Chapter 19 Volume 1, Chapter 15: The Rape of Austria

February 1938 Otto plans Hitler to assume supreme command Otto Chancellor is called to Berchtesgaden where he faces a severe test Schuschnigg's defeat Hitler's Reichstag Speech February 2 Debate on Mr Eden's resignation Hitler and Mussory All in One Austrian Referendum Invasion of Austria Hitler Obliged by Mussolini Victory March on Vienna and its Background Farewell to Ribbentrop's Luncheon March 12th Debate Consequences of the Fall of Vienna The Danger of Czechoslovakia Mr. Chamberlain and the Soviet Union The proposal to flank the negotiations with Mr. de Valera gave up the Irish ports at a major loss to the UK for the neutrality of Ireland to my invalid protest.

In modern times, countries often keep their structures, their bodies, and their archives secret even after defeat.This time, the war has been fought to the end, we have obtained a lot of materials, and know the inside story of the enemy.On the basis of these materials, we can verify our intelligence and actions at that time with considerable accuracy.We now know how, in July 1936, Hitler ordered the German General Staff to draw up a military plan for the occupation of Austria when the time came.This battle plan was named the Otto Plan.After a year passed, on June 24, 1937, he issued a special order to make this plan concrete.On November 5 he disclosed his future plans to his military generals.Germany must have more room to live.It is best obtained on the Eastern European side of Poland, Belarus and Ukraine.

In order to obtain these places, it is inevitable to cause a great war, and incidentally, the residents who currently live in this area must be wiped out.Germany was bound to face two hated enemies, Great Britain and France, who would not tolerate a German giant standing at the center of Europe.In order to take advantage of Germany's superiority in munitions production, and to take advantage of the patriotic enthusiasm inspired by and represented by the Nazi Party, Germany must wage war at every opportunity it can take advantage of. Start before you are ready. Neuwright, Fritsch, and even Blomberg, who were influenced by the views of the German Foreign Office, the General Staff, and the Officer Corps, were horrified by this policy.They thought the risk to be taken was too great.They admit that the boldness of the Fuehrer has put Germany in every respect of armaments actually ahead of the Allies.Germany's army was maturing by the month, while internal corruption in France and lack of will in Britain were favorable factors that might have been able to function adequately.Everything was running smoothly, so what did it matter if it was another two years?They must have time to establish a well-established war organization; the Fuehrer only needs to make a conciliatory speech now and then to make the useless decadent democracies chatter, but Hitler was not sure of this.His genius taught him that victory is not won by sure paths, that risks must be taken, that sudden leaps are necessary.Past successes, the first in rearmament, the second in the resumption of conscription, the third in the reoccupation of the Rhineland, and the fourth in the closeness to Mussolini's Italy, all made him very successful and proud of himself. elated.If you wait until everything is ready, you may miss the opportunity and it will be too late.Historians and others, who do not have to think about how to live and how to act, may easily say that if Hitler had continued to expand his power for two or three years before doing anything, he might have controlled the entire destiny of the world. .But it turned out not to be the case.There is no such thing as a sure thing in human life or in the life of a nation.Hitler decided to hurry up and start the war in the prime of his life.

Blomberg was first dismissed because of a mismatched marriage that weakened his power in the officer corps; then, on February 4, 1938, Hitler dismissed Fritsch , to personally hold the supreme command of the armed forces.The Führer has direct control not only over the policy of the state, but also over the military establishment.Since a man is gifted and powerful at any rate, and capable of inflicting such terrible punishments on others, he will always exert his personal will fully as far as possible in as wide a field as possible.His power at this time was quite similar to that of Napoleon after the Austerlitz and Jena wars; of course, he did not have the glory of Napoleon galloping on the battlefield to personally command and win major battles.His glory was won by political and diplomatic victories; those around him and his followers knew that such victories belonged entirely to him alone, to his judgment and daring.

