Chapter 14 Thirteen. Isthmus and Sea Power

If we decide that our interests and dignity require rights based on our own power to enforce them, and not on the will of some other nation, we need to make ourselves aware that the power of transoceanic traffic Freedom depends on control of the Caribbean Sea, through which all roads to the Isthmus pass. For more than four hundred years, a great idea has been held in the minds of men.Although it is only one of those fundamental ideas that have a certain inevitability in terms of the breadth and portent of its existence, it is the earliest and the most rapid in the thought of Christopher Columbus. thing.In a vision dimly seen through the poor and inaccurate knowledge of his age, Columbus sketched out a close and convenient line of communication by means of the sea, a great bond between nations.It ends at two ancient and distinct civilizations: one centered on the Mediterranean Sea, the source of Europe's commerce, quintessence and culture; Khan's dominion and the fertile islands upon his breast.Until now, the two lands have been separated by a large swath of land that took years of arduous and dangerous travel.From time to time, a traveler may trek from one place to another.However, in the early years, it was impossible to maintain continuous exchanges of influence and interests between these two places through land.And it is these, albeit on a limited scale, that have contributed to the strengths and development of the peoples of the Mediterranean region.The microscopic world above the ocean surrounded by land was the epitome of the larger national society later.From ancient times to the present, these countries have been maintained one after another by the bond of common interests by this vast and open ocean, and the barrier of the ocean in turn only weaves them more tightly.Because of this, despite being in a glass from which nothing can be seen, Columbus saw, convinced, and accepted something certain with his insightful eyes.As the intrepid adventurer proceeded by faith rather than by sight, taking the first step in the great progress that was approaching and not yet finished today, he had few dreams of trekking along his course into an unknown land. The specific actions will be regarded as the main place of his honor by later generations.This only dilutes the uncompromising brilliance of his great ideas and prevents their application to the very distant future.

The story of the actual deeds of Columbus is well known to you readers, and need not be repeated here.Although the short-lived victorious glory of his first return voyage was followed by a great deal of disappointment and humiliation that hung over the rest of his life, Columbus did not take pains to recognize that the problems associated with it were impossible at the time. fixed.Like many prophets before him, he did not know what were the habits of thought of his day, nor what was the spirit which seemed to him predictable but would be ignored and reduced to nothing among the comfortable. .The fact that a desolate land inhabited by savages and half-savages had been added to the known world did little to arouse him from the dream of glory and gold that had long attracted him.The western lands he discovered actually became an obstacle for the ship to continue moving towards his long-awaited goal, as insurmountable obstacles as the many mountain ridges and violently undulating terrain in Asia, but fortunately all these did not enter his vision .The strait of undiscovered secrets, through which Columbus hoped to pass until the end of his life, fascinated him by its protracted absence, and kept him alive with hope and intellectual activity.If he had known the real facts, perhaps these would have decayed.

On his last voyage, the great adventurer approached the American continent, and explored along its shores.The real secret of the strait is hidden in this area, and people's efforts may make it come from a dream to reality.In the autumn of 1502, after much trial and misfortune, Columbus, sailing close to the southern coast of Cuba, reached the northern coast of Honduras.Nothing but his own unexplained convictions explained why he continued sailing in one direction rather than another.After some reflection, though, Columbus believed that the strait he was looking for lay to the south rather than the north.So he turned eastward, though it was against the wind.After a hard fight against the wind, he turned back to Cape Gracias Adios.To his great relief he found that the course of the coast at last allowed him to sail with the wind in his desired course.Over the next two months, he explored the coast as far as Portobelo, discovering and surveying several hitherto historically important inlets on land, including the mouth of the San Juan River and Chiriqui Lagoon. The name of a major part of Admiral's Bay is still reminiscent of other sites of Columbus's visit.Columbus also traveled a little east from Portobelo to a point known to the Spaniards at the time as having been there from Trinidad.The explorer therefore affirmed that there was no break in the solid coast from the above-mentioned point to the Yucatan.It was this coast that blocked his way to Asia.

Thus, shortly before Columbus died in 1504, he had visited every possible location in that land where transoceanic waterways existed.It was not until ten years later, when Balboa, according to native accounts, got to be the first European to see the South Seas which for a long time referred vaguely to the Pacific Ocean, for the sake of its bearing to its discoverers Only when the honor of the land is given, one realizes how narrow the insurmountable barrier is, and how alluring the remarkable facility of penetrating it is afforded by the landscape.During these early years, the history of the region we now call Mesoamerica was marked by continual feuds between Spanish chiefs of various stripes;On the other hand, though, history also shows uninterrupted adventurous exploration, and the restless, unscrupulous energy that fueled the aforementioned internal strife finds better expression here.In January, 1522, Jill Gonzalez set out from Panama with some weak three-masted ships, heading north along the Pacific coast.In March, he discovered Lake Nicaragua, named after a Nicaragua or Nicaraau chief who lived on its shores.Five years later, another adventurer set sail to explore the remaining unknown parts of the coast. He came to Lake Nicaragua and circled it, finding that its outlet was the San Juan River.It was only a quarter of a century before Columbus reached the mouth of the river.

