Chapter 206 Volume Six Chapter Sixteen Paris

A representative French government is needed General Charles de Gaulle's Council of Nations September 28 My speech to the House of Commons October 14 My telegram to President Roosevelt October 20 National Liberation Council becomes French Provisional Government November On the 10th I fly to Paris. On the 11th, the welcome procession on the Rue des Elysees. On the Vosges. On the 15th, I send telegrams to President Roosevelt and Stalin. Telegram from Stalin on the 20th about rumors of the formation of the Western Bloc. My telegram to Stalin on the 25th of November. The Winter Campaign in the West. On February 10, the Franco-Soviet Treaty was signed. Regarding the signing of the Anglo-French Treaty.

As our armies advance east and south, the need for a unified and broadly representative French government becomes ever more pressing.We are anxious not to impose a ready-made committee on France from abroad.As the cause of emancipation progresses, we attempt to take stock of the mood of the French people first.I have been thinking about this for a long time, and as early as the tenth of July I wrote an abridgement to Mr. Eden: Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary July 10, 1944 It would be extremely unwise for us to make a decision (propose to the United States and the Soviet Union and ask them to join us in recognizing the French National Liberation Committee as the French Provisional Government) before the results of the honeymoon between President Roosevelt and Charles de Gaulle are announced.

Obviously, our pace of progress must be consistent with that of the United States.After the United States announces their decision, we can push them forward.If President Roosevelt had completely changed his mind and made a deal with de Gaulle, we could present this very good fact to Congress to show how foolish it is to debate this prematurely.Doing so might have spoiled the pleasant encounter long ago. Five weeks later, the attack from Normandy was successful.Patton was already at the gates of Paris, but I still hesitated to take any decisive steps, and wrote again the abridgement: Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary

August 18, 1944 I am not in favor of taking any decision on the French question until the results of the fighting are more clearly known.If we achieve a great success in our operations and liberate the west and south of France, including Paris (which does not seem difficult), there will be a large area from which a real provisional government may emerge. Instead of a provisional government formed solely by the French National Liberation Committee.The council's interest in acquiring the right to represent all of France was evident. I therefore strongly disapprove of any commitments to the French National Council at this stage other than those agreed upon.People don't know how things will change in the future, and it's better not to be restrained.I think we should wait until we have laid a broader foundation before making any commitments.

During the next few weeks we noticed French partisan rallies and public opinion tending towards General de Gaulle's Council of Nations.Circumstances had so far prevented the Council of Nationalities from becoming a body representing all of France, but by the end of September things had progressed.On the 28th, I issued a military commentary to the House of Commons saying: That group, of course, has produced a number of new personalities, especially those who organized partisans and resistance movements; those who staged a glorious armed uprising in Paris.This armed uprising reminds us of the time of the famous French Revolution, when France and Paris fought to open wide roads to the nations of the world.Of course, I believe that the United States and the Soviet Union, like us, are eager to see the establishment of a group that can truly represent the French people and speak for all French people.It now seemed possible to implement the decree of the Council of Algiers, by which, as a temporary transitional stage, the Advisory Assembly could be converted into an elected body, strengthened by new elements from within France.The French National Liberation Committee is responsible for this group.This step, if taken, would seem to have the approbation of the French people, would greatly strengthen the position of France, would enable the recognition of the French Provisional Government, and would bring about the sooner possible results which we all wish to achieve.However, the situation is constantly changing and developing, and I will not close the door.

In my opinion, the partisan welcome to the French National Liberation Committee was a decisive point, and it also favored the Committee's more formal recognition.To that end, I call the President of the United States: Prime Minister (Moscow) to President Roosevelt October 14, 1944 I have been thinking about the recognition of the French provisional government.I think things have come to a point where we can take a decision on this issue that is in line with your policy and in line with my recent statement in the House of Commons. 2. You said in your call that you think we should wait until France has not eliminated its enemies, which means that, in any case, de Gaulle must first express his willingness to take part of France as the interior administration of the interior region from Eisenhower stand up.For my part, the line I proposed in Parliament was that a Consultative Parliament should be reconstituted on the basis of wider representation before the recognition of the Provisional Government.

