Chapter 12 Chapter Ten The Rise and Fall of the Western Zhou Dynasty

Staging and dating of Jinhou cemetery In the Western Zhou Dynasty, from King Wu Keyin to King You, there were eleven generations and twelve kings.Because Sima Qian has already given the chronology from the first year of the Republic (841 BC) in the "Historical Records: The Chronology of the Twelve Princes", which provides a reliable benchmark for the establishment of the Western Zhou chronology, so The scope of Western Zhou chronology research involved in the project is: 1. King Wu↓2. King Cheng↓3. King Kang↓4. you king The chronology of the Western Zhou Dynasty is based on literature research. Through the periodization and dating of archaeological culture, a chronological framework is established. At the same time, a Jinwen (bronze inscription) calendar is constructed and relevant astronomical materials are calculated to determine the age of kings.This topic is in charge of the well-known archaeologist Zhang Changshou.

Zhang Changshou, born in Shanghai in 1929, entered Shanghai St. John's University in 1948, transferred to the History Department of Yanjing University in 1950, and graduated in 1952.In 1956, he worked in the Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, and devoted himself to the field archaeological excavation and research of the Fenghao site in Shaanxi for a long time.For nearly forty years from the mid-1950s to the mid-1990s, he and Hu Qianying of the Fenghao Excavation Team of the Institute of Archeology and other archaeologists uncovered a large area of ​​residential sites on both sides of the Feng River in Chang'an County, Shaanxi. and large rammed earth building foundations, thousands of tombs and many bronze ware cellars were excavated.He has also participated in and presided over the compilation of two large-scale field archaeological reports, "Fengxi Excavation Report" and "Zhangjiapo Western Zhou Cemetery".

After the start of the Xia, Shang and Zhou chronology project, Zhang Changshou was hired as the chronology of the kings of the Western Zhou Dynasty because of his experience in field archaeological excavations at the Fenghao site for nearly 40 years, as well as his academic achievements in the study of cultural periods and chronology in the Western Zhou Dynasty. At the same time, due to his profound attainments in the study of Western Zhou bronze wares, after the start of the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties project, he and Wang Shimin and Chen Gongrou, two bronze research experts, undertook the Western Zhou bronze wares staging research project. research work.

As mentioned earlier, the Tianma︱Qucun ruins, the capital of the early Jin Dynasty, have been buried underground for more than 2,000 years because historians have not looked at them in detail since the Han Dynasty, and have even spread rumors and deciphered them. No one knows.For this reason, before the official excavation by archaeologists in 1986, the site had never been stolen, and it became the only survivor among the sites of the Western Zhou Dynasty and the Spring and Autumn Period found in the country.But since 1986, the site has attracted the attention of tomb robbers and greedy people. Since then, a tomb robbery frenzy has swept across. Tomb digging, the slogan of one ten thousand household a day, flocked into the ruins in groups, carrying out robbery and excavation activities wantonly.In a few years, seven or eight of the important tombs in the site were robbed, and all the burial objects in the tomb were looted.A large number of cultural relics of the Western Zhou Dynasty and the Han Dynasty were continuously smuggled and stolen to Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan and Western countries, resulting in a catastrophe of cultural heritage and irreparable huge losses in academics.In view of the seriousness and urgency of the situation, with the consent of the State Administration of Cultural Heritage, the Department of Archeology of Peking University and the Shanxi Provincial Institute of Archeology jointly conducted rescue excavations on the cemetery.The excavation began in April 1992 and ended in June. The excavation cleared two large noble tombs of the Western Zhou and Jin Kingdoms and a small Han tomb that had been seriously looted.At the same time, a drilling survey was carried out in the area near the two large tombs, and three pairs of large tombs of comparable size were discovered.From this, it can be concluded that this is a cemetery of senior nobles of the Jin Kingdom composed of several large tombs.

Not long after this salvage excavation work ended, another large tomb in the cemetery was reported to have been stolen, and dozens of bronzes stolen from the tomb had been smuggled to Hong Kong and other places. Faced with this serious situation, Under the direct instruction of the State Council of China, the Shanxi provincial government and the cultural relics department ordered the county where Tianma︱Qu village is located to strengthen the security of the cemetery.At the same time, with the approval of the State Administration of Cultural Heritage, the Department of Archeology of Peking University and the Shanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology once again formed an archaeological team to conduct an investigation on the cemetery of the Tianma︱Qucun Site from October 16, 1992 to January 11 of the following year. Large-scale salvage excavations.In this excavation, a total of seven groups of A-shaped large tombs and two chariot and horse pits were discovered in the Western Zhou Dynasty.Due to time constraints, archaeologists only excavated and cleared five groups of ten large tombs, eight sacrificial pits and six Han tombs that had been exposed, and unearthed thousands of precious cultural relics such as pottery, jade, and bronze.Among the ten groups of large tombs excavated and cleared, judging from the arrangement, specifications and burial objects of the tombs, they are believed to be the joint burials of the Marquis of Jin and his wives, five for the Marquis of Jin and five for his wives.Although this salvage excavation has the nature of clearing up the remnants of the robbery, there are still major breakthroughs. This is the largest excavation of the Tianma︱Qucun site by archaeologists in more than ten years. It not only further confirms that the site is the early Jin capital, but also from the Different aspects correct and complement the errors and shortcomings recorded in historical documents.This is an unprecedented discovery in the archaeology of the Jin Dynasty and even the archaeology of the entire Zhou Dynasty.

Following the excavation at the end of 1992, the Department of Archeology of Peking University and the Shanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology jointly carried out three large-scale rescue excavations on the Tianma︱Qucun cemetery. Outside the horse pit, the tombs of the Marquis of Jin and his wife have all been revealed.The excavation of these large tombs allowed the world to see batches of precious cultural relics that had been hidden for more than 2,000 years. At the same time, it also enabled people to understand and understand the historical situation of the Western Zhou Dynasty and Jin Dynasty through the misty smoke and dust.

Since Ji Shuyu was entrusted to the Tang Dynasty, his reign has been roughly the same as that of King Cheng of Zhou.After Shuyu's death, his son Xiefu succeeded to the throne and changed his name to Marquis of Jin, and at the same time changed the name of Tang to Jin.According to "Historical Records Jin Family": The Jinhou Zining family is Wuhou.The son of Marquis Wu subdued others, and he became Marquis Cheng.Chenghou Zifu is Lihou.Yijiu, the son of Marquis Li, is Marquis Jing.Jinghou has come, the age can be pushed.From Uncle Tang to Jinghou V, there is no number of years. In the seventeenth year of Jinghou, King Li of Zhou was bewitched and tyrannical. The people of the country were in chaos.

