Chapter 20 Volume 1 Chapter 16 Czechoslovakia

A matter not to be a matter of historical debate, Hitler's next target had no ill will towards Czechoslovakia Mr. Bloom's pledge March 1938 I visited Paris Mr. Daladier Following Mr. Bloom as Chancellor The Anglo-Italian Agreement Agreement The Sudeten Leader Talks German Generals' Suspicions and Struggles Relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia Stalin and Benes Conspiracies and Purges in Russia Dara's Statement on June 12 Hitler's Promise to Celts Captain Wiedemann Goes Mission in London 27th August I address the electorate at Seton Bois 31st August My letter to Lord Halifax The Soviet ambassador to visit me at Chartwell I send to the Foreign Office Ministry Report 7 September The Times editorial Mr Bonnet's question and British answer to Hitler's crisis speech at Nuremberg.

For some years the wisdom or folly of Britain and France in the Munich affair seemed to be a matter of long-debated history, however, according to the information obtained from Germany after the war, especially from the Nuremberg trials The material, however, appears not necessarily to be the case.The two main issues in the debate were: first, would a firm action by Britain and France be able to make Hitler back down, or cause a military coup to overthrow Hitler?Second, in the period from the Munich Incident to the outbreak of the war, has the position of the Western powers compared with Germany improved or worsened than that during the Munich crisis in September 1938?

Much has been written and will be written about the events that ended at the expense of Czechoslovakia in the Munich crisis.It is only here to mention a few main events and to illustrate their interrelationships. These were unavoidable facts, because Hitler was determined to unite all Germanic peoples into one Greater German Empire and expand eastward, and he was convinced that the leaders of France and Britain did not want war because of their love for peace and their failure to rearm . He used his usual tricks against Czechoslovakia.The Sudeten Germans did have dissatisfaction, but he maximized and exploited it as much as possible.On February 20, 1938, Hitler delivered a speech in Reichstag, attacking Czechoslovakia publicly for the first time.He said: More than 10 million Germans live in the two countries adjacent to our border. Germany has the responsibility to protect these German compatriots and should fight for their general freedom, including personal, political and ideological. free.

The public concern of the German government for the position of the Germans in Austria and Czechoslovakia was closely related to the secret German plans for a political offensive in Europe.The government of Nazi Germany publicly announced two purposes: to incorporate all Germanic minorities abroad into the territory of Germany, and then expand their living space to the East.The less public purpose of German policy was of a military nature.Destroy Czechoslovakia so that it does not become a Soviet air base when the war starts, nor does it serve as a military complement to Britain and France.Already in June 1937 the German General Staff was busy drawing up plans for the invasion and destruction of Czechoslovakia on Hitler's orders.

One draft reads: The purpose of the surprise attack by the German Armed Forces was to eliminate the Czechoslovakian threat to our rear operating on the Western Front at the beginning and during the war and to deprive the Russian Air Force of the use of most of the Czechoslovakian air bases. 【１】 [1] "Nuremberg Papers", Part II, Page 4 The Western democracies went so far as to accept the German conquest of Austria, which encouraged Hitler to step up his plans for Czechoslovakia.In fact, the military control of Austrian territory was an indispensable preparation for the attack on the Bohemian fortress.When the invasion of Austria was underway, Hitler sat in the car and said to General Halder: In this way, the Czechs will be inconvenient.Halder immediately understood the meaning of Hitler's words.This made him see the future.This also showed him Hitler's intentions, but it also showed Hitler's military ignorance as seen.He said: It is practically impossible for the German army to attack the Czech Republic from the south.The monorail passing through Linz would be completely exposed, making a surprise attack impossible.But Hitler's main political strategy was right.The Western Wall in Germany itself was being strengthened, far from being finished, but enough to remind the French troops of the horrors at Somme and Passendale.Hitler was convinced that neither France nor Britain wanted war.