Hitler's desire to annex the Republic of Austria, in addition to the reason he clearly stated in "Mein Kampf" that he was determined to incorporate all Teutonic races into the empire, he had two reasons.If Austria is owned by Germany, it will not only open the door to the Czech Republic, but also gain a wider road to Southwest Europe.Since Chancellor Dollfuss was assassinated by the Austrian Nazi Party in July 1934, the activities of overthrowing the independent Austrian government with money, conspiracy and violence have never stopped.The Nazi movement in Austria grew stronger with Hitler's successes elsewhere, both in Germany and against the Entente, but it had to move forward gradually.In name, Papen was ordered to maintain the most friendly relationship with the Austrian government, prompting the Austrian government to formally recognize the Austrian Nazi Party as a legal organization.At that time, Mussolini's attitude still had a restraining effect on Hitler.After Dollfuss was killed, the Italian dictator flew to Venice to meet and appease the widow of the Austrian Chancellor, who had taken political refuge there, as the Italian army concentrated on the southern border of Austria.But now, at the beginning of 1938, there have been decisive changes in the separation and integration and value standards of European countries.If France is to break through the Siegfried line of steel and concrete that is becoming stronger and stronger before it, it will probably have to make a lot of sacrifices.Germany's western gates are closed.Ineffective sanctions, which did nothing to harm Mussolini's power, enraged him and drove him into the German camp.He probably thought of Machiavelli's famous saying with relish: It is small revenges that people must avenge, not big ones.In particular, Western democracies seem to have been repeatedly seen through. As long as the violence does not directly attack themselves, they will bow to violence.At this time Papen was carrying out ingenious maneuvers in the political structure of Austria.Many Austrian dignitaries succumbed to his pressure and intrigue.The tourism industry, which is very important to Vienna, has been greatly hindered by the unrest.Terrorists' behind-the-scenes activities and bomb-throwing atrocities put the fragile lives of the Austrian Republic at risk.

Germany felt that the time had come to bring the leader of the recently legalized Austrian Nazi Party into the cabinet in Vienna and thereby take control of Austrian policy.On February 12, 1938, eight days after Hitler assumed supreme military command, he summoned the Austrian Chancellor, Herr Schuschnigg, to Berchtesgaden.Chancellor Austria obeyed the order and went with his Foreign Minister Schmidt.We have now seen Schuschnigg's account, which contains the following dialogue. 【１】 [1] Schuschnigg: Requiem Mass in Austria, page 37 onwards. Hitler once mentioned the defense of the Austrian border.All these fortifications are nothing but things which may need to be overcome by necessary military action, thus raising great questions of war and peace.

Hitler: All I have to do is give an order, and overnight all that ridiculous swashbuckling on your borders will be over.Do you really think you can block me for more than half an hour?Who knows maybe I will suddenly appear in Vienna overnight like a spring storm, and then you will really experience something.I would very much like to save Austria from this fate, because then many lives would be lost.After the army, the brownshirts and the Austrian regiments will follow!No one can stop them from revenge, not even myself.Are you going to turn Austria into a second Spain?All of these, I would like to avoid if possible.

Schuschnigg: I will obtain the necessary information and stop fortifications on the German border.Of course, I know you can drive straight into Austria, but Mr Chancellor, it will cause bloodshed whether we want to or not.We are not alone in the world.Such action could mean war. Hitler: At this time, it is natural for us to sit in easy chairs and talk a lot.But behind this, there are many painful and bloody facts.Mr. Schuschnigg, are you willing to take on this responsibility?Don't believe that anyone in the world can stop my decision!Italy?I made it clear to Mussolini: I maintain the closest relationship with Italy.UK?Britain will not lift a finger for Austria.France?Come on, I took a big risk two years ago when we marched into the Rhineland with a small force.Had the French troops entered the Rhineland by then, we would have been forced to retreat long ago.But by now, it was too late for France to do so.

This first conversation took place at eleven o'clock in the morning.After a formal lunch, the Austrians were called into a small room.There, meeting Ribbentrop and Papen, a written ultimatum was presented.All conditions are non-negotiable, including the appointment of the Austrian Nazi Seyss Inquart as the Minister of Security of the Austrian Cabinet, an amnesty for all Austrian Nazis in custody, and the formal integration of the Austrian Nazi Party into the government-created government. Association for Defense of the Fatherland. Later, Hitler received the Austrian chancellor.I tell you again, this is the last chance.I hope to implement this agreement within three days.In the diary of the German general Jodl, there is the following record: Schuschnigg and Schmidt were once again under the most serious political and military pressure.By eleven o'clock in the evening, Schuschnigg had signed the draft agreement. 【1】So Papen accompanied Schuschnigg on a sled back to Salzburg through the snowy road.On the way, Papen explained to him: Yes, what the Führer will look like, now you have experienced it yourself.But you'll be much more comfortable the next time you come.The Führer is arguably a real likable. 【２】

[1] "The Nuremberg Papers" (His Majesty's Government Publishing Office), Part I, p. 249. [2] See Schuschnigg, cited above, p. 51 | p. 52. On February 20, Hitler addressed the Reichstag: It is my pleasure to tell you gentlemen that in the last few days we have gained a further understanding with a country with which we are particularly close for many reasons, Germany and Germanic Austria, not only because both are of the same people , but also because the two countries share a long history and a common culture.In view of the difficulties encountered in the implementation of the Agreement of July 11, 1936, the situation compelled us to try to clear away the misunderstandings and obstacles on the way to a final reconciliation.If this level is not achieved, it is obvious that whether intentional or not, an intolerable situation will one day be created, which may lead to a very serious disaster.