The following year, Jinghou died, and Zilihou Situli. In the fourteenth year of Lihou, King Xuan of Zhou was first established. In the eighteenth year of Lihou, Lihou died, and Zi Xianhou was established.Xianhou died in the eleventh year, and Zimuhou Fei Wangli. Judging from the literature records, there seems to be no major events in the history of Jin before Muhou, but since Muhou's time, a potential political crisis has quietly penetrated into the power center of Jin. Jin Muhou reigned for twenty-seven years (before 812 to 785).In the fourth year of Muhou (808 BC), he married Jiang as his wife.In the seventh year (805 BC), he led his troops to fight against the Tiaorong and Benrong from the division of the Zhou royal family. This is the first testable record of using foreign troops in the history of Jin.The ancient book "Bamboo Book Chronicles" said: Wang Shi and Jin Muhou defeated Tiao Rong and Ben Rong, and Wang Shi was defeated.Since Master Wang was defeated and fled, Master Jin must also be defeated.

Not long after this, Mrs. Muhou gave birth to her eldest son, who was named Qiu because Muhou was displeased with the defeat.In the tenth year of Muhou (802 BC), he went out to fight with Rong Di in Qianmu again and won the victory.It just so happened that his wife gave birth to a second son this year. Because of this, Muhou won the battle, so he named him Chengshi, which seemed to mean that he could become a crowd.Doctor Jin's teacher Fu said worriedly: "It's so strange for the king to name his son!"Because naming is used to establish laws, justice and law are used to produce etiquette, etiquette is used to implement politics, and politics is used to correct the people. Only when political results are achieved can the people obey.On the contrary, if the etiquette and justice are changed, the country will be in trouble.Spouses who love each other are called concubines, and spouses who hate each other are called Qiu. This is the way the ancients named them.Now the crown prince is named Qiu, and the youngest son is named Cheng, which is a harbinger of disaster.The prince will definitely be deposed in the future!Shi Fu went on to say: The crown prince is called Qiu, and Qiu means 雠; the youngest son is called Chengshi, and this big name means to achieve a career.Names are created by oneself; everything in the world is determined by oneself.Now that the names of the concubine and concubine are opposite, will Jin not have civil strife in the future? .According to Shifu's unfortunate words, after Muhou died peacefully in the twenty-seventh year (785 BC), civil strife broke out in Jin.For the first time, the succession system of the eldest son of Jin was broken, but this time the civil strife broke out not between Prince Qiu and the youngest son Chengshi, but between Muhou's younger brother Shang Shu and Prince Qiu.

After Muhou's death, Prince Chou (Jin Wenhou) failed to succeed to the throne, but was succeeded by Muhou's younger brother Shangshu as the ruler of Jin. This shows that Shangshu had already mastered considerable Real power, with considerable influence. Prince Qiu could not succeed to the throne, so he took refuge in another country.Four years later, in 781 BC, he led his disciples and private relatives to make a comeback, successfully killed his uncle Shangshu, and regained the political power. He was Jin Wenhou.The impact of this civil strife on all aspects of Jin society at that time was not too deep.However, this incident sounded the first death knell of the patriarchal system, the main pillar of the slavery society, in Jin State, and created a precedent for the long-term civil war in Jin State.

Marquis Wen of Jin reigned for thirty-five years (780 BC to 746 BC). He was an outstanding monarch in the history of Jin.When he ruled Jin, the Western Zhou Dynasty was on the verge of subjugation.In 771 B.C., King You of Zhou was desolate and immoral, and deposed the crown prince Yijiu. He wanted to establish his concubine Bofu, but Yijiu fled to Shen.In a fit of anger, Marquis Shen joined forces with Mao, Quanrong and others to capture Gaojing, killed King You and Bofu, and supported Prince Yijiu as King Ping.At this time, Quan Rong entered Jingwei and harassed the capital.After the war, Haojing was dilapidated, and it was difficult for the Zhou royal family to establish a state in Guanzhong, so they decided to move eastward to form Zhou.At this time, Jin Wenhou led the Jin army into Shaanxi, joined forces with Zheng Wugong and Qin Xianggong to serve the king, and stabilized the situation in the early years of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty. Zhou Ping Wang Jiawenhou's contribution, wrote "Wenhou Zhiming", this document has been preserved in the "Shangshu" to this day. In his edict, King Ping praised his founding ancestors, King Wen and King Wu, for their great merit and virtue. Their success was due to the fact that the officials at that time were able to assist, guide, and serve their monarchs.King Ping thought that he was too young to be competent, and he lacked talents with both ability and political integrity to help him.Praise Jin Wenhou as the person who made him settle on the throne.Encourage Marquis Wen to serve the royal family as diligently as the sages in the Wen and Wu eras, inherit the martyrs of their ancestors, and manage their own country well.King Ping bestowed upon him one shovel, one bow, one hundred arrows, one bow and one hundred arrows, and four horses.These chariots and horses with bows and arrows are a symbol of the conquest of dissatisfied officials. Jin Wenhou lived up to expectations. In 760 BC, Jin Wenhou also executed the unorthodox King Xie.Ending the ten-year period of the Zhou royal family's two kings standing side by side, Jin Wenhou, like Zhou Gongdan in the early Zhou Dynasty, became