3. I know that Eisenhower was eager to comply with the demands already made of him by the French to designate a large part of France as an interior area.Negotiations between the High Command and the French were making good progress.It seems that we can expect three-quarters of France to be internal affairs soon. 4. Great progress has also been made in expanding the Advisory Council.According to Duff Cooper's report: Due to various practical difficulties in French transportation, the French believe that the original Algiers plan will continue to be implemented, and the appointment of representatives will be confirmed through elections in liberated areas. Members of Parliament are out of the question.So they proposed an alternative, that is, to elect some additional representatives from the resistance movement and parliamentary groups.I understand the hope that this will be resolved soon and that a new Act will be enacted establishing the powers of a reformed Advisory Council and giving it greater powers than the Executive.It is estimated that an enlarged meeting should be able to be held by the end of this month.

5. There is no doubt that the French and the High Command have been cooperating, and that the majority of the French people support the French Provisional Government.I propose, therefore, that we can now safely recognize the government of General de Gaulle as the Provisional Government of France. 6. The procedure should be to inform the French now that we will immediately recognize the French Provisional Government as soon as the Enlarged Conference is held and a vote of confidence in the Charles de Gaulle government is cast. 7. Another procedure is to recognize the provisional government of France as soon as the interior area is formally established.I think it's better to take this approach.For this connected the recognition of the French government with what would be a sign of a satisfactory cooperation between the French authorities and the Allies in the common cause against Germany.

8. Please tell me your opinion.Provided you agree to settle the matter by either of the two methods proposed above, the British Foreign Office and your State Department can exchange views on the specific terms of our recognition of the French Provisional Government.While we don't necessarily need to use the exact same words, it's important that we take the same approach.Of course we must also inform the Soviet government of our intentions. 9. Our recognition of the French Provisional Government does not, of course, implicate our views on the question of French membership in the European Advisory Council or similar bodies.

The President replied: President Roosevelt to Prime Minister October 20, 1944 I don't think we should take any action in recognizing the French as a provisional government until they have established a real interior district.Although this advisory council has been enlarged and its representation strengthened, the question of its enlargement is almost still relevant.I tend to suspend the issue of recognition until those two things are actually settled.I am not satisfied with hearing de Gaulle just pay lip service to what he is going to do. I agree with you that even once we recognize the interim government, it doesn't mean there won't be French seats in the European Advisory Council, etc.These things should be handled according to their actual situation in the future.

At present, I wish that this matter should be dealt with directly only between you and me, and at the same time believe that it is best not to discuss the method of handling this matter between the United States State Department and your foreign ministry at this time. I hope that your body temperature is normal and your body recovers. Our discussion proceeds in this way.The French Advisory Council was strengthened and expanded by absorbing members of anti-German organizations and old parliamentary groups.Back in August, we concluded a civil agreement with the French Provisional Government, which divided France into two parts: the front area was administered by the High Command of the Allied Forces; the interior area was administered by the French authorities.Announced October 20: With the consent of the High Command of the Allied Forces, the interior area, including Paris, covering most of the French territory, has been established.In this way, the National Liberation Committee was finally transformed into the French Provisional Government. At this time I was preparing to act in concert with our allies to propose the official recognition of this group as the Government of the Liberated Areas of France.During my visit to Moscow, while the Russians and I were discussing the final steps in the formal recognition of the Provisional Government, the United States State Department, after a last-minute hesitation, announced the recognition of the French Provisional Government. The news came sooner than I expected, so I called the President: Prime Minister (from Moscow) to President Roosevelt October 23, 1944 The attitude of the State Council of your country has taken a sharp turn, which cannot but surprise me.When I got here, I didn't know that the announcement would be made tomorrow.Of course, we