The conquest of Peru, the gradual increase of Spanish control and settlements in Mesoamerica and along the Pacific coast soon brought the isthmus to an importance which clearly shows the importance of American acquisition of California and expansion along the Pacific coast. The isthmus then has one of the most important political significance and functions.At that time, the long and arduous passage around Cape Horn, both ancient and modern, has prompted the desire for some shorter and less perilous route.Despite its hassles of loading and unloading, overland transport was a relatively good alternative before the age of steam, and remains so to a certain extent today.The Isthmus and its vicinity thus became a major commercial center at that time.Many routes diverged and merged here; East and West met here, sometimes in friendly terms, but often in confrontation and conflict.In this way, Columbus's idea was only partially and very incompletely realized.After many ups and downs.This conception is still in a state of being only partially and incompletely realized, although later years have greatly expanded it.The mystery of the Channel is still the crux of the problem and the source of people's grievances.

Whatever the reason, the location of the aforementioned business center has been a focus of general interest.At least for those peoples who, whether directly involved in commerce or not, had a stake in the far-reaching pros and cons of trade changes.However, enterprising business nations will not just passively accept those adverse effects.Those characteristics that make them make them necessarily desire to bring those key areas under control.Mastering them, like mastering military points, can have a decisive influence on the routes of trade, and thus on the struggle not only related to mere survival, but to the growth of wealth and prosperity, which is related to the welfare and dignity of the country. .As a result, in the particular habits and circumstances of each age, the desire for control can be seen manifesting; sometimes it is hidden in a mere defensive attitude; Action, and spill out into diplomatic strife or hostile clashes.

It follows that the history of the Isthmus of Mesoamerica revolves around a struggle for control, ever since it was seen as the natural center to which, if not negatively hindered, the flow of intercourse between East and West would necessarily have poured history.Natural conditions clearly show that this area lies in the direction of the least hindered communication mentioned above.Moreover, from earlier times until recently, the confluence of factors inherent in the general character of the region and elements of chance and randomness accentuated and strengthened the barrier between the two oceans based on its geographical location and natural form. importance.For centuries the West Indies, which surround the Caribbean Sea and guard the outer passage to the Isthmus, have been the greatest and only source of the tropical produce which has become increasingly indispensable to the civilized nations of Europe.Control of the West Indies and the continental regions on either side of the Isthmus gave Britain the main support for its commerce during its life-and-death struggle with Napoleon I, a mere struggle for survival.This alone gave Britain the ultimate victory.The Isthmus and the Caribbean were therefore key factors in determining the outcome of that grim conflict.Also, over the centuries the wealth of Mexico and Peru on which the strength of the vast but decaying Spanish military kingdom depended was first sent to the Isthmus and joined with tribute from the Philippine Port on the Iberian Peninsula.When the above-mentioned factors, so decisive for European politics, were in an extraordinary state, it was inevitable that competing states, whether in peace or in a state of open war, would scramble to achieve their goals; The struggle has its ups and downs over control of the waters.In any sea, such control must depend chiefly on naval superiority, but also partly on the knowledge of those crucial points.In this regard, Napoleon said that war is an activity about points.The isthmus is one of the most important of these points.

So the wanton aggressiveness and blood-smelling cruelty of the early raiders was not just a ruthless expression of merciless greed.These people undoubtedly embody this, but they have other meanings as well.In the course of history, the early marauders have played the same role as the vulgar and lawless adventurers who came after them.The latter are today the harbingers of the ruthlessly advancing civilized man, swarming the regions, occupying the outposts, and staining the good reputation of the race they lead by their excesses.Yet, for all the filth and reproach they bring to their group, they are still part of it, endowed with their essential character and predestined its inescapable course.The driftwood is swept forward by the top of the turbulence, and they symbolize the incoming tide.Such was the case with the famous marauders of the Spanish continental colonies.They belonged to the same class of people, though they differed greatly in their temperaments, horizons, and even nobleness of purpose.Their raids not only revealed the wealth of the areas they exploited, but also demonstrated that the acquisition of wealth actually depended on the commercial and strategic importance of the location where it was located.The carrion lay there, and the sharp-eyed hawks and common scavengers flocked about it.A mercenary chief said two centuries ago: The corruption of Greenwood seems to me impossible, if one knows that there is a sea route between Lake Nicaragua and the northern and southern seas that depend on it.