a hero who rebuilt Zhou's life. Looking at the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the Jin Dynasty has a total of eleven lords. According to "Historical Records·Jin Family", the lineage of Jin Hou from the Western Zhou Dynasty to the early Spring and Autumn Period is as follows: 1 Tang Shu Yu ↓ 2 Jin Hou Xie ↓ 3 Wu Hou Ning Family ↓ 4 Cheng Hou Furen ↓ 5 Li Hou Fu ↓ 6 Jing Hou Yijiu ↓ 7 Li Hou Situ ↓ 8 Xian Hou Ji (Su) ↓ 9 King Mu Fei ↓ 9 Uncle Shang (Mu Hou Brother)↓10 Wen Houqiu (Mu Houzi) When Jin Wen Hou Qiu was in charge of state affairs, it was equivalent to the period of Zhou Youwang and Zhou Pingwang, and he had entered the Eastern Zhou Dynasty in his later years.After the death of Marquis Wen, there were many civil wars in Jin Dynasty. The princes and kings who succeeded Zhaohou, Aihou, Xiaozihou, Houmin, etc. were either killed or taken into captivity. There was almost no possibility of building a mausoleum.After the death of Duke Wu of the Jin Dynasty and his subsequent princes, they were all buried in Quwo or elsewhere. Therefore, only the princes and kings before Wen Houqiu could be buried in the Tianma︱Qucun cemetery. Judging from the excavated situation, the entire Tianma︱Qucun cemetery is about 150 meters from east to west and 130 meters from north to south, and a total of 17 tombs of the Marquis of Jin and his wife were found in eight groups.Liu Xu, Luo Xin and other archaeologists who participated in the excavation of the Jinhou cemetery, based on the characteristics of the unearthed artifacts and the textual research and interpretation of some of the Jinhou names seen in the bronze inscriptions, combined with the known Zhou Dynasty tombs in various places, summed up some laws of evolution from early to late , and compared the tombs of each group of tombs in the Jinhou cemetery with it, and published an opinion on the sequence of each group of the Jinhou tombs. Obviously, the eight groups of seventeen tombs seen here belonged to the eight generations of Jinhou and his wives, including A Marquis of Jin has two wives' tombs.It is also obvious that, compared with the eleven princes that existed in the Western Zhou and Jin states, there are three missing tombs of princes.Therefore, since the release of the excavation data of the Jinhou cemetery, there has been a long-term debate in the academic circles around the arrangement of the tombs in the Jinhou cemetery and the presumption of who is the owner of the tomb. In view of the important academic value of the discovery of the tombs of the Marquis of Jin, after the start of the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties project, a special topic on the staging and dating of the tombs of the Marquis of Jin was set up. Professor Li Boqian, chief scientist of the Shang-Zhou Dating Project, is in charge of the research task. Li Boqian, born in Xingyang, Henan Province in 1937, was admitted to Peking University in 1956. Before entering Peking University, with the dream of becoming a writer, he filled in the Department of Chinese in his first choice. Unexpectedly, he was rejected Admission to the History Department of the second choice.When he entered the school in September of this year, at the welcome meeting held by the history department, when the teachers introduced the majors of each group, he knew that the history department also had an archeology group.But he didn't know exactly what the archaeological team learned, what to do, and what the goal was.According to the regulations of the department at that time, the freshmen of the university, regardless of major, studied common subjects together.At the beginning of the second grade, the three groups of Chinese History, World History, and Archeology affiliated to the History Department began to operate independently. Students are drawn to their field of specialization.At that time, the Department of Archeology sent Professor Lu Zun'er to give a mobilization report. Professor Lu's eloquent speech and personal experience touched the hearts of many students.He said very encouragingly and seductively: In addition to studying archaeology, students in the archeology group also need to study Chinese history and world history. They must not only master book knowledge, but also learn photography, drawing, excavation, etc. method.Those who study history cannot do archeology, but those who study archeology can do history. Documentary history and archeology are the two wheels of the cart of historical science. turned up.Once the wheel turns, the famous mountains and rivers of the motherland and even many places abroad can be visited and turned around. Mr. Lu's words aroused many students' interest and yearning for archaeology, although everyone was not interested in archaeology at that time. Because of the encouragement of Mr. Lu, many students thought that archaeology must be a very interesting thing, so they asked to join the archaeology group. Li Boqian also entered the department with the same mentality. Archaeological group portal. It can be said that Li Boqian's luck was not good when he stepped into the archeology major. He hadn't taken a few archeology classes yet. The nationwide anti-rightist movement has blossomed in all directions, and the peaceful Peking University campus is also so noisy that it is difficult to fit a desk. .In such a tumultuous environment and a strong political atmosphere, it took him a year to drift with the crowd before he truly understood the meaning of archaeology and the direction and goal he would strive for in his life. It was the spring of 1959. Li Boqian and more than 50 people from the two classes of the Department of Archeology of Peking University, led by their teachers, came to practice archaeology outside Quanhu Village, Hua County, Shaanxi Province.In a cemetery of Yangshao