need to act in concert at the same time.I think the Russians might be offended.Molotov once said in the conversation: He guessed that they would appear as people who were obstructing this matter. In fact, if they (Russians) had not respected the wishes of the United States and Britain, they would have recognized the French Provisional Government long ago. So, I hope to get them to announce it with us as well. In my speech to the House of Commons on October 27th I said: Over the past few weeks I have been convinced that the current French government under the leadership of General de Gaulle has not only won the full support of the French people at large, but that it is the only government capable of taking up the onerous task entrusted to it by completing the constitutional process and the parliamentary process. The interim period that had to pass before the procedure enabled France to gather its strength and declare its purpose to restore the competence of the parliaments, which alone could resume their normal functions. Thus we have completed the work which we have begun in those dark and distant days since 1940. It was considered appropriate that my first visit to Paris should be on Armistice Day, and it was announced.Many reports revealed that some collaborators wanted to murder me, so some extremely strict security measures were taken.On the afternoon of November 10, when I landed at Orly Airport, Charles de Gaulle arranged for a guard of honor to welcome me.We drove together through the outskirts of Paris and into the city until we arrived at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.My wife and daughter Marie and I were treated with grandeur here.The building was occupied by the Germans for a long time.I was assured that I slept in Goering's bed and used Goering's bathroom.Everything here is trimmed and inlaid magnificently. In this mansion, it is hard to believe that I mentioned in a previous volume that my last meeting with the Reynolds government and General Ganmer was here in May 1940. Meet, is nothing but a nightmare.At eleven o'clock in the morning on November 11, de Gaulle accompanied me in an open car, escorted by the majestic Republican Guard in full military uniform and breastplate, across the Seine River, and passed the Place de la Concorde.Under the bright sunshine, hundreds of guards looked extraordinarily spectacular.The entire boulevard of the famous Avenue des Elysees was crowded with Parisian citizens and lined up with troops.Every window was packed with spectators and flags were hoisted.We made our way through the wildly cheering crowd to the Arc de Triomphe.Both Charles de Gaulle and I laid wreaths at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.After the ceremony, followed by a group of French political dignitaries, I walked with the general for about half a mile on a road I knew very well.So we boarded a high platform to review the majestic French and British troops marching forward.Our guard regiment detachment is majestic!After the review, I laid a wreath on the statue of Clemenceau.On this exciting occasion, Clemenceau is a figure I cherish. De Gaulle entertained me at a grand luncheon at the War Office and made a speech in which he complimented me on my service to the war.However, there are still many problems to be solved. On the evening of the twelfth, after a banquet at the embassy, ​​de Gaulle and I went to Besançon. The general wanted me to see the considerable French counterattack that was about to be launched under the command of General Rattle de Tassini.We traveled on a luxury private train and the arrangements for this trip were meticulously prepared.After arriving, there is still ample time to leave the war.We had intended to go to a lookout post on the hill, but the roads were blocked by severe cold and deep snow, and the whole operation had to be postponed.I had been in the car with Charles de Gaulle all day.We talked a lot during the long and tiring journey, sometimes visiting the army.The visit program arranged this time went on until late at night.The French soldiers appeared to be in great spirits, marching in ranks, their arms imposing, and singing the famous tune with passion.Since we had been out in this bad weather for at least ten hours, my daughter Mary in my personal entourage and Admiral Tommy feared that I would have another pneumonia, but all went well.A dinner on the train is enjoyable and fun.Although there is only one star on the military uniform of de Gaulle, there are many stars on the uniforms of the other six senior generals, but they all have awe and even fear of de Gaulle, which left a deep impression on me. During the night our trains diverged.De Gaulle returned to Paris, and our half continued on to Reims, where we arrived the next morning.I'm going to Ike's headquarters.In the afternoon, I flew back to Northolt Airport. Back in London, I wrote a report to the President and made a copy for Stalin. prime minister to president roosevelt November 15, 1944 Thank you for your kind wishes regarding my visit to Charles de Gaulle during my trip to Paris.I was warmly welcomed by 500,000 French people in the Avenue des Elysees, and was also warmly welcomed by some opposition parties