Over time, by a sort of natural selection, the struggle over dominion inevitably led to the growing dominance of the peoples of the British Isles.In them, business pioneering spirit and political characteristics are so beautifully blended together.The extension of their power and influence was due to the absence of laws at that time, which allowed a country to freely develop its inherent talents; whereas our large number of definite customs, institutions and international laws today impose certain some constraints.Although these things are happily compatible with the maintenance and functioning of a political system; however appropriate they are, they are artificial in nature and therefore inappropriate for a transitional state, a period of : Order emerges from chaos, and whether an outcome lasts or not actually corresponds to the degree to which natural forces are allowed to function freely and achieve their own balance without external intervention.Such periods are not merely the early lawless days; whenever the conduct of the state produces a crisis, whenever ancient traditions, accepted creeds, or written rules are partially or completely invalidated, whenever It reappears when a people realizes that the time has come for its own expansion that the political minds of its predecessors have set no longer apply to its own and the world's changes.The question, therefore, is not whether the established arrangement should be respected, but how to revise it in time so that the genius and the revived intellect of a people may be set free without violating the fundamental laws ultimately determining the stability of the nation. display.It is a striking feature of our present press that the unfortunate shackles of our faith by the steadfast dogmas of a past generation are visible at a glance; Raised at will to prevent the necessary development of this nation from extending its power to its vast bordering seas and the world beyond.

During the important centuries that Britain went through a period of expansion in its history, from a very insignificant country, by means of the sea, to becoming the cornerstone and foundation of the commercial and at one time political structure of Europe, its statesmen and citizens Our freedom of action was never at all limited by an unsavory sense that a nation's gifts and talents were in conflict with artificial, self-imposed constraints.With an energy and initiative that grew stronger and more forward-looking with each passing year, England entered into the struggle among nations that followed the discovery of a new world.British sailors and colonists were in every sea and every region.But in those districts which would have endowed England with material wealth, though the political talent and tradition of the Englishmen enabled them to establish self-governing colonies, to which one of the greatest free nations stands out, they did not and never found, Possession and domination of a savage, semi-civilized, or less vigorous tropical group is inconsistent with maintaining political liberty within its home country.And in British domestic life the great vigor of the broad principles of liberty is amply demonstrated by the steady growth and vigor of the country over the centuries.But, in any case, the laws of nature are irreversible in the long run, after all, no weak timidity can prevent England from acquiring great power; this alone can fulfill her mission and enforce her laws.In short, no artificial shackles were created to restrain British behavior, and no political narcotics were injected into Britain to hinder the growth of the country.

In the region now being dealt with, Great Britain enters into the competition at a great disadvantage.When the dawn of a new age dawned and England saw her true greatness, the maritime and colonial enterprise that was the symbol of Queen Elizabeth's reign burst forth radiantly.However, facing it is the strong power of Spain; at this time, Spain has obviously not gone downhill, and it still holds most of the important places in the Caribbean and the Spanish American continent, and claims the right to withdraw other countries from the world. This part of the expulsion.It is well known that such claims have been met with very strong opposition.If there were many such