culture called Yuanjun Temple, under the direct guidance of the teacher, Li Boqian and other students followed the field archaeological excavation operation rules taught in class to draw lines and lay out layers, and when everyone found it for the first time When I found the joint burial tomb of the Yangshao Culture more than 7,000 years ago, my surprise was beyond words, and the floodgates of my thoughts were opened: Why are so many people buried in one tomb?Is the skeleton seen male or female?What is the relationship between them?How about the chronological classification, distribution law, mutual relationship and social development stages of the tombs?And so on, as the excavation work progressed and the tombs were revealed one by one, they came to mind.To answer these questions, we must not only figure out the material, but also consult the literature. We must read the book of the object and the book of the book.Like most of his classmates, this field archaeological internship made Li Boqian deeply realize that although archeology is an ancient discipline, it is also a newest discipline, because new materials will be discovered at any time.Archeology is a discoverer's science, as long as you step out of your study, you will find something.Since then, the temptation of archeology to Li Boqian has become greater and greater, and his interest in archaeology has also become more and more intense. Being able to make a career in the field of archaeology has become his goal and unswerving direction. . When Li Boqian graduated in 1961, he was caught up with the three-year difficult period, and it was difficult to allocate students, so he stayed in the department as a reserve, and was officially assigned to the Archeology Teaching and Research Section as a teacher.In the next thirty years, although he did not have as many opportunities to do actual archaeological work as his classmates assigned to various provinces, after staying in school, he led students to practice, and participated in Beijing Changping Snow Mountain, Fangshan Dongjialin, Henan Anyang Yin Ruins, Erlitou in Yanshi, Dahan in Anyang, Wucheng in Jiangxi, Liuwan in Qinghai, Liancheng in Gansu, Panlong City in Huangpi, Hubei, Jingnan Temple in Jiangling, Jiancun in Laishui, Hebei, Qingliang Mountain in Xiayi, Henan, Quwoqu Village in Shanxi, etc. The excavation of ten important sites from the Neolithic Age to the Bronze Age also traveled all over the Northeast, North, Central, East, South, Northwest, and Southwest China, and investigated hundreds of sites.Through these excavations and investigations, he not only cultivated batches of students, but also accumulated batches of new materials and proposed new academic topics one after another.For Li Boqian, each site is like a mine. Every time excavation and investigation are carried out, new things will be unearthed, just like the discovery of new ores.Cultivating students is a teacher's bounden duty, and it is also his unshirkable responsibility to study the excavated materials and solve new problems raised by archaeology.Li Boqian, while doing his best to be a qualified teacher, has never dared to forget the responsibility of being a qualified archaeologist.For decades, he has been thinking and answering new questions raised by excavation surveys and archaeological teaching.The study of Erlitou culture is an obvious example. Li Boqian really came into contact with the topic of Xia culture research in the autumn of 1963 when he brought students to the Erlitou site of the Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences for internships.Li Boqian, his classmates and several teachers from the Institute of Archeology live in Sijiaolou in the south of Erlitou Village, and the excavation site specially opened for students' practice is in the east of Sijiaolou Village.This is Li Boqian's third internship since he graduated in 1961 and stayed at the school to teach.Although the procedures of archaeological excavation are relatively familiar, it is the first time to participate in the excavation of sites related to the Xia culture, so he squats in the exploration square like his classmates all day long. On the one hand, he tutors the students, teaching them how to divide the strata and how to find The side of the ash pit, how to record the excavation diary, fill in the excavation records, etc.On the one hand, they ponder academic issues separately, such as: What are the characteristics of these excavated things?How is it different from Henan Longshan Culture and Erligang Merchant Culture?While pondering, Li Boqian often consulted the excavators of the archaeological institute, thus learned a lot of knowledge and received a lot of inspiration.The internship at the Erlitou site was unforgettable for Li Boqian. It should be said that his future research results on Erlitou culture are inseparable from this internship. Since the excavation of the Erlitou site in 1959, the issue of ethnicity surrounding the Erlitou culture has aroused extensive discussions in academic circles, and various speculations have been put forward.The famous archaeologist Tian Changwu proposed in 1981 that the Erlitou culture is the Xia culture after Taikang lost the country and Hou Yi replaced Xia.In 1986, when Li Boqian wrote the article "The Cultural Nature of Erlitou Types and the Issue of Ethnicity", he also put forward the same conclusion as Tian Changwu, but the difference between him and Tian Wen is that he focused more on archaeology. The material of Erlitou culture is analyzed above.The reason why Li Boqian came to this view was not a whim, but a process.At first he agreed that the Erlitou site was Xibo, the Erlitou language culture was the early Shang culture, and the Henan Longshan culture was the Xia culture. After careful consideration, Li Boqian believed that