On the very day that German troops marched on Austria, the French ambassador in Berlin reported to Paris that Goering had given solemn assurances to the Czech minister in Berlin that Germany had no ill will against Czechoslovakia.On March 14, the French Prime Minister, Mr. Bloom, made a solemn statement to the Czech Minister in Paris, saying that France would unreservedly fulfill its obligations to Czechoslovakia.These diplomatic assurances cannot hide the harsh reality.The entire strategic situation on the Continent has changed.German talk and armies could now be directed directly to the western frontier of Czechoslovakia.The inhabitants of these frontiers belonged to the Germanic race, and they had an active and feisty German Nationalist party, which was a fifth column in case of disputes.

At the end of March, I went to Paris for exploratory talks with French leaders.The government applauded my resumption of contacts with France.I lived in our embassy and met many important French figures, including French Prime Minister Bloom, Frandin, General Gamelin, Paul Renault, Pierre Cote, Heriot, Louis Marin and some others.Once, I said to Bloom: The German field howitzers are said to be better than your modified French 75cm heavy guns in terms of range and striking power.He replied: Do I want you to tell me about the French artillery?I said: Of course not, but please ask your technical colleges, they were recently given an exhibition comparing the firepower of the new 75cm guns, but they were not at all convinced.He immediately changed his demeanor and appeared gentle and friendly.Renault said to me: We know very well that the British will not implement conscription.So why don't you organize a mechanized army?If you have six armored divisions, you will have a strong continental army.Or so it means.There seems to have been a colonel named de Gaulle who wrote a much-criticized book at the time showing the attack power of modern armored vehicles.

The Ambassador and I had a long lunch with the three of Frandin.I met him in 1936, and now his attitude has completely changed.At that time, he was responsible and excited; now that he is not in an official position, he is calmer and more stable.He was convinced that France had no other hope but to compromise with Germany.We argued for two hours.Gamelin also came to see me. He had great confidence in the strength of the French army at the time, but he was not very happy when I asked about their artillery, for he was very expert in this field.He always did the best he could within the French political system.But domestic political turmoil in France and the soon-to-be-toppled Bloom cabinet distracted the French government from the dangers emerging on the European scene.Therefore, it is even more necessary to clearly define the obligations that the two countries should undertake jointly and mutually in the event of a comprehensive crisis, so as to avoid misunderstandings.On April 10, the French government was reorganized, with Daladier as prime minister and Bonnet as foreign minister.These two men would bear responsibility for French policy in the crucial years that followed.

In order to prevent further German aggression, the British government, in accordance with Mr. Chamberlain's decision, sought a rapprochement with Italy in the Mediterranean.Doing so would strengthen France's position and allow Britain and France to concentrate on matters in Central Europe.Since Eden stepped down, Mussolini has been satisfied to a certain extent, and he feels that his bargaining position is more favorable than before, so he does not reject Britain's confession.On April 16, 1938, Britain and Italy signed an agreement.This agreement, in essence, allowed Italy to move freely in Abyssinia and Spain in return for Italy's inestimable goodwill towards Central Europe.The Foreign Office expressed skepticism about the deal.Mr. Chamberlain's biographer tells us that Chamberlain wrote in a private letter: You should really see the draft that the Foreign Office gave me; 【１】

[1] Fayling, op. cit., p. 350. Like the Foreign Office, I am skeptical of this approach: Mr. Churchill to Mr. Eden April 18, 1938 The Italian agreement was of course a complete victory for Mussolini.He fortified against us in the Mediterranean, he conquered Abyssinia, he tyrannized Spain, and now we sincerely accept him.It is extremely harmful that the treaty stipulates that we shall not fortify Cyprus without prior consultation.As for the rest, in my opinion, it is nothing more than putting together a few filler words. However, I also think that if you want to directly oppose this agreement, you have to think carefully.This is a fait accompli and has been called a step towards peace.This agreement will undoubtedly keep the sparks of the Mediterranean from igniting the conflagration of Europe.