in the city hall.I re-established a friendly personal relationship with de Gaulle. I saw in the French papers and others that the two of us had decided everything in Paris.You can believe that de Gaulle and I are only discussing major issues based on the principle that all the three countries need to be further studied. In particular, your country has the largest army in France and should be further studied by your country.After lunch on the 11th, I, Eden, and de Gaulle and two or three of his people talked for two hours.De Gaulle asked many questions, and I felt that they knew very little about what had been decided or was happening.Of course, he is eager to obtain the modern equipment of more than eight divisions, which only your country can provide.The Allied High Command argued with good reason that his eight divisions were not intended to defeat the Germans on the battlefield, and that shipping must ensure the supplies of the combat troops so that they could win the winter and spring campaigns. victory.I support this claim. At the same time, I sympathize with the desire of the French to take over more fronts, in the hope that there may be many battles to be fought in the war, or in the remainder of the war, to contribute their best; The so-called victors went into Germany.I think it's an emotional issue, but it should be considered anyway.It is important to France that it should have an army ready to carry out the tasks which it must actually undertake, namely, their duty, first, to maintain a peaceful and orderly country behind our Allied front; Jurisdiction over parts of Germany. On the second issue, the French strongly demanded that they also have a share in the occupation of Germany, not simply as a participant under the British or American command, but as a French command to participate in the occupation.I sympathize with this request, because I know that in a few years, the US military will have to return home, and the UK will have great difficulty maintaining a large army overseas, because it runs counter to our way of life and our resources. Conditions do not match.So I urge them to study the creation of an army suitable for this purpose, which is very different in organization from the divisional army, which is designed to defeat the battle-hardened modern enemy. established by the resistance of the army.Although my opinion influenced them, they still insisted on their views. I saw a Reuters news, which was undoubtedly unofficially sent by Paris, saying that I agreed to divide France into some regions, such as the Ruhr, the Rhineland and other places where troops are stationed. There is no such thing.Obviously, such matters cannot be decided without consultation with you.All I said to de Gaulle on this issue was that we divide Germany into the realms of Russia, England, and the United States; roughly Russia is in the east, England in the north, and America in the south.Speaking on behalf of His Majesty's government, I also said that the less we have, the happier we are. Of course we are in favor of France taking over what they can, but this must be settled at the Allied table.Of course, I can deny the inaccurate report of Reuters, but you may think that the matter is already clear and there is no need to do it.I intend to telegraph Uncle Yue immediately with the same meaning.We have no intention of making a final decision on anything or entering into any specific agreements. However, it is clear that a number of issues urgently await resolution at a level higher than the Supreme Command.Without these resolutions, there are no clear guidelines to follow.This is another reason why we should hold a tripartite meeting if the uncle does not come, and another reason to hold a four-party meeting if the uncle comes.If a four-party meeting is held, France can participate in certain issues, and may not participate in certain issues. It is impossible not to be aware of this: within five years the French army must assume the main task of controlling Germany.The main issue discussed by Eden and Pidour was Syria.The problem is cumbersome, time-consuming, fruitless, and mostly nerve-wracking. There may also be tendentious reports in the newspapers, so I think you should be informed of the above situations immediately. I admire Pidur very much, he is like a little Reno, especially when he talks and laughs. He made a good impression on us.Undoubtedly, he wields some great power.Giroux was present at the banquet, evidently satisfied.How his fortunes had changed since Casablanca!In short, I felt that I had before me an organized, broad-based, rapidly growing government.I think it would be most unwise, at this difficult and critical moment, for us to do anything that would, in the eyes of the French, weaken it.Despite the Communist threat, I have a considerable sense of stability in this government.We can safely put more trust in them (the French).I hope you don't think I'm speaking for the French.What's your opinion, let me know.The meeting situation will be notified separately I also exchanged warm telegrams with General de Gaulle. Prime Minister to General de Gaulle November 16, 1944 I'm back home.During the memorable days that I have just spent in France, my