I am glad to be able to assure you that our views fully agree with those of the Austrian Chancellor who was visiting me at my invitation.It is our idea and intention that both countries seek to ease the tension between us; by enabling, under existing legislation, citizens of the National Socialist faith to enjoy the same rights as other citizens in Germanic Austria. enjoy the same legal rights. In connection with this, a real contribution to peace should be made, an amnesty should be promulgated, and a deeper bond should be achieved between the two countries through friendly cooperation in as many fields as possible, political, personal, economic, etc. Understand that all of this is within the purview of the July 11 Agreement and its supplements.In this connection, before the people of Germany, I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to the Chancellor of Austria, who, with great understanding and warm sincerity, accepted my invitation to work with me so that we might find a way that would satisfy both countries. The path of the greatest good; for, after all, it is for the good of the whole Germanic nation, of whomever we are born, we are all of Germanic descent. 【１】 [1] "Hitler's Speeches" (Edited by Baines), Vol. II, No. 1407 | pp. 8. It is difficult to find a more authentic example of fraud and hypocrisy, and the British and Americans must have learned a lot from seeing it.I quote it here because it is unique in these respects.The odd thing is that any educated man or woman in any free country would have sneered at Hitler's words long ago. We have to return for a moment to the serious situation in England which we have described in the previous chapter.On the next day, February 21, there was a big debate in the House of Commons over the resignation of the Foreign Secretary, Mr. Eden, and his Deputy, Lord Cranbourne.Cranbourne is a person who is emotional but not outward. He is very loyal and trusting to Aiden, and he is willing to advance and retreat together.Naturally, Eden could not publicly refer to President Roosevelt's proposal and the setbacks it had received.The differences on the Italian question were only of secondary importance. Aiden says: I have spoken of the immediate disagreements that have divided me and my colleagues, but I would be remiss if I said that this was an isolated issue.It's not an isolated thing.In recent weeks, a decision of great foreign policy importance, completely unrelated to Italy, was the fundamental disagreement. He concluded by saying: I do not believe that any further detente in Europe can be done by giving foreign countries the impression that we are bowing down to constant pressure.In my own mind, I am convinced that progress depends first of all on the national temperament, and that the national temperament must be expressed in resolute spirit.I am convinced that we do not lack this spirit.I don't think it's fair to our country and to the world if that spirit isn't allowed to show. Mr Attlee made a poignant point.Mr Eden's resignation is being heralded in Italy as yet another great victory for Mussolini.We heard it all over the world, look how powerful our leader is, the British Foreign Secretary has stepped down.I did not speak until the next day, in which I praised the two ministers who had resigned.I also support Mr. Attlee's accusation, saying: Last week was a good week for the dictators, the best week they ever had.The German dictator has stretched his iron hand over a small country with a long history, and the Italian dictator's hatred of Mr. Eden has finally come to a triumphant end.The conflict between them has been going on for a long time.Mussolini had won, and there could be no doubt about it now.All the dignity, strength, and sovereignty of the British Empire could not enable the former Foreign Secretary to succeed in the tasks entrusted to him by the general will of the people and Parliament. That closes part of the matter, that is to say, the Englishman who was entrusted by the British people and Parliament to hold a certain office is finally gone, while the Italian dictator is desperately needing some help for domestic reasons. The moment of achievement