Mr. Zou's conclusions were based on strong arguments, sufficient arguments, and very convincing.The Yanshi Shang City was discovered in 1983, and archaeological materials show that the Yanshi Shang City and Zhengzhou Shang City were basically contemporaneous, which added new evidence to Zou Heng’s conclusion. If it is a city, then the Erlitou culture earlier than it can only be the Xia culture.From then on, Li Boqian accepted the view that the Erlitou culture was the Xia culture, but somewhat different from Zou Heng's view, he had doubts about whether the remains of the first phase of the Erlitou culture belonged to the earliest Xia culture.This is because: First, the date of Erlitou Culture Phase I was determined to be around 1900 BC, which is at the latest from the beginning of the Xia Dynasty inferred from literature records, about a hundred years later than the 21st century BC; the determined Erlitou The total age of the first, second, third, and fourth phases of culture is about 300 years, which is at least one hundred years less than the Xia Ji years recorded in the literature, and 431 years.Both data are quite different from literature records. Second, Erlitou Culture and Henan Dragon Culture (Wangwan type) basically overlap in geographical distribution and are closely connected in time, but their cultural appearances are obviously different.According to the literature, the establishment of the Xia Dynasty was not caused by the invasion of foreign races, but by Yu, the head of the tribal alliance, who destroyed the abdication system and succeeded his son Qi.It seems that the establishment of the Xia Dynasty should not have caused such a big change in material culture. Li Boqian thought over and over again with these questions, and felt that he should find the answer from archaeological materials and historical documents.Just when he was depressed and hesitating, he couldn't figure it out. In the pre-Qin literature, the records of Taikang's loss of the country, Houyi's replacement of Xia, and Shaokang's rejuvenation, etc. The type of Erlitou in the Briefing should be based on inheriting the Henan Longshan culture in the Central Plains and absorbing some elements of the Shandong Longshan culture. spark.In the Erlitou culture, there are a considerable number of facts that come from the Longshan culture in Shandong, which is considered to be the culture of the Yi people in the East, and the records in the literature that Hou Yi, who replaced Xia, was also called Yi Yi, and his place of residence was just within the scope of the Longshan culture in Shandong. The combination of the two made him suddenly realize that the two are not coincidental. The reason why the Erlitou culture as the Xia culture is different from the Henan Longshan culture (Wangwan class) and the reason for the emergence of Eastern Yi people's cultural factors is not Xia Chuyi. Is it the result and reflection of the conflict between the Xia clans?Therefore, Li Boqian believes that the assertion that the Erlitou culture is the Xia culture after Taikang lost the country and Hou Yi replaced Xia can explain why the Erlitou culture contains elements of the Shandong Longshan culture, and it can also explain the Erlitou culture. The reason why the total accumulated years of the second, third, and fourth phases is less than the Xia accumulated years recorded in the literature is only about three hundred years. When Li Boqian took over the project of staging the cemetery of the Marquis of Jin, he clearly realized that the ordering of each group of tombs in the cemetery of the Marquis of Jin and the range of their ages are the prerequisites for correctly inferring the owner of each tomb.As early as 1994, when archaeologists excavated a group of large tombs numbered M93, they found that M93 broke the ash pit of the late Western Zhou Dynasty, which indicated that the upper limit of the age of the tomb could not be earlier than the late Western Zhou Dynasty.As for the other groups, there was no overlap and break between the tombs and the cultural layer, the cultural layer and the tombs, or between the tombs.Therefore, it is impossible to determine the morning and evening sequences of the eight groups of seventeen tombs from the stratigraphic relationship. Only by analyzing other relevant relic phenomena and the combination and shape of the burial objects in the tombs can it be possible to draw realistic scientific conclusions. During the period when Li Boqian presided over the research on the staging of the Jinhou cemetery, together with other researchers, on the basis of absorbing the research results of the excavators Liu Xu, Luo Xin and other archaeologists in the Jinhou cemetery, they focused on the burial artifacts of each group of tombs. Typology research was carried out to clarify its internal logical relationship.Judging from the row ratio of the pottery geese unearthed from the eight groups of tombs, although these geese are not of different types, we can see the order of their evolution, and the order of the tombs can be roughly determined.In addition, although the unearthed bronze wares in some tombs are incomplete due to theft, the trajectory of changes can be clearly seen when the same type of wares are arranged.As for the age range of the burial, it can be determined by comparing it with tombs of known age. Now that the chronology of the Jinhou cemetery has been limited to the early middle of the Western Zhou Dynasty to the early Eastern Zhou Dynasty, the order of the eight groups of tombs has been clearly determined. It is natural to make a comparative study of relevant records to deduce the tomb owners of the eight Marquis Jin tombs.The tomb owners of each group are as follows: The first group: M9, M13 Jinwu Hou Ning and his wife. The second group: M6, M7 Jincheng Hou Furen and his