grievances against the British before, it would be an inevitable call to push Britain off the course that shaped its future status.The same arguments are used today to prevent our country from gaining those benefits which would have fallen into British hands.If it is true that British maritime policy today is in part determined by the present needs of the islands which form the core of British power, then no such needs of others would prompt Britain to claim a share of influence in the world and of the interstate A role in a grand drama.Nor would it be for such a reason to engage in perhaps the most sublime struggle ever waged by man.And we can say to them what Britain says to us today, why go outside your own borders?You have enough within your borders to meet your needs and those of your people.You still have all kinds of internal ills that need to be corrected, and all kinds of sorrows that need to be comforted.Just let the outside world go by it.If you are attacked, be on your defense, but be careful to keep your preparations as far as possible from imprudent situations.Spheres of influence, roles in the world, national prestige, none of these things exist; even if there might be, it's not worth fighting for.What would Britain have become if it had explored in this way?This is a matter of guesswork.What is certain, however, is that the world will be poorer. In the first half of the seventeenth century, when Spain's power was rapidly declining, the domestic turmoil, culminating in the Great Rebellion, which for a time absorbed the English energies, also slowed down British foreign business.The forward momentum created by Drake, Raleigh and their peers was lost, as was the opportunity that came with the depletion of Spain, the arch enemy.But, though temporarily restrained, Britain's tendencies remained unchanged; and, as Cromwell put an iron fist to quelling domestic turmoil, it quickly regained its dominance.Cromwell's able statecraft and the imperatives of his domestic policy gave Britain a powerful voice on the seas; not only to gain the respect of the outside world which Cromwell desperately needed, but also to make Britain's frontiers exert its due influence on the outside world.The nation reacted swiftly to Cromwell's impassioned call, and regained a passion for embarking on the road to sea power that had never waned since.As far as Cromwell was concerned, his move to put the world's shipping trade in British hands was right.From a modern point of view, it may not be the most wise economically, but it is very reasonable from the situation of his time. It was from the brief reign of Cromwell that the British Navy established its majesty as a well-organized force; It is the most decisive point in the Caribbean Sea for controlling the isthmus, and it has laid a solid foundation for the development of his country's sea power in this sea area.Indeed, it was the failure of the British general to achieve Cromwell's more pressing goal of taking Santo Domingo that led to the success of the attempt against Jamaica, so these specific events that brought good luck to the British factually random, but this incident only serves to show more forcefully that if a general course of policy, military or political, is correctly chosen on sound principles, accidental misfortune or failure cannot Conceive how much damage is done.The judicious and far-sighted motive for Cromwell's action against the Spanish West Indies was to challenge the latter's claim to a monopoly on this fertile territory.He saw British expansion in the archipelago as merely a prelude to domination of the neighboring continent. Historians are often in the dark about the real reasons why Britain rose to the top of the nation and maintained it for so long.An unusual remark on this is that writers who lived as differently from each other as Homer and later J. R. Green in terms of epochs and characters should learn from the protector of Cromwell. In the midst of profound deeds, explore why there is such a dull understanding that he embodies a conservative and unthinking disposition misled by religious enthusiasm.In their view, a statesman of sagacity would focus his eyes on the rising power of France and sense the beginning of a major struggle for supremacy under Louis