was completely triumphant.In every part of the world, no matter where, whatever system of government, the friends of England are depressed, and the enemies of England are elated. The resignation of the former foreign minister may well be a milestone in history.As the saying goes, big conflicts are often caused by small things, but not for small reasons.The former Foreign Secretary clings to traditional old policies that we have long forgotten.The Prime Minister and his colleagues have adopted a different new policy.The content of the old policy was to try to establish a legal order in Europe and to establish an effective force to prevent aggressors through the League of Nations.Does the new policy think that peace can be kept by making a major and far-reaching compromise with the totalitarian state, not just emotional and self-respecting, but also material? One day, Lord Halifax said, Europe is in chaos.The part of Europe which is in disarray is that part which is governed by a parliamentary government.I don't know of any confusion on the part of the Great Dictator.They knew what was needed, and no one could deny that until now they had achieved what they needed at every step.The most serious, and mostly irreparable, damage to world security was done between 1932 and 1935.A second good opportunity for us to act was when Germany reoccupied the Rhineland in early 1936.We now learn that a resolute stand by Britain and France under the League of Nations would have forced them to retreat from the Rhineland at once without bloodshed; their rightful place.And the political leader in Germany would not have gained such a huge prestige, which made him push forward.Now we are in his third act, but this time, the chances are not as favorable as before.Austria is now enslaved, and we don't know if Czechoslovakia will be attacked in the same way. The situation in continental Europe continues to evolve.Mussolini sent a message to Schuschnigg, saying that he thought Austria's attitude at Berchtesgaden was correct and ingenious.He assured Italy that there would be no change in the attitude of the Austrian question, expressing clearly his personal friendship.On February 24, the Austrian Chancellor himself addressed the Diet, welcoming the settlement of the dispute with Germany, but emphasizing rather sharply that Austria would never accept anything that went beyond the specific provisions of the agreement.On March 3, he gave Mussolini a confidential letter through the Austrian military attache in Rome, informing the Italian leader that he planned to hold a referendum to strengthen the Austrian government's political position in the country.Twenty-four hours later he received a telegram from the Austrian military attaché in Rome describing his meeting with Mussolini.During the conversation, the leader spoke optimistically, saying that the situation would improve.Tensions between Rome and London could soon ease, which will certainly reduce the current pressure.As for the referendum, Mussolini warned: it was a mistake, and if the vote had a satisfactory result, people would say it was faked.If the result is bad, the position of the government is about to become unbearable; if the result is inconclusive, the vote is useless.But Schuschnigg has decided to proceed.On March 9 he officially announced that on Sunday, March 13, referendums would be held throughout Austria. At first calmly, Seth|Inquart seemed to accept the proposition without saying a word.But at 5:30 in the morning on the 11th, Schuschnigg was woken up by the phone ringing. The Vienna police station told him on the phone: An hour ago, the German Salzburg border was closed and the German tax collectors had retreated.Rail traffic has been cut off. The second report Austria received was a telegram from his Consul General in Munich informing him of the mobilization of German forces there; presumed destination Austria! Later in the morning, Seth Inquart came running to say that he had just received a call from Goring that the referendum had to be called off within an hour.If there is no answer within the time limit, Goering will assume that Seth Inquart is no longer free to talk on the phone, and he will take appropriate action.Schuschnigg, having received reports from the responsible officials, knew that the military and police were not reliable, and informed Seth-Inquart that the referendum would be postponed.A quarter of an hour later, Seth Inquart came back to Schuschnigg with Göring's answer in his hand, written down on a telegram: Only the immediate resignation of Chancellor Austria and the appointment of Seth Inquart as Chancellor within two hours can save the situation.If it is not implemented within this time, the German army will soon enter Austria. 