wife. The third group: M33, M32 Jin Lihou Fu and his wife. The fourth group: M91, M92 Jin Jing Hou Yijiu and his wife. The fifth group: M1, M2 Jin Lihou Situ and his wife. The sixth group: M8, M31 Jin Xianhou Ji (Su) and his wife. The seventh group: M64, M62, M63 King Muhou Fei of Jin Dynasty and his wife. The eighth group: M93, M102 Jin Wen Hou Qiu and his wife. For the above eight groups of tombs, the dating experts used the accelerator mass spectrometer to measure the age data. The comparison between the age data and the age of the Marquis of Jin recorded in "Historical Records·Jin Family" is shown in the following table: Accelerator mass spectrometer dating data of Jinhou cemetery: The first group: "Jin Shijia" corresponds to Wuhou, and the date is not recorded; the name of the Jin Wenhou was not found; two human bone samples were collected, and the calendar date after fitting is 935-855 BC. The second group: The corresponding Hou in "Jin Shijia" is Chenghou, and the date is not recorded; the name of the Jin Wenhou was not found; (the original book missed the sample).The fitted calendar dates range from 910 to 845 BC. The third group: "Jin Shijia" corresponds to Li Hou, and the date is not recorded; the Jin Wenhou is named Boma; two samples of human bones and funerary bones were collected, and the calendar date after fitting is 880-831 BC . The fourth group: "The Family of Jin" corresponds to the Marquis Jing, and the age is from 885 to 841 BC; the Jin Wenhou is named Xifu; (the sample of the original book is missing).The fitted calendar date is 860-816 BC. The fifth group: "Jin Shijia" corresponds to the Marquis Li, dated from 840 to 823 B.C.; the title of the Marquis in Jinwen published is Dui; (the sample is missing from the original book).The fitted calendar dates range from 834 to 804 BC. Group 6: The corresponding Hou in "Jin Shijia" is Xianhou, dated from 822 to 812 BC; the title of Jin Wenhou is Su (Yi, replaced by Jin); five samples of human bones, charcoal, and animal bones were collected , the fitted calendar date is 814-794 BC. The seventh group: "Jin Shijia" corresponds to Muhou, dated from 811 to 785 BC; the Jin Wenhou is named Bangfu; three samples of human bones, charcoal, and animal bones were collected, and the calendar after fitting Dated from 804 to 784 BC. The eighth group: "Jin Family" corresponds to the Marquis Wen (or Uncle Shang), dated from 784 to 781 BC (Uncle Shang) or 780 to 746 BC (Marquis Wen); not found The name of Marquis Wen in Jin Dynasty; three animal bone samples were collected, and the calendar date after fitting is 789-768 BC. According to "Historical Records·Jin Family": Since Jinghou, the age can be pushed.According to "Historical Records The Chronology of the Twelve Princes", Jinghou died in the first year of the Republic (841 BC) in the eighteenth year of Jinghou. The year of Marquis Li's death should be 859 BC.Comparing the chronology of "Historical Records" with the date of determination, it can be seen that the range of the date of determination is basically not found.This proves once again that the above presumptions about the tomb owner in the Jinhou cemetery and their corresponding relationship with the kings of the Western Zhou Dynasty are correct.The establishment of the chronology of Marquis of Jin undoubtedly provided an important reference for the establishment of the chronology of kings in the Western Zhou Dynasty. The Secrets Revealed by Bronze In engineering, in addition to the staging and dating of archaeological sites, another notable feature of the disciplines related to the study of the chronology of the kings of the Western Zhou Dynasty is the study of the staging of bronze wares and the Jinwen almanac, which is not available in other subjects. It is also an innovative attempt on this theme. The study of bronze wares and their inscriptions is an important branch of Chinese archeology and paleography. The study of bronze wares has a long history and tradition in China. It began to germinate as early as the Qin and Han Dynasties, and has since gradually become a specialized and independent study.Since the Song Dynasty, Liu Chang, Lu Dalin, Xue Shanggong, Ruan Yuan, Wu Dachen, etc., are all masters of this field of study.In particular, the "Archaeological Map" by Lu Dalin in the Song Dynasty has been recognized by the academic circles as a model of bronze ware description for a long period of time.This "Archaeological Map", completed in 1092, has achieved just as the modern archaeologist Li Ji said: using the most accurate method, the simplest words, and the most objective attitude to deal with a batch of the most touching Emotional material.Since then, he has successfully used image drawing instead of text description. What is measured is not only the height, width, and length of each utensil, but also the capacity and weight.The scope of attention has expanded from the artifacts themselves to their passing and original status.In terms of textual research, in addition to the style, the shape and decoration of the utensils are also considered.The achievement of this "Archaeological Map", which has been handed down to later generations and is highly respected, is indeed remarkable. It marks a peak in the collection and research of ancient Chinese bronzes and their inscriptions.However, ancient research also has its historical limitations and methodological deficiencies.Due to the large number of bronze wares that have been handed down, most of them were discovered by accident or excavated, and there is no clear unearthed record, so they can only be studied one by one in isolation.At the same time, ancient epigraphers always followed the old habits, and most of their research focused on bronze inscriptions. Artifacts without inscriptions were often mistaken for lack of value and discarded.What