XIV.But it was estimated that such a course would only repeat the fatal error of the great prince, which deprived France forever of her control of the sea, the surest source of the country's prosperity.If Britain makes such a mistake.It has harmed the island nation far more than its mainland rivals have actually suffered.Hallam saw it better, saying that when Cromwell declared war on Spain and attacked its West Indies, he did not have much justification.But, as I thought, none of the blunders for which he was sometimes reproached were involved.He was so blessed that the failure of the expedition gave England a possession more profitable than any success of any previous king.This is basically true, since Cromwell's stars are well placed to seek luck by the sea, not on land. The great purpose of the Yuan Protector could not be better fulfilled with his untimely death.His death may have considerably hindered the actual British occupation of the Isthmus; with his strong hand, it might have been possible.Still, his intentions loom large in the aims of the British people.In it, one can feel the impact of the rule of Charles II and James II, who were weak to the outside world, on the raiding activities of the looters.With the accession of William of Orange to the English throne, the ambitions of the British government were once again heightened, and the disorganized activities of the raiders were brought together under a definite national policy.Although temporary events sometimes derailed the implementation of this policy, it was clearly incorporated into the firm aims expressed by Britain in 1702 when it intervened in the War of the Spanish Succession.From the time of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, which ended the war, the same project was pursued intensively by the British, with steady success, and gradually with the control of the two oceans passing through the Isthmus. The concept of transportation is integrated.The most famous example of this was an effort by Nelson, then only a captain, in 1780.At that time, he cooperated with land forces to occupy the course of the San Juan River, so as to obtain the inter-oceanic passage through Lake Nicaragua.The result of this attempt was disastrous, both for climatic reasons and because the Spaniards, rightly aware of the importance of the region, built a series of no less than a dozen strong fortifications between the lake and the sea. Difficulties such as those encountered by Nelson hampered British advances in the area.Although Britain knew and cared about the benefits of actual possession, which it benefited from elsewhere, Spain's long-established occupation prevented it from using the means of gaining control.In a broad sense, it can be said that the key to Britain's final emergence as the dominant factor in the political system of the West Indies and Isthmus region was its sea power.England was the great trader, source of supplies and intermediary of communication between the different colonies and with the outside world.Britain's powerful navy protected and maintained the capital and shipping of communications.Except on rare occasions, this navy is perfectly capable of its tasks.Therefore, although the British cannot use and deploy the resources of other countries in the same way as their own property, the British can also firmly use various commercial transactions to benefit from them, just as the rigid and narrow rule of the Spaniards made possible. .This fact is instructive because the situation today is virtually the same as it was a century ago.Territorial encroachment still exists among nations and races which have not yet acquired the ability to exploit their natural endowments in ways that do not depend on other nations and things.Control remains tied to those nations whose ships, capital, and merchants support the industrial system of a region, if these factors are also supported by naval power sufficient to meet the needs of every conceivable military situation.For any external country, control over the Sino-US isthmus means naval control, the dominance of the navy.The possession of land is at best an auxiliary factor to this. These, in short, were the general situation until the Spanish colonial empire began to disintegrate between 1808 and 1810 and