Mikolecik lead the new government.I myself thought that the same thorny difficulties must be encountered in discussing the merger of the Polish government with the Poles in Lublin, whose representatives have always given us a very bad impression, so I said to Stalin that they are only the USSR An expression of will.Undoubtedly they also had ambitions to rule Poland, and thus played a role like Quisling's.That being the case, the best way is for the two Polish delegations to return to their original places. I deeply feel that it is the duty of the Foreign Secretary and myself to come up with some proposals for the settlement of the Su-Po problem.Even just imposing the Curzon Line on Poland would invite censure. In other respects it has achieved great results.The determination of the Soviet government to attack Japan after eliminating Hitler was obvious.This has immeasurable significance for the shortening of the whole struggle.The arrangements made with the countries of the Balkans, I am sure, could not have been better.These arrangements, coupled with the success of military operations, must now be effective in saving Greece.At the same time, in view of Tito's behavior and the fact that Russian and Bulgarian troops under Russian command came to support his eastern flank, I am convinced that our joint 50:50 Yugoslavia policy would be the best solution to our difficulties . There is no doubt that in our small circle we have had a free, free, and hearty conversation that has never been held between two countries.Stalin expressed personal respect several times, and I think these are indeed sincere.But what I am even more convinced of is: he is definitely not just a person who has the final say.As I said to my colleagues when I returned home: there is always a gloomy and worried person sitting behind the rider. 【１】 [1] This sentence comes from a poem by the Roman poet Horace.translator prime minister October 16, 1944 The Prime Minister wished His Majesty the honor of coming to the Netherlands to condolences to the three armed forces. The journey was smooth and the inspection was successful, and they have now arrived in China safely.I hope Your Majesty is safe after this trek. 2. The climate in Moscow is both sunny and cold, and the political atmosphere is very harmonious.This has never happened before.The Prime Minister and Mr. Eden, in several conversations with Marshal Stalin and Mr. Molotov, were able to deal with some of the most delicate issues with undamaged frankness and sincerity.The Prime Minister watched a special performance of a very splendid ballet, which was greeted with prolonged applause from many spectators.When Stalin came to stand next to me in the box for the first time during the war, he was greeted immediately, almost ecstatically.Whether during or after a long banquet, many important things can be talked about in a light-hearted manner with a lot of enthusiastic toasts.Stayed up very late at night, even at three or four o'clock in the morning, the Prime Minister also persisted until very late, and started a lot of work after noon, and there were various meetings. 3. We spent three hours studying the entire military situation.After Field Marshal Brooke and Prime Minister analyzed the situation and explained the plans of the West, Italy and Burma, Mr. Harriman and General Dean of the United States gave a comprehensive presentation of the past, present and future of the Pacific War, which interested Stalin .Subsequently, the Russian Deputy Chief of Staff told us many things about Russia's war plan against Germany, which we had never heard before, and the main points of it were very satisfactory.For the sake of confidentiality, I will not go into further details of what he said until I return home.Tonight at six o'clock we look forward to a statement from Russia on the Far Eastern theater which is likely to be satisfactory and of great concern. 4. The day before yesterday was the National Day of Poland.Our fellows from London, who, as His Majesty knows, look dignified and impotent, cannot have any illusions about the representatives of Lublin, as far as we think of them.In my opinion, these people are purely tools, speaking like memorizing lines, carefully trained to be accurate.I questioned them quite harshly, and Stalin supported me on certain issues.Today we have a day of struggle with our (London) Poles and there is some hope that we will achieve a solution.Otherwise, we will have to keep the matter under wraps until after the (U.S.) presidential election. 【１】 【1】Mr. Roosevelt was elected President of the United States for the fourth time on November 7 with a majority of more than 3.5 million votes. 