【１】 [1] See Schuschnigg's book cited above, pages 66 and 72. Schuschnigg immediately visited President Miklas and offered to resign.While he was in the presidential office, he received a coded telegram from the Italian government saying they had no comment.Gao Nian's president was very firm. He said: At the moment of final decision, I am the only one left.He categorically refused to appoint a Nazi as chancellor.He decided to force the Germans into the shameful act of violence for which they had been prepared. Regarding Germany's reaction, there is a vivid record in General Jodl's diary on March 10: Schuschnigg suddenly ordered a referendum on Sunday, March 13, without consulting his ministers.This is the way to get the ruling party a huge majority without planning and preparation.The Führer decided that he could not tolerate this. That night, on the night of March 9-10, he summoned Goering and General Reichenau from the Cairo Olympic Committee.General Schubert and Minister Grace|Hostenau, who had been in the Electorate of the Rhineland with the district leader (Berkel), were also ordered to come.General Keitel briefed the concerned parties at 1:15.At ten o'clock, he drove to the Prime Minister's Office.At 10:15, I followed to the Chancellery and handed him the original draft of the Otto Plan.At thirteen General Keitel informed the Chief of Operations Staff and Admiral Canaris.Ribbentrop remained in London on business.Newwright is temporarily in charge of foreign affairs affairs.The Fuehrer was to deliver the ultimatum to the Austrian cabinet.He sent a private letter to Mussolini explaining the reasons for forcing the Führer to act. 【１】 [1] "Nuremberg Papers", Part I, p. 251. The next day, March 11th, Hitler ordered the German armed forces to carry out military occupation of Austria, and the Otto plan, which had been studied and carefully prepared for a long time, began to be implemented.Throughout a tense day, President Miklas resolutely rejected the demands of Seyss-Inquart and the leaders of the Austrian Nazi Party.Telephone conversations between Hitler and his envoy to the Italian leader, Prince Philip of Hesse, were used as evidence in the postwar Nuremberg war criminals trials.This conversation is interesting: Hesse: I just came back from the Palazzo Venezia.The leader approached the whole thing in a very friendly manner.He greets you.He had learned from the Austrians, because Schuschnigg had given him the news.At that time he said that this (referring to Italy's military intervention) is completely impossible; this may only be a threat; this kind of thing cannot be done.So tell him (Schuschnigg) that the situation, unfortunate as it is, cannot be changed.Then Mussolini went on to say that Austria was nothing to him. Hitler: Please tell Mussolini that I will never forget him in this matter. Hesse: Yes. Hitler: Whatever happened, I will never, never, never forget it.I am still ready to conclude an agreement of a completely different nature with him. Hessen: Yes, I have already told him that too. Hitler: As soon as the Austrian problem is resolved, I am willing to share weal and woe with him; no matter what happens. Hesse: Yes, my Führer. Hitler: Look, I am willing to make any agreement. In case we get involved in a war, I am no longer afraid of being in a dire situation militarily.You can tell him that I really appreciate him very much and I will never, never forget that. Hesse: Yes, my Führer. Hitler: Whatever happens, I will never forget it.If one day he needs any help, or if any danger arises, he can be sure that no matter what happens, even if the whole world is against him, I will stand firmly with him. Hesse: Yes, my Führer. 