the industrial system of the West Indies shrank with the gradual abolition of slavery.The co-occurrence of these two decisive events and the ensuing ambiguity of the political and economic situation quickly reduced the isthmus and the passage to it to a level of insignificance, a status of which the islands have not yet recovered.The status of the isthmus has risen to some extent; however, its importance is determined by more permanent causes in the natural order than by those islands which exercise some influence over the occupants of the isthmus.Thus, after a period of relative indifference, when the expansion of the United States towards the Pacific brought on the agenda the establishment of a convenient and safe communication link between our two coasts, the isthmus served as a A key political factor has become compelling.The need to solve this complex problem was exacerbated by the Mexican War, the acquisition of California, the discovery of gold there, and the frenzy of digging that followed.This has an absolute stake in the United States because of its geography bordering on two oceans.But while the United States has an overwhelming interest in this issue, the issue is not entirely American; other countries also have a large, important, albeit less critical, interest in it.However, so long as there is a logical distinction between business and politics, it can be said that our country's interests in the above-mentioned issues are both commercial and political, while the interests of other countries are almost purely commercial. The same national character that made England the chief competitor in all important matters concerning the seas, and Holland in the Mediterranean, and France in the East Indies, and Spain in the West Indies, makes it today a firm interest in our country against the Isthmus. Ask to be against.Cromwell's policy of methodical invasion of the Caribbean and expansion and training of the navy resulted in a situation where the status of British naval strongholds in this area did not match the strength of its naval power.Moreover, as Great Britain had a vital natural interest in being a great maritime power and in the opening of every new sea-route for commerce, it was inevitable that she would scrutinize every proposal for a change in the present arrangement with suspicion.Britain knows it has to use its strength to bolster its position at a time when issues can only be resolved through finality. But while it is clear that a possible transoceanic canal has a greater real stake in Britain in terms of the nature of the British colonies and the character of British power which are fundamental to the well-being of its citizens, Britain secretly recognizes that we are openly All the problems of traffic on the Isthmus emphasized have a more immediate and immediate effect on the progress, security, and honor of our country than on them.Britain has evidently felt this way, as can be seen in her conduct in the face of our staunch opposition, when it has shown that control of the Isthmus is clearly the object of her operation.The situation in which the opening of the canal will confer superior advantages on our country, so long as the change in this respect is purely commercial, it will be to some extent unfavorable to England, for the result will be a rivalry between our Atlantic coast and England. The frontiers of that manufacturing and commercial nation were nearer to the Pacific Ocean than they are at present, and closer to many points on it than England is.Roughly speaking, as the reader can easily understand without a map in front of him, Liverpool and New York are currently equidistant by water from all points on the west coast of America from Valparaiso to British Columbia.This is due to the fact that ships traversing the Strait of Magellan from both ports must pass through a triangle on Brazil's east coast that is nearly equal in distance from each port.If there is a Nicaragua Canal, ships departing from New York pass through this canal, while ships departing from Liverpool use the Suez Canal, from these two cities to the Pacific Ocean, roughly passing through Yokohama, Shanghai, Hong Kong and Melbourne or along Japan, China and East Asia. The routes off the coast of Australia will be of equal length.In