5. There are still many issues to be discussed, such as the future handling of Germany. Your Majesty's loyal servant, Mr. Churchill. We had our last meeting on the evening of October 17th.Just in time to get word that Admiral Horthy had been arrested by the Germans as a precaution because the German front in Hungary was on the brink of collapse.I expressed my desire to reach the Ljubljana Straits as soon as possible, and went on to say that I did not think the war would be over before the spring.Then we held our first talks on the German question.We discussed the merits and demerits of the Morgenthau plan and decided that the European Advisory Committee must study the matter in detail. On the flight home, I shared more details with the President about our talks. prime minister to president roosevelt October 22, 1944 On the last day of our stay in Moscow, Mikoleček met Beirut.Beru will admit to his difficulties.Fifty of his men were executed last month.Many Poles would rather flee to the forest than join his troops. While the Russian army was advancing with all means of transport, the rear of the line was difficult under the approaching winter conditions.However, he insisted that if Mikoleček was to become prime minister, he (Beirut) must have 75 percent of the candidates in the cabinet.Mikolecik proposed that each of the five Polish political parties should have their own representatives, and that among the five outstanding candidates from these parties, he should select four whose character would not annoy Stalin. 2. Later, at my request, Stalin met Mikolecik and had a very friendly conversation with him for an hour and a half.Stalin promised to help him, and Mikoleichek promised to organize and lead a government completely friendly to the Russians.He explained his plan, but Stalin made it clear that Lublin Poles must form a majority. 3. After the Kremlin banquet, we pointedly pointed out to Stalin that unless Mikolaichek got a 50-50 ratio plus himself, the Western world could not be sure that this settlement was sincere and could not Believes that an independent Polish government has been formed.At first Stalin said he agreed with fifty to fifty, but he corrected himself and proposed an even worse number.At the same time, Eden took the same position, conferring with Molotov, who seemed more reasonable.I don't think the question of the composition of the government will be an insoluble obstacle once all else is settled.Mikoleček had explained to me in advance that there might be a declaration to save the prestige of the Lublin government, and that behind the scenes there was another arrangement among the Poles. 4. In addition to the above, Mikoleček intends to persuade his colleagues in London to accept the Curzon Line, including giving Lviv to the Russians.I hope within the next two weeks we can have a solution.If so, I will wire you the exact text so that you can decide whether the matter needs to be dispatched or put on hold. 5. On the issue of major war criminals, Uncle John adopted an unexpected and extremely respectable policy, that is, they should not be executed without trial, otherwise the whole world will think that we dare not try them.I pointed out some difficulties in international law, but he replied that if there is no death penalty without trial, only life imprisonment. 6. We also had an informal discussion on the future division of Germany. Uncle Jo wants to form Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary into an independent region of an anti-Nazi, pro-Russian country, and the first two countries can be merged.Contrary to his previously stated views, he wanted to see Vienna become the capital of the South German Commonwealth, which included Austria, Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden.As you know, the idea of ​​making Vienna the capital of a Danube Federation has always fascinated me, but I would have preferred to add Hungary even though Stalin was strongly opposed to this. 7. As for the Prussian question, Uncle Jo hopes to separate the Ruhr and Saarland, making them ineffective, or put them under international jurisdiction, and form a separate state of the Rhineland.He also wanted to internationalize the Kiel Canal.I have no objection to the idea, however, you can believe that we have not reached a firm conclusion until the tripartite meeting. 八‧我從約大叔那裡欣悉你建議十一月底左右在黑海的一個港口舉行三方會議。我認為這是一個好主意，希望你在適當的時候把有關情況告訴我。你們雙方願意在什麼地方開會我都願意奉陪。 九‧約大叔也正式提到了蒙特勒公約【１】，希望作些修改以便俄國軍艦自由通行。對這個問題我們原則上沒有什麼異議。 修改顯然是必要的，因為日本是一個簽字國，而且伊諾努也於去年十二月喪失了市場。我們把這個問題留下來，由俄國方面去制定出詳細的提案。他說他們會做到恰如其分。 十‧關於承認目前法國行政機構為法國臨時政府問題，我回國後將和內閣商討。聯合王國的意見是十分強烈要求立即承認的。戴高樂不再唯我獨尊了，而是比以前更好駕馭了。我仍然認為一旦艾森豪威爾宣佈把一個很大的內政地區移交給法國，那麼這種有限的承認方式就不可能再拖延了。毫無疑問，戴高樂有著法國國民的大多數作其後盾，而且法國政府需要得到支持以便對付廣大地區所潛在的無政府狀態。總之，我會從倫敦再次電告你。 【１】指一九三六年七月二十日訂立的《海峽制度公約》，由土耳其出面邀請有關國家在蒙特勒簽訂關於達達尼爾海峽、馬爾馬拉海和博斯普魯斯統稱海峽的通行和航運的規定條例，該公約對各國軍艦通過海峽有一定限制。translator 此刻我正在給人幸福回憶的阿拉曼上空，謹致衷心問候。 他的回電： President Roosevelt to Prime Minister October 22, 1944 欣悉你在莫斯科為波蘭問題的折衷解決方案取得了進展。 一旦解決的時間和條件到來時，務必與我商量在這樣的觀點上推遲大約兩個星期發表是否恰當。你懂得這個意思。 當前這裡的一切都很好。 你所說的約大叔日前在對待戰犯、德國的未來和蒙特勒協議等問題的態度令人感到非常有趣。我們會在即將到來的三方會議上對這些事情連同我們在太平洋戰爭作出的努力一起進行討論。 經過這次十分有趣的兩周時間，我們和我們的蘇聯盟友比以往，或者說從今以後，更加密切了，因之，臨別之時我給斯大林寫道： 一九四四年十月二十日 艾登和我現已離開蘇聯，我們從我們和你，斯大林元帥以及你的同事們的多次討論中得到了鼓舞和勇氣。這次令人難忘的莫斯科會見表明，只要我們開誠相見，友好討論，我們之間的事情並非無可調整的。俄國的好客一向聞名遐邇，這次在我們訪問期間，招待之周，遠非一般能比。無論是在莫斯科或是在克里米亞，我們都度過了令人愉快的時刻，處處都為我和我的一行人員的舒適而精心考慮。對此，我向你和所有那些負責這一切安排的人員表示衷心的感謝。希望我們很快再見面。