【１】 [1] See Schuschnigg, cited above, pp. 102 | 3, and The Nuremberg Papers, Part I, pp. 258 | 259. In 1943, Hitler rescued Mussolini from the Italian provisional government.He did keep his word. A victorious march to Vienna had always been the Austrian corporal's dream.On the evening of Saturday, March 12, the Nazi party in the Austrian capital had planned a torchlight parade to welcome the heroic conqueror, but there was no large army.Only three Bavarian quartermasters arrived in Vienna by train to set up barracks for the invading German troops.At this time, the three bewildered officers were carried in parade by the crowd to embellish them.Later, the reason for the delay slowly leaked out.It turned out that the German war machine, staggering and rumbling across the border, was unable to move when it approached Linz.Although the weather and road conditions were good, most of the tanks were broken and the motorized heavy artillery was out of order.The road from Linz to Vienna was jammed with heavy military vehicles.General Reichenau, commander of the Fourth Army, Hitler's favorite, was believed to be responsible for the incident.The incident also revealed the immaturity of the German Army at this stage of its reconstruction. When Hitler himself drove through Linz, he was furious at the traffic congestion.The light tanks managed to get out on the crowded and chaotic roads, and they rolled into Vienna early on Sunday morning.Armored vehicles and motorized heavy artillery had to be transported to Vienna by train, and it was only in this way that they arrived in time for the ceremony.Everyone has seen pictures of Hitler driving into Vienna amid elated or panicked crowds.But this glorious moment of mystery has a disturbing backdrop.In fact, the Führer was furious over the apparent shortcomings of his military machine.He reprimanded his generals, who responded with ridicule.They reminded Hitler that he had not heeded Fritsch's warning that Germany was not yet in a military position to risk a major war.Later, the appearance was maintained, and formal celebrations and processions were held.On Sunday, after a large number of German troops and Austrian Nazis occupied Vienna, Hitler announced the dissolution of the Austrian Republic and the annexation of the entire territory to Germany. Herr Ribbentrop was at this moment leaving London to return home to take up the post of Foreign Minister. Mr. Chamberlain specially held a farewell luncheon at No. 10 Downing Street. My wife and I were invited by the Prime Minister to accompany him.There were about sixteen people at the table.My wife sat at the end of the table, beside Sir Cadogan.In the middle of eating, a messenger from the Foreign Office came in and handed him a letter.He opened the envelope and read it intently.Then he stood up, walked around the table to where the prime minister was sitting, and handed the letter to the prime minister.Although Cadogan's actions did not suggest that anything was wrong, I could not help noticing that the Prime Minister was clearly in a state of disarray.After a while, Cadogan took the letter back and sat down again.Later I heard that the content of the letter was that Hitler had marched on Austria and that German mechanized troops were advancing rapidly on Vienna.The banquet continued smoothly without any pause.But presently Mrs. Chamberlain, taking some cue from her husband, got up and said: Let us all go to the drawing-room and have some coffee!We went into the drawing room, and it seemed obvious to me, or to some others, that the Chamberlains wanted the party to be over quickly.Everyone stood idle with a feeling of unease, just saying goodbye to the distinguished guest. But Mr. and Mrs. Ribbentrop seem to be completely unaware of this atmosphere. Instead, they chatted with the host and his wife for about half an hour.For a while I was talking to Frau Ribbentrop, and I said in a parting message: I hope England and Germany will remain friendly.She replied solemnly: Please be careful not to damage the friendly relations between the two countries.Of course they