short, instead of the east coast of the Pacific, its west coast will be at the same sailing distance from Liverpool and New York; and points on the ocean east of Japan, China, and Australia, say the Hawaiian Islands, will be farther from New York than from Liverpool. close. A contemporary British contributor estimates that competition based on these circumstances would negatively affect about one-eighth of the British Isles' current trade.However, although this situation may attract British attention, it has only political, that is, indirect significance in terms of the impact of commercial prosperity or hardship on the contemporary history of a country.It is not seriously concerned with the first questions which determine the integrity or security of the British Empire, since the principal parts of these questions are located where the Suez Canal is the link of interconnection and the shortest line of communication. area.Of the British dependencies, those in the Eastern Pacific are the fewest and least important, and the Isthmus Canal could only have had the greatest effect on the connection of the Eastern Pacific with the world at large and with ourselves in particular. The chief political result of the Isthmus Canal will be to bring our Pacific coast closer to our Atlantic coast and more accessible to the major naval powers of Europe.So, despite the commercial advantages of unimpeded water transport, and this is clearly shown in a scathing review in a major magazine that apparently supports transcontinental land transport, it recently made the paradox that water transport was Land transport is out of date, but the canal is also an element that would create considerable vulnerability for the United States from a military point of view.Except for the optimists who believe that the perfection of human nature will render war an unthinkable thing, these considerations must lead to serious consideration of the policy that the United States will adopt. So far, this issue has only triggered diplomatic arrangements and discussions, and it can be expected that this limit may never be exceeded.However, the series of misunderstandings and high-profile disputes that followed the Clayton-Brinwald Treaty, and the dissatisfaction that still exists in many in our country about the current state of implementation of the Treaty, reminds us as a nation that concepts to guide our actions.These ideas should be so generally adhered to that they cannot be set aside by simple changes of government or capricious changes of public will.A sound discussion that helps to clarify and define public opinion on matters of great importance can never be incomplete. From the time when the Monroe Doctrine was only in the form and in the mind to the mid-nineteenth century, the specific and more or less realistic manifestation of the relevant issue was the safety of the trans-isthmus shipping route against foreign interference.As an attempt to solve this problem, on April 19, 1850, what is often referred to as the Treaty of Clayton-Brinwaw was concluded.At that time, Britain was holding some strongholds on the mainland and some surrounding islands.這些地盤不僅有利於軍事上的控制，也有利於進行政治干涉。英國獲得它們是依賴於實際上是源於對牙買加的佔有，由此可證明克倫威爾的預想是合理的。在這些地盤中，瀕臨洪都拉斯灣、緊鄰尤卡坦的南界，由一條二百英里長的海濱地帶構成的伯利茲離地峽是如此之遠，從而不可能和運河問題發生什麼關連，以至於美國的談判者在當時願意不把英國對它的佔有當成一個問題所在，對於英國在那裡的權利既沒有承認也沒有否認。伯利茲由英國劫掠者首先佔領，他們在牙買加落入英國手中之後幾年進入了這一地區並且不再撤出。他們在那砍裡伐原木，並成功地保住了自己的地盤，沒讓西班牙驅逐他們的努力得逞。後來，他們的佔領權和砍伐樹木的權利為條約所承認。在克萊頓-布林沃條約簽訂之後，通過一八五九年瓜地馬拉締結的一個協定，英國在伯里茲的居民點就成為了它的一塊保有地。再往後，在一八六二年，經過皇室的批准，這個昔日的居民點和最近的保有地成為了受牙買加當局管轄的一塊正式的殖民地。在存在有瓜地馬拉這個中美洲國家的情形下，這構成了中美洲的英國領地的顯著擴展，而這是與克萊頓-布林沃條約的規定不符的。 英國更重要的一個要求是指向莫斯基托海岸保護地。據英國人理解，該地帶從格拉西亞斯阿迪奧斯角向南延伸至聖胡安河。就其根據而言，英國要求的權利沒有怎麼超出文明人和野蠻人之間在任何時間和任何地點達成的許多類似的交易的範圍。在一六八七年，也就是英國獲得牙買加島二十年之後，住在上述地區的原始人的一位首領被帶到了牙買加。他接受了一些廉價的小禮物，然後同意了英國對當地的保護。在西班牙對該地區的控制延續期間，這兩國之間不時有一些爭吵和戰鬥。當後來問題被提至了英國和美國之間時，後者拒絕承認英國所謂的保護。在它看來，該保護權是建立在和當時西班牙的優先權相抵觸的不充分的法律基礎之上的；前者的權利在尼加拉瓜取得了獨立之後應被認為轉給了尼加拉瓜。由於莫斯基托海岸離未來的運河極近，因此它的歸屬絕對不會被視作雞毛蒜皮的小事。針對著海灣群島、努阿坦群島我們也應具有類似的考慮。它們分佈於洪都拉斯灣的南翼，靠近洪都拉斯共和國海岸；一旦有著強大的海軍力量的控制，伯利茲和莫斯基托海岸之間可以憑藉它們取得聯絡。當時，美國主張這些正由英國佔據的島嶼完全屬於洪都拉斯。 面對著實際的英國佔領狀況，當時迫切想使爭議地區轉讓給說西班牙語的各美洲共和國的美國談判者看來對於有關議題對未來的影響注意甚少。在那時，人們的思想和今天一樣儘管多了將近半個世紀的有用的經歷，受那種憎惡對外領土兼並的共和國創建者確立的傳統信念的支配，結果，在考慮英國從莫斯基托海岸和海灣群島這些並無權利而且實際上只給其製造了爭端的地區退出時，我們和英國人一樣，無條件地承擔了不在中美洲謀取領土，並為擬議中的運河及任何其他可能被修建的運河的中立提供保證的義務。