is more serious is that ancient artifact scientists have not paid enough attention to the work of reviewing original materials and the procedures for obtaining them in the past 800 years. (Li Jiyu).At the same time, they lacked a comprehensive investigation of the shape, ornamentation and inscriptions of the bronzes, so the inference of the age is not reliable.Therefore, when epigraphy came to the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, it was already at the end of the day, and a new direction was needed. With the rise of modern archaeology in China, the knot that had been pent up for more than 800 years was finally opened.Especially with the rapid development of cultural relics and archaeological work, a large number of precious bronze wares have been discovered in various places, especially the discovery of bronze kiln collections and the unearthed rich and colorful bronze wares from kiln collections, which has opened up an unprecedented new world for bronze research. As the birthplace of the Zhou people, Zhouyuan has long been famous for unearthed batches of Western Zhou bronzes.For more than 2,000 years since the Han Dynasty, bronze wares have been unearthed in the Zhouyuan area.The world-famous Dafeng Gui and the Dayu Ding, Dake Ding, and Maogong Ding, which are known as the three rare treasures in China, were unearthed in the ancient land of Zhouyuan.They come from tombs or kiln collections. More than 3,000 Western Zhou bronzes were unearthed in Shaanxi Province after 1950 alone.In particular, the Western Zhou bronze ware kiln collection at the Zhouyuan site between Fufeng and Qishan in Shaanxi Province is rich in burials and has extremely high scientific research value.For example, in 1961, a bronze kiln collection numbered 60F Qijia J4 was discovered near Donghao, Qijia Village, and three bronze gui with the inscription of my father Zhou were unearthed.Thirteen years later, another bronze ware kiln was discovered 30 meters south of this kiln, and seven bronze ware were unearthed. Coincidentally, three of them had a gui cover with my father’s inscription written on them. , in terms of shape and decoration, it completely corresponds to the gui unearthed from J4 inscribed with my father Zhou.It can be seen that they were original artifacts cast at the same time and belonged to the same person, but they were buried in two places for unknown reasons.Another example is the discovery in Qiangjia Village of Zhouyuan in 1974, Dongjia Village, Baijia Village South and other places in 1975. There are many heavy vessels with long inscriptions in sets, which have special research value.In particular, the No. 1 Zhuangbai kiln in Fufeng County, discovered in 1976, contained as many as 103 bronze wares.Bronze wares date from the early, middle, and late Zhou dynasties, and most of them belonged to a clan surnamed Wei.There are more than 20 pieces of bronze inscriptions with more than 30 characters, and one of the famous historical wall plate inscriptions has more than 200 characters.This batch of bronze wares was buried in a rectangular shaft-shaped pit. From the surface, the pit was dug a bit sloppily, and the four corners were quite irregular, but the bronze wares in the pit were placed quite neatly. It seems that the owner of this batch of bronze wares was burying the wares At that time, it was quite calm and meticulous. 從已發現、發掘的西周青銅器本身的特點看，不但數量較商代更多，而且在青銅器鑄造業上的許多方面都達到了前所未有的更高的水準。由於一九五○後發現的銅器窯藏和墓葬，多數經過科學發掘和清理，並按照考古學的嚴格要求，對形制、紋飾、銘文、組合和鑄造工藝等各個方面進行深入的考察，同時對窯藏、墓葬發現的位置、年代以及這些窯藏與周圍其他各種遺跡之間的關係，進行了科學的層位紀錄與對比研究等，為歷史年代學的斷代發揮了重大作用。 率先利用銅器銘文對青銅器進行斷代的，是現代著名學者郭沫若。他在一九三一年所寫的名著《兩周金文辭大系圖錄考釋》一書中，採擷兩周銅器三百餘件，其中西周王臣之器一百六十二件，東周諸侯器一百六十一件。該書首次將現代考古學的類型學方法應用於青銅器之中，根據器銘本身可以表明某王世的器物作為標準器或尺度，以其中的人名、事蹟以至器物本身的造型、花紋、銘文字體等特徵，去判斷別的器物，從而把許多本身並未標明某一王世的銅器歸結在某一王世之下。郭沫若推定西周等時代具銘文青銅器的斷代方法，不但對器物時代鑑定具有重要意義，而且使青銅器銘文進一步具備和增強了科學價值，從而奠定了青銅器斷代的基礎。繼郭沫若之後，有許多學者對西周銅器進行了斷代研究，其中陳夢家、唐蘭、郭寶鈞等學者，在這一領域分別取得了令人矚目的成就。 正因為青銅器的斷代具有如此重要的科學價值，故夏商周斷代工程在醞釀之時，就專門設立了西周青銅器分期研究這一專題，並預定了研究目標：以西周青銅器中銘文可供西周曆譜研究者為主，就其形制、紋飾作考古學的分期斷代研究，為改進西周曆譜研究提供比較可靠的依據。 目標中所謂銘文可供西周曆譜研究的銅器，是指銘文中王年、月序、月相、干支四要素俱全的銅器。其研究任務是從考古學的角度，對這些四要素俱全的銅器進行比較準確的分期斷代，從而使曆譜研究能夠建立在科學而堅實的基礎之上，避免過去那種不顧銅器年代妄加推算的混亂情況。這一專題由中國社會科學院考古研究所研究員王世民負責。 王世民，江蘇徐州人，一九五六年北京大學歷史系考古專業畢業後，到中國科學院考古研究所工作。在文革爆發前的近十年間，在作為考古所副所長、著名考古學家夏鼐學術秘書的同時，還參加由著名甲骨學家、青銅器斷代專家陳夢家主持的《殷周金文集成》的編撰籌備事宜。一九六三年，陳夢家的右派帽子被摘掉，重新回到革命隊伍中來，由他主持的《殷周金文集成》的編撰一事重新上馬，王世民即協助陳夢家作籌備工作。這項工作稍有點眉目時，一九六六年文革爆發，陳夢家身為知名知識份子，躲過了反右一劫，卻未能逃脫文革的厄運，不久即被活活整死，《集成》一事再度擱淺。 陳夢家，原籍浙江上虞，一九一一年四月十二日出生於客居南京的一個牧師家庭。自幼聰穎好學，十六歲考取中央大學法律系，廿歲出版《夢家詩集》，接著又陸續出版了《陳夢家作詩在前線》、《鐵馬集》等詩作，並成為新月詩派的後起之秀。震驚中外的上海一二八事變爆發之時，陳夢家懷著滿腔的愛國熱情，於第二天就和三位同學一道，從南京奔赴上海近郊的南翔前線，加入淞滬抗戰的隊伍之中。在血與火交織的抗日前線，陳夢家以詩人特有的激情和愛國情懷，寫出了一篇篇閃光的詩作，表達了對日本軍國主義侵略者的義憤，熱情謳歌了中國軍民抗戰禦敵、挽民族大廈於狂瀾的豪邁氣概，鼓舞了中國人民抗戰到底的精神鬥志。一九三二年陳夢家隨著名愛國學者、詩人聞一多赴青島，任山東大學中文系助教。在此期間，開始對古文字研究發生興趣。自一九三四年開始，陳夢家入燕京大學國學研究所，成為以容庚教授為導師的古文字學研究生，一九三六年畢業後留校任助教，從此走上了專治古文字和古史的道路。 一九三七年，北平淪陷，清華南遷，成為西南聯大的一部分，陳夢家與許多知識份子一起，由北平南遷昆明，在新組建的西南聯大中文系任教，主要講授中國文字學、《尚書》等課程，並從事古代宗教、禮俗方面的研究。一九四四年九月，陳夢家以客座教授的身分應邀前往美國芝加哥大學東方學院講學，一年之後任哈佛大學哈佛燕京學社不駐校專題研究員，主要考察、研究流散美國各地的中國青銅器。在美期間的三年裡，他先後造訪了上百處公私藏家，親手摩挲千餘種銅器，攝取圖形圖片，打制銘文拓本，對各種情況作了詳細考察和記錄，並於一九四七年編成《美國收藏中國青銅器全集》（英文稿）。一九六二年，此書的中文稿改為《美帝國主義劫掠的我國殷周銅器集錄》，由科學出版社出版。此外，陳夢家還曾遠涉英、法、瑞典、荷蘭等四國首都以及加拿大多倫多，收集當地所藏中國青銅器資料。在他不辭勞苦地奔波和努力下，共有兩千多件國外所見青銅器資料被收集起來，成為國內外青銅器研究領域不可多得的珍貴文獻。 一九四七年秋，陳夢家離開美國回到北平後，在清華大學中文系繼續講授中國文字學等課程。一九五二年秋調至中國科學院考古研究所任研究員，並協助夏鼐副所長主持考古學書刊的編輯出版工作。自此開始，陳夢家進入了學術研究的高峰時期，在短短的幾年間，他精心收集四萬多片甲骨拓本，進行全面的綜合整理，並對董作賓的貞人說和甲骨分期斷代五期說以及十項標準作了補充和修正，對甲骨文分期斷代研究作出了新的貢獻。尤其是他於一九五六年出版七十餘萬字的《殷墟卜辭綜述》一書，全面而系統地總結了甲骨文自一八九九年發現至一九五六年，近五十七年的研究成果，並在充分總結、利用前人研究成果的基礎上，結合自己研究甲骨學的精深造詣，對甲骨文出土及其研究的經過、方法和內容等，特別是分期斷代研究方面進行了科學論述，綜合敘述了卜辭中的各方面內容，在許多方面較前人的研究有了新的突破，並為甲骨學的普及和提高發揮了積極作用。這部自甲骨文發現以來，甲骨學研究領域第一部百科全書式的巨著，在甲骨學史上佔有相當重要的地位，並對國內外學術界產生了較大的影響。 在潛心研究甲骨學的同時，陳夢家又以早年在西南聯大任教時的西周金文講稿為基礎，撰寫另一部巨著《西周銅器斷代》。他認為，年代是歷史的尺度，而先秦史的研究，尤須對此先有明確的規定，然後史事才可能有所依附。