were all fully aware of what had happened, but they thought it would be a good strategy to keep the Prime Minister out of business and off his phone.Finally, Mr. Chamberlain said to the ambassador: Sorry, I have to deal with urgent matters.Walk out of the room immediately after speaking.The Ribbentrops still wouldn't leave, so most of us made excuses and went home.I think they finally left too.This was the last time I saw Ribbentrop before he was hanged. The atrocities of the invasion of Austria and the conquest of this beautiful Vienna with its reputation, culture and contribution to European history hit me hard.On the day following these events, the fourteenth of March, I said in the House of Commons: The seriousness of the events of March 12 cannot be overstated.Europe is now confronted with a plan of aggression that has been carefully planned and carefully timed and gradually unfolded.Now, not only for us, but for other countries, there is only one choice left: either submit like Austria, or take strong measures to eliminate the danger before we have time; As we sit back and wait for events to unfold, how much more do we have to give up with the resources currently available to keep us safe and peaceful?How many friends will thus leave us?How many more would-be allies shall we have to watch successively be pushed into that terrible abyss?How many times will the bluff intimidation succeed, so that the power behind the intimidation will continue to accumulate and become real strength?Two years from now, for example, when the German Army will surely be much stronger than France, and all the smaller nations will be slipping away from Geneva to pay homage to the growing Nazi system and get the best possible conditions for themselves, What will become of us then? I said again: Vienna is the transportation center of the countries that made up the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, and also the transportation center of the countries in Southwest Europe.A large section of the Danube is now in German hands. After Nazi Germany took control of Vienna, it could control the transportation of the whole Southwest Europe militarily and economically in terms of roads, shipping, and railways.How will this affect the structure of Europe?What impact will it have on the so-called international balance of power and on the so-called Little Entente?I must explain something about the group of countries called the Little Entente.Taken separately, the three countries of the Little Entente may be said to be three second-rate countries, but they are very powerful and energetic countries, and if they are united, they will become a great power.They were and are united by the closest military agreement.Together, they constitute a great country and become the military force of a great country.Romania has gasoline, Yugoslavia has mineral deposits and raw materials.Both countries have large armies; their armaments are mainly supplied by Czechoslovakia.To British ears, the name Czechoslovakia may sound odd.It is undoubtedly a small democracy.Its army is undoubtedly only two or three times larger than ours.It doubtless had only three times the size of Italy's arms supply.But it is still a vibrant nation.They had their rights; they had rights under treaty; they had a fortress line; and they had a manifest will to live, a will to live free. Czechoslovakia is now isolated both economically and militarily.According to the peace treaty, although Hamburg is its foreign trade channel, it may be blocked at any time.Now it could be cut off at any moment from the railways and waterways to southern Europe and via southern Europe to southwestern Europe.Its trade may be compelled to pay a ruinous transit tax, that is to say, a transit tax quite capable of crippling its foreign trade.The country was the largest industrial area in the former Austro-Hungarian Empire.Unless an agreement is reached on the security of Czechoslovak communications in the inevitable negotiations, its communications with the outside world will be cut off, or will be cut off soon.The supply of raw materials from Yugoslavia and the links with the natural markets it has established