In order not to go its own way with Britain, France must do the same for self-defense.Finally, there is the possibility that Mussolini might have prevented German intervention in the Danube basin for his own benefit. Before I make a decision, I want to know your views and intentions.I think the Anglo-Italian agreement is just the first step; the second step is to try to make a more grandiose agreement with Germany. On the one hand, it will be used to appease the British people, and at the same time, it will allow Germany's military power to continue to grow, and Germany's Eastern European plan It is becoming more and more complete. Last week Chamberlain told the executive committee of the National Federation (Conservative Party Association) confidentially that he had not given up hope of reaching a similar agreement with Germany.They were nonchalant about it. Meanwhile, our progress with the Air Force has been increasingly disappointing Mr. Eden to Mr. Churchill April 28, 1938 With regard to the Italian agreement, I agree with your letter.What Mussolini gave us was only what he had promised before and which he himself broke.Apart from this, the only new thing is the removal of troops from Libya, where the original purpose of the troops he sent there may have been purely disruptive.It is now evident that, as I had expected, Mussolini continued to intervene in Spain after the talks in Rome had begun.If such intervention was necessary to bring Franco to victory, he was an optimist if anyone still believed that Mussolini would stop interfering. As a diplomatic method, the implementation of the content stipulated in this agreement may be difficult.It will not take effect until after Italy leaves Spain.But it was almost certain how many months it would have taken for this to happen, and what mattered was not whether the Italian infantry remained in Spain, but that their specialists and the Germans insisted on the right to be there, which made In the future it will be very difficult to determine whether a retreat has been made, but maybe some people don't care about that. Then there was the question of Italy's status in Abyssinia.As far as I know, the situation there has not improved, but is getting worse.I am afraid that recognizing Italy's status at this time will greatly damage our prestige among the millions of colored subjects of the Emperor. I fully agree with you that the agreement layer must be approached with caution.After all, it is not yet a formal agreement.If I made any remarks that could be considered to be more harmful to the realization of the agreement, it would of course be my fault.This is what I promised not to do in my resignation speech and in my speech at Leamington. In my opinion, the most worrisome thing in the international situation is the temporary de-escalation of tension, which may be used as an excuse to relax defense efforts.Given the severity of the situation, such efforts are simply not enough. Hitler was watching the situation alertly.It was also important for him to have Italy finally side with him in the European crisis.When he met with the chiefs of staff in late April, he considered pressing ahead.Mussolini wished he could move freely in Abyssinia.In this venture, although he had the tacit approval of the British government, he might eventually need the support of Germany.If so, he would have to accept what Germany would do against Czechoslovakia in exchange.This problem had to be resolved so that Italy could join Germany on the side of the Czech problem.Of course, Berlin must study the public statements of politicians in Britain and France.The intention of the two Western powers to persuade the Czechs to be rational for the sake of peace in Europe had satisfied Berlin.The Sudeten Party, led by Henlein, was now demanding self-government in the region bordering Germany.Their steps were announced in a speech Henlein delivered at Carlsbad on April 24.Then, the British and French envoys in Prague immediately went to see the Czech foreign minister, expressing the hope that the Czech government would make the greatest efforts to solve this problem. In May the Germans in Czechoslovakia were ordered to intensify their agitation. On May 12, Henlein visited London to let the British government know more about the persecution of his countrymen.He expressed his desire to see me.I therefore arranged to speak to him at Morpeth House the next day, in the presence of Sir Archibald Sinclair.Translated by Professor Lindemann. The solution advocated by Henlein may be outlined as follows: There should be a central council in Prague, in charge of foreign affairs, defence, economy and transport.All political parties are free to express their opinions in the parliament, and the government should govern by majority resolution.The border fortresses could be garrisoned by Czech troops, and of course they could drive unimpeded to the border areas.The Sudeten Germanic districts, and possibly other national minority districts, should exercise local self-government; that is to say, they should have their own town and country