friends and I would like to express our deep gratitude to Your Excellency and your colleagues in the French government for the grand reception, infinite kindness and courtesy.I will never forget the grand welcome given by the people of Paris to their British guests on their first visit to your liberated capital, and it was one of the proudest and most moving scenes I have ever experienced in my life. I am also extremely grateful for the opportunity to see for myself the warmth and nobility of the French Army. Under the able leadership of General Rattle de Tasini, they were completing the cause of liberating their country.The welcome we have received is indeed a pleasant token of the continued development of the friendly relations between our two countries, which are so important to the future peace and security of Europe. General Charles de Gaulle to the Prime Minister November 20, 1944 On behalf of the Government, I have received your call and would like to express my gratitude.France, its capital, and its armed forces salute you.You were not only a beloved Prime Minister of a great nation, but an honorable soldier who fought unitedly in the darkest and most difficult of times and was thus victorious.Let me express to you: how glad I am personally to see you again. Prime Minister to General de Gaulle (Paris) November 25, 1944 If you deem it appropriate, please forward the following telegram to de Rattle from me: I would like to extend my warm congratulations to your young army for its brilliant achievements.What a marvel at the twenty-year-old Frenchman taking up a good weapon, avenging France and saving France! On November 20, Stalin sent a friendly reply to my telegram of November 15. Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister November 20, 1944 Thank you for letting me know about your meeting with Charles de Gaulle.I read your call with great interest.You suggest holding a meeting between our three parties and France. As long as the president agrees, I have no objection, but we must first determine the time and place for our three-party meeting. General de Gaulle recently stated that he hoped to come to Moscow to establish contacts with the leaders of the Soviet government.We have replied in agreement.The French are expected to arrive in Moscow by the end of this month.The French have yet to identify the issues they wish to discuss.In any case, after our meeting with General de Gaulle, I will make sure to inform you of the situation. Thus the whole question of the future organization of Europe arises.Newspapers and others rumored that a Western bloc would be created after the war.This plan, while subjecting us to onerous military obligations, seems to be circulating in diplomatic circles. I feel that the Cabinet should discuss this issue soon, especially since the Franco-Soviet talks are about to take place. After consultation with Mr. Eden, I sent the following telegram to Stalin: Prime Minister to Marshal Stalin November 25, 1944 Received your call on November 20th.I am very glad that de Gaulle will meet with you soon, and hope that you will discuss various issues together.There is already talk in the papers of a Western bloc, which I have not yet considered.First, I believe that our Treaty of Alliance and close cooperation with the United States are the main pillars of a world organization to ensure and promote peace in a suffering world.Only after establishing such a world institution and being subordinate to it, can a good partnership among the nations of Europe be initiated.We will never keep secrets from you in these matters, and I have no doubt that you will share your thoughts and needs with us as well. 2. The war on the Western Front was fierce and the roads were muddy and terrifying.The main conflict unfolded on the axis of Aix-Chapelle|Cologne.Although Eisenhower still has a strong reserve force to invest, the situation is obviously not in our favor.Montgomery's corps in the northwest were advancing north, pushing the Germans back to the Dutch Meas River front.The Meuse allows us to save our forces on this front.To the east, our battle progressed slowly but steadily, with continuous engagements with the enemy.The Americans must be praised for their brilliant victory over Metz and driving the Germans back to the Rhine.To the south, the French scored brilliant victories, especially on a broad front that drove directly to the Rhine and captured Strasbourg.These young French soldiers between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one proved that they were worthy of the honorable mission of cleansing the country of disgrace.I have great admiration for General Rattle de Tasini.De Gaulle and I were there to get a good vantage point to see how the battle was going on.But a foot of snow fell that night, and all actions had to be postponed for three days. After 3.7 or 10 days, it can be estimated whether the German army will receive a decisive blow west of the Rhine.If the German army is dealt a decisive blow, we can continue to advance regardless of the weather.Otherwise, in the severe winter, there may be an intermission period, and a large-scale attack will be made after the winter to defeat the organized resistance of the Germans in the west. 4. Do you think this winter is a severe winter?Does it fit your strategy?We all enjoyed your recent speech.If any trouble arises, please let me know in secret so that we can clear the way and continue to siege Nazi territory tightly. Meanwhile, de Gaulle had arrived in Moscow and started talks with the Russians. Stalin promptly informed me of the main points of the meeting. Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister December 2, 1944 De Gaulle and his French friends had arrived in Moscow, and there were every indication that they would ask two questions: 1. Conclude a Franco-Soviet Mutual Assistance Treaty similar to the Anglo-Soviet Treaty. We probably won't object, but I would like to know your opinion on this issue, please comment. 2. De Gaulle may raise the issue of changing the eastern border of France and extending the French border to the left bank of the Rhine.The plans for an international condominium of Rhineland/Westphalia are well known.The possible participation of France in international condominium was also considered.In this way, the French proposal to change the border conflicts with the plan for the establishment of an international condominium of the Rhine Province. Please also share your views on this issue. I have sent a similar telegram to the President. The next day Stalin sent another telegram: Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister December 3, 1944 The meeting with General de Gaulle provided an opportunity for a friendly exchange of views on Franco-Soviet relations.During the talks, as I expected, General de Gaulle insisted on two main issues: France's borders on the Rhine; With regard to the question of the French border on the Rhine, I expressed my opinion to the effect that the armies of our major allies are engaged in a war of liberation on French soil against the enemy. Without their understanding and consent, the question cannot be resolved.I emphasized the complexity of solving this problem. Concerning the proposal of a Franco-Soviet mutual assistance treaty, I pointed out that it is necessary to study this issue from all sides, to clarify the legal aspects of this treaty, and especially to find out who will ratify this treaty under the present conditions in France. So the French still need to provide some explanation, but we have not received an explanation from them so far. I would like to inform you of the situation.I would be very grateful if I could call back and let you know your opinion on these issues. I have sent the same telegram to the President. good luck! On December 4, the cabinet met to study the possibility of forming the Western Bloc and the talks with de Gaulle in Moscow.I read to my colleagues my latest telegrams with Stalin.In the early morning of December 5, I telegraphed the results of our deliberations to Stalin. Prime Minister to Marshal Stalin December 5, 1944 Telegram for de Gaulle's visit and the two questions he will ask.We have no objection to a Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual assistance similar to the Anglo-Soviet treaty.On the contrary, His Majesty's Government considered the Franco-Soviet Treaty desirable, adding an additional layer of ties between us all. To tell the truth, we also thought that it would be best to conclude a Triple Treaty among our three Powers which would reflect the existing Anglo-Soviet Treaty, and improve upon it.In this way, the obligations of our parties will be exactly the same and linked together.Please let me know if you're as interested in this idea as I'd like it to be.Of course, both of us should inform the United States. 2. Relocating the eastern border of France to the left bank of the Rhine, or another option: the establishment of an internationally administered Rhineland|Westphalia province, and other options. This question is to be resolved at the Peace Conference.There is no reason why we should not come to a closer conclusion than we have hitherto to all this when the Tripartite Summit is held.You already know that the President does not want de Gaulle to come to the tripartite meeting.I hope that when we discuss resolutions that particularly affect France, that will change to include France. 3. In the meantime, wouldn't it be nice to have the European Advisory Council in London (of which France is a member) discuss this issue for all of us, without having to refer it to the head of government? 4. I will notify the President of the above situation. Mr. Roosevelt also kept in close touch with me. President Roosevelt to Prime Minister December 6, 1944 Today, I sent the following telegram to Uncle Yue: Thank you for your two telegram notifications of December 2nd and 3rd. With regard to the proposal for a Franco-Soviet treaty in the spirit of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance, if you and General de Gaulle consider such a treaty generally beneficial to the security of your two countries and of Europe as a whole, this Government has no objection in principle. I completely agree with your answer to General de Gaulle on the question of the French borders after the war.I do not think it will be beneficial to our common war effort to try to solve this problem at this stage; it