一個特殊的條款也被列入了條約之中。這個第八款清晰地聲明，兩國政府的願望不是實現一個具體的目標，而是建立一個普遍原則。 後來的情形是，將海灣群島和莫斯基托海岸歸還給洪都拉斯和尼加拉瓜的事宜受到了很大的耽擱。與之相伴的是美國與英國之間冗長的討論和嚴重的誤解。後者扣住條約的字眼，聲稱它只是不被允許在條約訂立之後再在中美洲獲得領土；而我國政府強調並一貫地向其代表說明：美國的理解是協定確定了對任何現在和將來的佔有局面的放棄。如果看了條約的第一款，不能不叫人感到，雖然實踐可能不是那麼講究情理，但條約的措詞既可以支持英國的立場也可以為美國談判者純真的信心提供根據。這個印象是有趣的，主要是因為它顯示了一方從除道義之外的任何方面看，它的主張都相對缺乏力度的迫切，另一方實際的佔有和海軍力量賦予了它在討價還價方面的明顯優勢的謹慎。不過，到了一八六○年，上述地區還是被歸還了，克萊頓-布林沃條約在這以後仍然是一項規定著在地峽問題上我們和英國間的關係的國際協定。 對於隨後那些圍繞著這個倒楣條約的爭執，沒必要詳細地敘述。對於任何約束了我們對於美洲的大陸及海洋的影響與控制力的正式規定。以及在一八五○年過於性急地作出的以求得到當時我們的弱小地位尚無法爭取來的好處的原則上的讓步，我們的國家只能抱以遺憾和怨恨。今天，當我們比昔日在潛在的意義上要強大得多的時候，必不可少的需要令我們焦躁不安。和以前一樣，條約的存在對英國的利益有好處。只要美國還不無所慮地反對任何對地峽地區的外部干涉，同時也不採取步驟以制定一項政策或發展一種能力，從而賦予它自己的主張以條理與力量，英國由於它的海上地位，它的海軍力量和它的無處不在的資本，仍將長期地把握對於任何可能的事態的絕對控制力。 在這裡，英國方面最近的一份對於集中反映在了克萊頓-布林沃條約中的英國的地峽政策的非官方的評價可能令人感興趣。它講道，美國被認為是英國在貿易方面的一個嶄露頭角的可怕對手。面對著所估計的對於一般意義上的歐洲貿易尤其是英國的貿易的不利因素，站在中美洲運河的角度上，看到自己控制最可能的運河所在地（尼加拉瓜）的最後嘗試歸於失敗的英國政治家已實現了符合英國的貿易利益的下一個最佳目標。他們把修建運河的擔子拋給另一個國家；它（美國）將從運河的修建中得到最多的利益且必定會希望將其他國家排除在外，但同時它又極不可能在其尚未得到充分開發的國土之外成年累月地進行如此浩大的一項工作。與此同時，他們還通過達成一項旨在使運河的中立在其建成之後得到尊重的共同保證，嫻熟地將那個國家束縛住以順應英國對海權的需要。這樣，既能使運河的開鑿被無限推遲，但又不至於使對於建立有利於英國航運貿易的有效海洋控制必不可少的實質性好處有所損失。 這一段文字是否確實表露了連續幾屆英國政府的如意算盤尚可疑問，但它卻是對於實際情形的準確、充分的評述，只要我國繼續其高談闊論卻又無所作為的政策的話。我們要別人出去，自己卻又拒絕進來。無疑，我們在中立方面做得夠好的了，因為我們將自己中立了起來，另一方面卻讓其他強國任其需要而大展身手。 在我們這樣的一個國家，國家政策就是公眾的意志。公眾意志和一般的流行觀念極為不同，它所導致的是一種與那種不時得到衝動表達的脆弱情緒不同的豪情壯志。就其被廣泛理解和認同的意義而言，門羅主義是一種十分含糊不清的流行觀念。在地峽問題上，它幾乎淪落到了黯然無光的地步。對於那些關注著地峽的人來說，站在哥倫布這位偉大發現者的希冀中望去，地峽那兒寄託著一個時代的徵兆；在這個時代中，令哥倫布魂牽夢繞的海峽的展現將把東西方拉入更緊密的聯繫之中。不過，時間已經引入了另一個哥倫布未曾想到的、和海峽相關的因素一個位於他所知道的西方和他所尋找的東方之間的偉大國家，它伸展於他無意識地發現的大陸之上，東西方在此相聚合。對這樣一個國家，一個對海峽的控制對它來說即使不是生存的需要，至少也是充分發展和國家安全的需要的國家。有誰能否認它無權對於一個對其至關重要的地區發揮決定性的影響？誰也不能否認，除了它自己的人民；可是它的人民就這樣做了。也許不是在口頭上，而是在行動上。為此不要忘記這點：在一個有利的時刻，無所作為與採取最有力的積極行動相比，雖然不是那麼合理，但也是有著同樣實際的影響的行為。 一貫且協調得當的行動取決於堅定的信念；而合理的、將體現在一項健全、始終如一的國家政策之中的信念必定來源於參照過去經驗的對於當前形勢的細緻思考。在這裡，對於歷史教訓的真實意義和將其應用於現實的方式，一開始無疑會出現相當的意見分歧。不過對於這些不同不必覺得遺憾，它們的出現表明了所引起的關注；一旦討論變得廣泛和充滿活力，我們可以期望看到一種健康的、與現實相合拍的公眾情緒的逐漸形成。令人反感和擔憂的是懶洋洋地隨波逐流，對於正在走近的必須採取行動的時刻任意地置之不理，對於擺脫在時機來臨之時可能對我們抓住機會有所妨礙的那些束縛如果在我們的憲法或傳統偏見中有這些東西的話漫不經心、磨磨蹭蹭。不管尚未解決的夏威夷問題包含著什麼具體的東西，幾乎不能否認關於它的討論顯示了那些障礙因素的存在，即將這樣的情形僅僅看成是一個孤立的現象，而不是一個對於廣泛的國家政策問題下定決心的時刻已經到來的警示。有兩種意見並不是壞事，極為糟糕的是長時間地遊移於其間。 有一種意見毋須說筆者對其並不贊同認為，在未和某個大國發生武裝衝突的情形下，許多年已經過去，因此歷史教導我們不可能發生這樣的衝突；而且，事實上，我們在有組織的軍事力量方面越弱，就越容易會被我們的對手接受我們的觀點。與此種看法緊密相關的是對於任何本能地要求將我們的武裝力量投射到圍繞我國海岸的水域之外的政治行動的頑固排斥。不過，因為在地峽地區發揮我國的決定性影響的合理、天然的要求迄今已引起了關注，可以認定沒有什麼情況能使我們斷然否認這一要求。 在筆者看來，事情的真實狀況更接近於如下所說：自從我國在一個世紀之前誕生以來，除了在一八五○年左右經歷了一個短暫的悸動，我們一直認為中美洲地峽的重要性僅是潛在的、隱而未發的。但是，儘管這種重要性一時不是那麼鮮明，地峽地區的位置和形態的固有特點還是決定了它不能脫離世界其他地區而存在，因而只能在外部環境的變化隨時機成熟而發生時才變得具體。如今，這種變化的跡象一眼可見，足以引起人們的注意。我國土地上人口的迅速增長至少使人注意到了兩點：太平洋沿岸各州的發展增強了太平洋對於整個世界、尤其是我們自己的商業和政治重要性；另一方面，這個國家的創造力及其在三個方向上向海洋的抵及促使它必然要尋求朝向其他地區的出口和道路。在這種可能沒有完全到來但顯然正在到來的形勢下，一條人工水道的重要性顯而易見是不用強調的。它將使我國的大西洋海岸有能力在平等的、涉及到距離的條件下，針對著東亞的市場與歐洲展開競爭：將使從紐約到三藩市的航路縮短三分之二，至瓦爾帕萊索的航路縮短一半。 從這些情況下可以察覺到，運河肯定會被開闢。不過，一旦修成，運河不會只對我們自己有利，雖然主要是對我們有好處。許多原因加在一起會使歐洲和東方的貿易繼續依託經過蘇伊士運河的航線；但對於美國的太平洋海岸地區來說，地峽運河將為它的一類占相當份量的貿易提供一條短得多、便利得多的通道。在此的另一項重要的考慮是和一場將危及英國對蘇伊士運河使用的戰爭對英國海運的影響相關的。英國的許多政治家和海員經過思考，十分懷疑英國有能力控制從直布羅陀至紅海的漫長航道，他們贊同在戰時依賴經過好望角的航線。不過，經由尼加拉瓜前往許多東方港口的航線將比經由好望角的更短；而且，比起通過地中海，在較近處經過歐洲一些國家港口的航線，加勒比海的航線在防範遙遠的歐洲國家的攻擊方面要容易得多。 面對著地峽上升了的重要性，我們不能放心地認為在過去甚為不同的環境下對於我國要求的簡單承認在將來還會持續。已經很明顯的是，歐洲列強正顯示出對加勒比海據點的價值更為重視的跡象，而且正加強它們對於那些如今在其手中的地盤的控制。今天，道義上的考慮比之以前無疑有了更多的份量，國家也更不願意進入戰爭。但是，國家的政策依然由利益的平衡狀況所決定，我們因此應該知道我們的政策將是怎樣，我們需要具備怎樣的優勢以便談判的天平傾向我們一邊，使事態的總體發展方向對我們有利。 如果國家依從那一類思想，即認為我們越弱，我們就越能有路可循，就沒什麼好說的了。不過，如果我們認定我們的利益和尊嚴所要求的權利乃是建立在我們自己推行權利的力量之上，而不是以其他什麼國家的意願為依據，我們就有必要促使自己清醒認識到，跨洋交通的自由取決於對作為所有通向地峽的道路都必經的加勒比海的控制權。控制一片海域，首先需要有一支海軍，其次需要掌握一些經過適當的選擇、相互間分佈得當、海軍以其為基地並發揮作用的據點。目前，加勒比海中的要點由外部強國所佔據。（不管如何想要得到）我們不可以以不公正的手段來獲取這種地盤。不過，一旦公眾輿論確信我們需要它們而且不應在它們朝我們迎面而來時極其天真地避開，我們就能取得顯著的進展。如果憲法確實造成了一些困難，憲法也為人民提供了一條消除這些阻礙的途徑。不過，可能會有人反對對憲法的這種認識。就其所受的各種制約而言，憲法是自由性質的，但與此同時它也牢牢地設置了一些由簡單的頭腦所炮製的枷鎖。 同時，沒有什麼道義上的責任能禁止我們發展海軍，使它足以承擔可能需要它去幹的工作。對此，大眾的觀點是只需要一支跛腳的力量，而這限制了我們應付某種並不完美的形勢的各種需要的潛力。只為了防禦是一句廣為人知的口頭禪。如果人們認識到我們有三條海岸，其中一條與另兩條的水路聯絡在不太遙遠的將來取決於一個離我們與其最近的港灣密西西比河口幾百英里遠的戰略地點，他們將看到防禦這個詞對它的理解過於狹窄可應用於遠離我們自己的海岸的地點。 軍事力量的組建會挑起戰事的說法是一個在今天看來已為任何年代的經驗所駁斥的謬論。歐洲存在著龐大的軍備；但是，借助於它們所促成的各國相互間的尊重與小心謹慎成了對於普遍的軍事建設時代之前頻繁的、破壞性的戰爭的一種廉價的取代當然這或許在經濟上還是可悲的。我們的不受傷害不是由於我們的弱小，而是由於和我們的對手在其家門口的更緊要的利益相比，我們和他們之間的爭端對他們並不那麼重要。隨著因運河問題而來的變化的發生，這種不同將會消失。我們也會被捲入國際大家庭的事務之中並將承受相應的負擔。所幸的是，和其他國家相比，我們是一個海外強國，從而能夠從那些海洋是其哺育母親的國家的歷史中找到上佳的借鑒之處。