there may be cut off at once.Last Friday night's atrocities may have resulted in a significant choking of the economic life of this small country.A wedge has been driven into the center of the so-called Little Entente.These small nations have as much right to an undisturbed life in Europe as any of us has to an unmolested life in our native soil. Now the Russians sounded the alarm.On March 18, they suggested a meeting to discuss the situation.They hoped to discuss what means and methods to implement the Franco-Soviet agreement within the League of Nations action system if Germany was a major threat to peace, even if it was to discuss an outline.The proposal received lukewarm response in both London and Paris.The French government was distracted by other matters.There were serious strikes at their domestic aircraft factories.Franco's army was penetrating deep into Communist-ruled Spain.Chamberlain was skeptical and downcast.他非常不同意我所提出的關於前途危險的看法和為了抵抗這些危險所主張的方法。我一直竭力主張，只有成立法英蘇的聯盟的方向，才能有希望制止納粹的進犯。 法伊林先生告訴我們，首相曾在三月二十日寫信給他的姐姐，流露了他當時的心情： 溫斯頓所說的大聯盟，其實在他提到之前我早就考慮到了。我同哈利法克斯談過，並把這個想法提交三軍參謀長和外交部專家研究過。這是一個有極大吸引力的設想；而且直到你進而考慮它是否切實可行之前，會覺得這一設想幾乎有百分之百的理由。但一到具體考慮時，它的吸引力就消失了。只要看看地圖就知道德國如要征服捷克斯洛伐克，無論法國或我們都毫無辦法來救它。因此我放棄了對捷克斯洛伐克給予保證的念頭，並且由於法國對它有條約義務我們對法國也不能給予任何保證。 【１】 【１】法伊林，前引書，第三百四十七｜三百四十八頁。 不管怎樣，這總算是一個決定了。這個決定是根據錯誤的推理得來的。在現代大國或聯盟之間的戰爭中，要保衛某個區域，並不單靠同一地區的努力。這涉及到整個戰線的力量對比。這種情況，在戰爭尚未開始和戰爭還可避免的時候，尤其是如此。三軍參謀長和外交部專家當然無需思索就可以報告首相，英國的海軍和法國的陸軍不可能部署在波希米亞山頭陣地上而置身於捷克斯洛伐克共和國和希特勒入侵的軍隊之間。的確，這是打開地圖一看就知道的。但德國如果肯定地知道越過波希米亞邊境一定會引起全歐洲的大戰，那麼，即使在那個時候，也許還很可能阻止或延緩希特勒進行下一次的進攻。不到一年，捷克斯洛伐克的戰略價值已給丟光了，希特勒的權力和威望差不多又增加了一倍，這時他卻貿貿然向波蘭提出保證，試想張伯倫先生這種在私下說的出自內心的推理竟錯誤到何種程度！ 一九三八年三月二十四日，首相在下院提出他對俄國動議的看法： 英皇陛下政府認為蘇聯政府建議採取的那種行動，其間接的，但勢所必致的後果，將加強成立排他性國家集團的趨勢，就英皇陛下政府看來，這種集團的成立，對歐洲和平的前途必然是有害的。 不過，首相也不能躲避所面對的殘酷事實：當時存在著國際信任的重大妨礙，政府對英國在歐洲的義務遲早必須作明確的解釋。我們在中歐將負什麼義務呢？如果戰爭爆發，參戰國家大概不會只限於那些承擔法律義務的國家。戰爭將打到哪裡為止？哪些國家會被捲入？這都是無法預測的。此外必須注意排他性國家集團固然有其弊害，但不這樣做就只有讓侵略者逐一消滅，各個擊破，這樣，這個理由就站不住腳了。而且，這種想法忽視了國際關係中所有的是非問題。事實上畢竟還有國際聯盟及其憲章呢。 首相的路線現在是很明白地規定了：同時向柏林和布拉格施加外交壓力，對意大利採取姑息態度，對法國的義務則作嚴格限制的解釋。為了執行前兩點，對最後一點必須作慎重和精確的解釋。 現在須請讀者向西移到綠島【１】去。到提珀勒里去要走很遠的路【２】，但有時還是禁不住要去那裡看看。由希特勒佔領奧地利起，到他對捷克斯洛伐克的陰謀暴露止這個期間，我們必須轉過來說說我們遭到的另一種性質大不相同的不幸。 自一九三八年初起，英國政府一直與南愛爾蘭的德‧瓦勒拉先生進行談判，到四月二十五日雙方簽訂了一個協定，除了其他問題以外，英國放棄佔有南愛爾蘭的昆斯敦和貝雷黑文這兩個港口作海軍用途的權利，並放棄在拉夫‧斯威利的基地。這兩個南部的港口，在我們海軍防衛和糧食供應中佔有重要的地位。一九二二年我擔任殖民地事務大臣時，處理過內閣當時所作的愛爾蘭方案的細節問題。當時我把海軍大將貝蒂請到殖民部，由他向邁克爾‧科林斯【３】說明這兩個港口在英國取得供應的整個系統中的重要性。他立刻獲得了科林斯的信服。科林斯說：你們當然必須佔有這些港口，它們是你們生命所必需的。That's it.在其後十六年中，一切都很順利。昆斯敦和貝雷黑文為我們安全所必不可少這個理由，是容易了解的。它們是加油站，我們的驅逐艦隊就是從那裡向西開入大西洋搜索潛水艇和保護將開進英國而到達狹窄海口處的船隊的。拉夫‧斯威利也是保護船隻開到克萊德灣和默爾西河口所必需的。放棄這些地方，則我們的艦隊，此後向北開就須從拉姆拉希出發；向南就要由彭布洛克碼頭或法爾默思開出。這樣就會把我們海軍的行動半徑和保護範圍在內海和境外都縮小了四百多哩。 【１】愛爾蘭的別稱。translator 【２】提珀勒里是愛爾蘭的一個地方，所引這句話出自一首英國軍歌。translator 【３】愛爾蘭代表。translator 參謀長委員會竟然同意放棄這一個極其重要的安全保障，確實使我難以置信。直到最後一刻，我還以為至少已保證在戰時我們還有佔用這幾個愛爾蘭港口的權利，但是德‧瓦勒拉先生在愛爾蘭議會上宣佈，英國放棄這些港口並不附有任何條件。後來我得到確實消息，英國政府這樣爽快答應德‧瓦勒拉先生的要求使他也感到十分詫異。他之所以把這一條列入要求之中，原來只是為了討價還價，只要其他各條能有滿意的解決，這一條原是可以放棄的。 查特菲爾德勳爵在他最後寫的書中，有一章專門說明他和其他參謀長們所採取的方針。【１】凡是願意研究這個問題的人，都應該看看這本書。我個人仍然深信，這樣毫無理由放棄我們在戰時可以使用這些愛爾蘭港口的權利，是對英國國家生活和安全的一個重大損失。很難設想有比這更不動腦筋的事情了尤其是在這樣的時候。不錯，沒有這些港口，我們最後也把難關度過了。而且，如果我們沒有這些港口就無法度過難關，我們也會用武力重行佔領，而不致因此活活餓死。不過這些都不能作為辯解的理由。這種缺乏深謀遠慮的遷就妥協的例證很快就使我們喪失許多船隻和生命了。 【１】查特菲爾德勳爵：《前車可鑒》，第十八章。 整個保守黨，除了代表北愛爾蘭的幾個議員外，全都支持首相。像這樣的一種步驟，自然使身為反對派的工黨和自由黨也感到很高興。因此，五月五日我站起來提出我的抗議時，我幾乎是完全孤立的。大家帶著懷疑的心情耐心地聽我發言。有些人甚至以一種同情的態度來看待，他們覺得很奇怪，為什麼像我這樣有地位的人，竟然提出這種毫無希望的抗議呢？我從沒看到下院有比這更完全的錯誤。這時距宣戰只有十五個月了。等到我們的生存取決於大西洋戰役的勝敗的時候，議員先生們的看法就大不相同了。因為我的演說詞已經在《進入戰鬥》一書中全部引錄，所以在這裡就不再引了除了這一點：沒有正視戰時南愛爾蘭的中立問題。 （我問道）如果我們同某個強國發生戰爭，我們能夠保證南愛爾蘭或他們自稱的愛爾蘭共和國不會宣佈中立嗎？這個敵國將採取的第一個步驟，肯定是在一切方面對南愛爾蘭給予全部豁免，如果南愛爾蘭保持中立的話我們不能排除這種中立的可能性。這樣的中立，也許我們不久就會體驗到的。很可能當我們有迫切需要的時候，卻不能使用那些港口； 當我們需要保護英國居民使之免於匱乏甚或飢餓時，我們很可能要遇到極其嚴重的困難。誰願意自己伸著頭往絞索裡套呢？世界上哪一個國家竟然會考慮這種做法呢？我們一旦撤出這些港口，都柏林政府想拒絕我們使用這些港口，將是一件輕而易舉的事。那裡有的是大炮，也可以布設水雷。但更重要的理由是，他們有了法律上的權利了。我們過去對這些港口曾享有權利；我們把這些權利放棄了；我們希望由此而取得他們的友好親善，親善到足以能為我們忍受艱苦。可是，如果得不到他們的友善態度，那麼我們就重佔這些港口，說這些話是沒有用的。我們不會有這樣做的權利了。在一場大戰爭中，我們如被宣佈破壞愛爾蘭的中立，我們就為世界輿論所不齒，我們參戰的目的也得被玷污我們為了空虛的幻想和貪圖安逸，正在拋棄切實的和重要的安全手段。 《泰晤士報》的評論是很能說明問題的： 關於防務的協定使聯合王國政府解除了一九二一年英愛條約的條款。這些條款，曾使政府負起在戰時保衛科克、貝雷黑文和拉夫‧斯威利等設防軍港的沉重而微妙的任務。 如果把直布羅陀交給西班牙，把馬耳他交給意大利，一定還可以解除得更徹底呢，而且兩個地方對於我們居民的實際生存的關係還沒有像南愛爾蘭那些港口那麼直接。 關於這個可悲的而又可驚的插曲，我就說到這裡。