is better to wait until after Germany has collapsed. Then came another telegram: President Roosevelt to Prime Minister December 6, 1944 From my reply to Stalin, you will definitely see that our views on the two issues raised by de Gaulle during the talks with Stalin are completely consistent. I still stand by my opinion that any attempt to bring de Gaulle to the meeting of the three of us would only complicate and unpleasant the situation. You suggested to Uncle Joe that the post-war border issue of France be submitted to the European Advisory Committee for discussion. I think the committee is busy discussing issues related to the surrender of Germany, so it would be wrong to raise the post-war border issue on the committee at this stage.I think it is better to leave this special question for further discussion among us later. I fully understand your opinion that a possible Anglo-French-Soviet Treaty would be beneficial.But I'm a bit skeptical: what effect would such an arrangement have on the ISCO issue!You know how much I value an organization like this.I am worried that the public opinion here will think that this tripartite treaty is the enemy of the future world organization. On the contrary, the Soviet-French bilateral agreement similar to the Anglo-Soviet treaty is more understandable.In any case, I think this is a question that is mainly related to three countries. The next day, Stalin sent a telegram: Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister December 7, 1944 Thank you for your reply regarding the Franco-Soviet Treaty and the French border on the Rhine. When we received your reply, we were already discussing the treaty with the French.You wish to take the Anglo-Soviet Treaty a step further and expand it into a Tripartite Treaty between Britain, France and the Soviet Union. My colleagues and I agree with this suggestion.We have suggested a Triple Pact to de Gaulle, but we have not yet received a reply from him. I was not able to answer your other calls in time.I hope to have an answer as soon as possible. But things have changed slightly.Due to various domestic reasons, the French decided to take with them a treaty strictly limited to France and the Soviet Union when they left Moscow.The treaty was signed on December 10.On the same day Stalin sent a telegram: Marshal Stalin to Prime Minister December 10, 1944 I informed General de Gaulle of your wish to conclude a mutual treaty between Britain, France and the Soviet Union, and expressed my approval of your proposal.However, General de Gaulle insisted on signing the Franco-Soviet Treaty, and believed that the Tripartite Treaty should be signed in the next stage, because this issue needs to be prepared.At the same time, I received a call from the President, saying that he had no objection to the Franco-Soviet Treaty.So we came to an agreement to sign this treaty, which we signed today.The treaty will be announced after General de Gaulle returns to Paris. I think General de Gaulle's visit has positive results. It will not only help strengthen the friendly relations between France and the Soviet Union, but also contribute to the common cause of our allies. Now is the time for the French to conclude an agreement of this kind with us, if they will.I humorously informed Stalin of the possibility of such an agreement. Prime Minister to Marshal Stalin December 19, 1944 Watched your gift of Kutuzov for the second time last night.I admired it very much the first time I saw it; but because of the Russian dialogue, I couldn't understand the exact meaning of each scene.Last night I watched the video with English subtitles so that I could really understand what it was all about.I have to tell you, I think this is one of the best movies I've ever seen.Never before has the contradiction between two willpowers been revealed so vividly.Never before have film images been used so powerfully to teach commanders and soldiers the importance of loyalty to their country.The British have never seen such a glorious image of the Russian soldier and nation on the screen!I've never seen cinematography done with more mastery than in this movie! 2. If you would like to convey in private my appreciation and gratitude to those who worked hard to create this work of art with high morale, I would be grateful.In the meantime, I would like to congratulate you. 3. I like to look back on how we fought together in that mortal battle, as in this Thirty Years' War.I don't think you would show de Gaulle this movie!I wouldn't show him Mrs Hamilton if he came to me to sign a treaty like he has with you or us! salute! On December 25, Stalin telegraphed back that he would of course welcome the signing of the Anglo-French treaty.I don't think there is any haste in this matter until the French make this proposal. On December 31st, I sent Mr. Eden an abridged copy: You might like to see how the proposal came to be before it came to the negotiating table and became a bilateral Anglo-French treaty.你對我講，倘若戴高樂提出，等解決了敘利亞的所有問題以後才簽訂英法條約，那就讓他等吧！這個建議應由他而不是由我們來提。 同時，從安全的觀點看，我們沒什麼損失，因為法國人實際上沒什麼軍隊；而所有其他有關的國家不是被打敗了的就是仍然受奴役。我們務必謹慎，不要承擔我們做不到的義務，也不和其他國家簽訂得不到對等報酬的條約。我不知道戰後我們的財政情況將會怎樣，但我確信：即使所有這些無助的國家作出要重建他們自己的軍隊的姿態，我們也無法維持那麼多的軍隊來保護他們。總之，首先要建立一個世界性組織，一切全靠它了。