但不幸的是兩千年以來，這些年代都在不定之中。學者們所標定的先秦年代，都是根據不甚可靠的材料，擬構而成的。其中共和以前，年代尤為渺茫。今日要定這一段的年代，所憑藉的主要材料有二：一是戰國以來的書籍記錄；一是古器物銘文。前者則以晉代出土的魏國《竹書紀年》最為可貴。其他書籍所記，或失之過晚，不用則可惜，用之則不能盡信。後者則因近代古物學的發達，頗可補文獻之不足，證文獻之可據。此兩種材料若能慎審使用，加以精密考證，先秦年代的疑問，也許可以略略發現一絲曙光。 由於懷著這樣的信念和理想，陳夢家才不惜才力，對西周青銅器作進一步斷代研究。在書中，陳夢家根據自己多年的研究心得，針對西周的年曆問題指出：西周年曆的重擬，應該有步驟的做去。首先做銅器斷代的工作，從花紋、形制和出土地尋求某組某群銅器外在的聯繫，再從銘文內容尋求其內部的聯繫；其次有了若干組、群可以斷代的銅器，就其所記年月的推求各王在位的最低年數，從一個王朝的幾組銅器排比其年月日的曆組；最後由各朝曆組的排比而得西周曆法的大概面貌（曆法可以小小變異的），將前後相連接的銅器曆法組串接起來，在串接過程中可以參考文獻記載的王朝年數。在這樣的治學思想和方法的指導下，陳夢家在陝西省進行西周銅器的斷代研究時，盡可能的徹底清理已有銅器資料，密切關注新的考古發掘與研究成果，不僅深入分析器銘內部的多方面聯繫，而且更注重銘文字形和書體、器物形制和文飾的相互比較，力主在綜合考察的基礎上作出判斷。這一切，對西周銅器研究進一步走上考古類型學的科學軌道，起了重要的推動作用。 一九五五年至一九五六年，是陳夢家在學術研究和人生道路上最為春風得意的兩年。在此期間，他的長篇巨著《西周銅器斷代》部分手稿開始在《考古學報》上連載，並引起學術界的矚目。其早些時候的《尚書通論》、《西周年代考》和《六國紀年》等著作，也在這個時期正式出版或再版。與此同時，他還著手將過去精心收集的海外所見銅器資料，彙編為《中國銅器綜錄》，並很快完成了美國、北歐和加拿大三部分冊。意想不到的是，正當陳夢家處於事業的頂峰時期並忘我勞作之時，災難突然降臨到他的頭上。一九五七年夏，他被劃為右派分子，開始了不明不白的蒙冤之旅。在當時的政治形勢下，他的《西周銅器斷代》被迫停止連載，而已編成的《中國銅器綜錄》分冊，自然也斷了出版的希望。陳夢家從人生與事業的頂峰一下滑入低谷，在精神上蒙受了巨大的壓力和創傷。儘管如此，他還是強忍著精神上的痛苦，堅持不懈地進行學術研究。 一九六三年，經過了六個寒冬的煎熬，陳夢家終於恢復了正常的工作和政治生活，在陽光初露的春天裡，遵照考古所的計畫要求，他開始主持籌備《殷周金文集成》的編纂工作，同時繼續撰寫《西周銅器斷代》一書。令人扼腕的是，一九六六年文化大革命爆發，陳夢家雖躲過了反右一劫，卻逃不脫文化大革命的厄運，他再也無法忍受精神上的折磨和人格的污辱，一九六六年九月三日含冤自戕，年僅五十五歲。而由他所主持編纂和撰寫的《殷周金文集成》與《西周銅器斷代》兩書也隨之擱淺。 文革結束後，隨著新的科學春天的到來，《殷周金文集成》又被提上了議程。由於陳夢家已撒手西歸，這項工作改由夏鼐主持，王世民作為主要助手之一，傾力投入到蒐集資料、考釋、研究與編撰之中。經過多方面的努力，這套書的前幾部自一九八四年開始編撰完成，並陸續出版，至一九九四年，《殷周金文集成》共十八部全部得以出版。這套歷時近四十年，凝聚了兩代考古學家心血和智彗結晶的輝煌巨著，共收集自宋代著錄至廿世紀九○年代初一千多年間有銘文的青銅器一萬二千多件，對青銅器的斷代研究，具有開創性的劃時代意義和影響。 王世民和考古所的張長壽、陳公柔等青銅器專家，在參加編撰《西周金文集成》的同時，遵照夏鼐的指示，也開始了對陳夢家《西周銅器斷代》的整理工作。陳夢家《西周銅器斷代》手稿，曾於一九五五至一九五六年在《考古學報》上連載過，部分內容後隨著政治形勢的驟變而中斷。王世民等將陳氏已發表和未發表的遺稿進行了系統的整理後，由中華書局出版。再後來，王世民作為《中國美術分類全集》（五百冊）其中一個分類《中國青銅器全集》（十六冊）的編委，主持了西周部分（二冊）的編撰工作，將西周青銅器的研究提高到一個新的水準。正因為有了上述經歷和學識，夏商周斷代工程啟動後，關於西周青銅器分期研究的專題任務就落到了他的肩上。 因為有了以前幾十年青銅器研究的經歷，在這個工程專案的研究中，王世民和其他兩位專家都清楚地認識到，過去由於歷史的局限，研究者在考訂西周有銘銅器的年代時，雖已注意到器形和紋飾的比較分析，卻長期缺乏典型墓地的分期成果作為參照，而對西周墓葬出土銅器的研究，也往往與傳世有銘銅器對比不夠。因而，這次研究在迫切需要廣泛收集已有的西周銅器典型資料的同時，還需認真進行考古類型學的排比分析，在重新考察西周銅器主要器類發展譜系的基礎上，進一步明確四要素俱全的銅器的相對年代。 按照以上研究思路，王世民等三位學者，將收集的西周銅器典型資料分為五個部分： 西周高級貴族大墓發掘出土的銅器； 保存情況較好的西周青銅器窖藏； 傳世品中的成組銅器； 零星出土和傳世品中的標準器； 其他有重要銘文的銅器，特別是年、月、月相、干支四要素俱全的銅器。 在研究過程中，王世民等學者根據上述五個方面銅器的圖像資料，選取比較常見的如鼎、鬲、簋、盨、尊等十一種器類共三百五十二件標本，逐類按其形制進行詳細的分型、分式，之後再根據形制和紋飾的差異，將各型器物分為若干式樣。最後，逐件說明標本形制和紋飾的特點，如出土地點、現藏處所、尺寸、銘文內容及與其他器物的關連情況等等，並判斷它們的大體年代。與此同時，還要對西周銅器上常見的幾種變化較多的主體紋飾，例如鳥紋、獸面紋、竊曲紋等進行系統研究。通過排比分析，探討幾種銅器紋飾的演變規律，判明它們的主要流行時間，在不同時期的紋樣特點、裝飾部位以及與其他紋飾的搭配關係等等。最後，根據各類器物形制和紋飾的詳細對比，銘文內容的多方面聯繫，特別是銘文一致和作器者相同的同組關係，以及年代明確的墓葬的同坑關係，綜合起來考察他們的譜系。當這些縝密而繁瑣的工作完成之後，王世民等學者將西周銅器分為早、中、晚三期。各期相當的王世為： 早期：武、成、康、昭 中期：穆、恭、懿、孝、夷 晚期：厲、宣、幽 由於將四要素俱全的銅器置於整個譜系架構中加以考察，這樣所判定的年代就較為客觀合理。 在已發現、發掘的西周青銅器中，年、月、日、紀時詞語和日名干支四要素俱全的共約六十件，其中有器形圖像的約五十一件。經過對諸器的出土情況、形制、紋飾等綜合研究，並與其他相關青銅器做分期斷代，得出如下結論： 西周時期四要素俱全的青銅器分期斷代表 庚嬴鼎：西周早期後段，相當康王前後 二十七年衛簋：西周中期前段，相當穆王前後 鮮簋：西周中期前段，相當穆王時期 三年衛簋：西周中期前段，相當共王前後 五年衛簋：西周中期前段，相當共王前後 九年衛簋：西周中期前段，相當共王前後 走簋：西周中期前段，相當共王前後 十五年趞曹簋：西周中期前段，相當共王時期 休盤：西周中期前段，相當共王前後 獅虎簋：西周中期後段，相當懿王前後 師遽簋蓋：西周中期後段，相當懿王前後 無㠱簋：西周中期後段，相當懿王前後 吳方彞蓋：西周中期後段，相當懿王前後 趩尊：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 王臣簋：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 五年（病，以兴代丙）盨：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 宰獸簋：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 諫簋：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 齊生魯方彞蓋：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 大師虘簋：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 十三年（病，以兴代丙）壺：西周中期後段，相當孝王前後 元年師（旌，以史代生）簋：西周中期後段，相當夷王前後 鄭季盨：西周中期後段，相當夷王前後 散伯車父鼎：西周中期後段，相當夷王前後 五年師（旌，以史代生）簋：西周中期後段，相當夷王前後 番匊生壺：西周中晚期間，相當夷厲前後 伯（窮，以見代躬）父盨：西周中晚期間，相當夷厲前後 牧簋：西周中晚期間，相當夷厲前後 師（狀，以（譽，以臼代與）代爿）簋：西周中晚期間，相當夷厲前後 逆鐘：西周中晚期間，相當夷厲前後 元年師兌簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 三年師兌簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 （鄭，以䙴代奠）簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 柞鐘：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 頌鼎、壺、簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 師（釐，以又代里）簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 大簋蓋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 大鼎：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 伯克壺：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 克鐘、鎛：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 克盨：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 伊簋：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 㝨盤：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 （舛，以鬲代夕）攸從鼎：西周晚期前段，相當厲王前後 晉侯蘇鐘：西周晚期前段，相當厲王時期 此鼎、簋：西周晚期後段，相當宣王前後 （起，以馬代巳）鼎：西周晚期後段，相當宣王前後 兮甲鼎：西周晚期後段，相當宣王時期 虢季子白盤：西周晚期後段，相當宣王時期 吳虎鼎：西周晚期後段，相當宣王時期 善夫山鼎：西周晚期後段，相當宣王前後 需要說明的是，青銅器斷代研究成果，只是排出了西周王年的總體框架，並不能解決全部具體的西周王年。但是，夏商周斷代工程在此基礎上，依據青銅器和一條天象記錄，結合文獻，採取從後往前的方式，來推定西周各王的在位年數。所依據的材料分別是： 西周晚期：吳虎鼎與宣王十八年；晉侯蘇鐘與厲王三十三年。 西周中期：天再旦與懿王元年；虎簋蓋與穆王三十年；鮮簋與穆王三十四年。 西周早期：靜方鼎與古本《竹書記年》昭王之年；《召誥》、《畢命》曆日與成、康之年。 依據工程專家的設想，只要在以上材料中建立起以上七個支點，整個西周王年便可大致排出。 一、吳虎鼎與宣王十八年 一九九二年，長安縣徐家寨村出土了一件銅鼎。徐家寨村位於縣城南約二公里的申店鄉，此處西為神禾原，東為少陵原，潏河從南而來，在徐家寨村南折而西流。這一年，長安縣在此處進行黑河引水工程，就在工程進行的過程中，包括吳虎鼎在內的一堆青銅器被隆隆的推土機推出。由於工地環境複雜，人員混亂，因此當吳虎鼎等青銅器從泥水裡推出時，被現場的民工哄搶一空。長安縣文管會得到此一消息後，立即派人趕往工地展開調查，在有關部門的配合下，吳虎鼎等一大部分出土的青銅器被追回。由於出土地點被破壞，文管會的工作人員已無法知道具體的埋藏情況了。 據長安縣文管會穆曉軍後來發表的文章稱：所出吳虎鼎為立耳，小平沿，半球形深腹，蹄足，口沿下飾竊曲紋帶。竊曲紋為變形夔鳳紋，中間有目，下襯一道弦紋。腹底三足間有三組弦紋，每組兩道。此鼎通高四十一釐米、口徑四十釐米、耳高七•九釐米、耳寬九•五釐米、足高十八釐米、足徑四釐米、壁厚○•五釐米、總重十五•四公斤。 吳虎鼎被追回後，一直放在縣文管會的庫房內收藏。直到一九九七年清查庫房文物，工作人員對此鼎進行剔除土鏽時，才發現了具有重大學術價值的銘文。銘文鐫刻在鼎腹的內壁，共十六行，每行十至十二字，共計一百六十四字。由於一足脫裂，造成了幾個字殘缺不全。經著名歷史學家、古文字學家李學勤及其他專家釋讀後，發現其銘文的內容是： 唯十有八年十又三月既生霸丙戌，王在周康宮夷宮，道入右吳虎，王命善夫豐生、司空雍毅，申剌王命。 從吳虎鼎的器形、紋飾看，具有明顯的西周晚期特徵。據李學勤考釋，銘文中的吳虎非吳氏，吳當讀為虞衡之虞，是官名。銘文中周康宮夷宮當為夷王之廟。而銘文中的剌王當為厲王，由此可知這是一件目前最為明確無誤的宣王時銅器。曆日中的惟十有八年即宣王十八年。學術界一般認為宣王時已有確切紀年，宣王十八年即西元前八一○年。由於有了宣王紀年的準確定點，將此器與其他青銅器關聯校正，在證明《史記》紀年可信的同時、可以將此鼎銘文中記載的日曆作西周晚期年代的一個重要支點。 二、晉侯蘇鐘與善夫山鼎 一九九二年秋，山西省天馬︱曲村晉侯墓地M8號墓遭到了盜掘。盜墓賊將墓室東南角用炸藥爆破成一個豎井狀的坑道後，順坑道下挖至槨室東南角的底部，然後再向西橫穿一個圓洞直接棺槨的足端。正當盜墓賊順洞而入並瘋狂地在墓中劫掠器物時，被當地村民發現，由於村民的制止和報警，盜墓賊攜帶部分珍貴文物倉惶逃離。 鑑於該墓葬已慘遭洗劫和破壞，經國家文物局批准，北京大學考古系與山西省考古研究所共同組成考古隊，對