councils and a district council; Debate may be raised on matters of a local nature in areas within defined boundaries.On matters of fact, such as the delineation of frontiers, he was willing to submit them to an impartial tribunal, perhaps even one appointed by the League of Nations.All political parties should be free to organize and campaign freely; within the autonomous region, there should be fair courts.Officials in the German-speaking area, such as postal, railway and police officers, should of course be held by German-speaking people.An appropriate proportion of the total tax revenue shall be allocated to these districts as administrative expenses. Masalik, the Czech minister in London, who was later informed of the talks, agreed with such a solution.A peaceful settlement of disputes between recognized races and minorities without impeding the independence of the Czech Republic would not have been impossible, if Germany had good intentions and kept its word.But I have no illusions about this condition. On May 17, Henlein negotiated with the Czech government on the Sudeten issue. Henlein visited Hitler on his way back from England to the Czech Republic.At that time, local elections in Czechoslovakia were about to be held, and the German government was preparing for the elections, conducting a well-planned war of nerves.Rumors swirled about German troops advancing towards the Czech border.On May 20, the British government asked the ambassador to Germany, Sir Neville Henderson, to inquire about the matter in Berlin.Germany's denial did not reassure the Czechs, who ordered partial mobilization of the army on the night of May 20-21. At this time, it is necessary to study the German intentions.For some time Hitler had been convinced that neither France nor Britain would fight for Czechoslovakia.On May 28, he called a meeting of his principal advisers and ordered preparations for an attack on Czechoslovakia.He later publicly announced this decision in a speech to Congress on January 30, 1939.He said: Seeing this intolerable provocation I resolved to settle the Sudeten-German problem once and for all.On the 28th of May, I ordered: (1) prepare for military action against this country by October 2, and (2) immediately accelerate the expansion of our fortifications on the Western Front. 【１】 [1] "Hitler Speeches", Volume II, page 1571. But not all of his military advisers share his confidence.The German generals did not believe that France and Britain would yield to the Führer's challenge, considering that the Allies were still much stronger than Germany except for the air force.A full thirty-five divisions had to be dispatched to defeat the Czechs, break through or outflank the Bohemian defenses.The generals of the German General Staff told Hitler to take into account that the Czech army was efficient and possessed the latest weapons and equipment.Although the defense construction of the Western Wall or the Siegfried Line has been completed, it is still far from being fully completed.When attacking the Czech Republic, Germany could only draw out five regular divisions and eight reserve divisions to protect the western front from the French army that might mobilize a hundred divisions.The generals were taken aback when they heard that this risk was being taken.And if you can wait a few more years, the German army can regain its advantage.Although due to the pacifism and weakness of the Allied Powers, Germany proved that Hitler's political judgment was very correct in the events of conscription, occupation of the Rhineland, and seizure of Austria, the German Supreme Command could not believe Hitler's bluff. Intimidation will have a fourth success.It would be unreasonable for the victorious Powers, who are clearly still militarily superior, to abdicate once again their duty and their honor, which for them is the course of common sense and prudence.There is also Russia, which is of the same Slavic race as Czechoslovakia.At this time, its attitude towards Germany is very threatening. The state relations between Soviet Russia and Czechoslovakia, as well as the personal relationship with President Benes, have maintained a close, united and friendly relationship.The roots of this relationship are partly due to race relations and partly due to several recent events.It is necessary to explain a little about these things here.This was told to me in January 1944 by President Benes when he visited me in Marrakech.In 1935, Hitler suggested to him that if Czechoslovakia pledged neutrality in the Franco-German war, he would promise to respect the territorial integrity of Czechoslovakia under all circumstances.When Benes stated that he had a treaty obligation to act in unison with France under such circumstances, the German ambassador replied that it was not necessary to declare the treaty abrogated, but that the treaty could be completely destroyed as long as no mobilization or deployment of troops was carried out in the event of war .The little republic, from its position, could not be indignant at such proposals.They were utterly terrified of Germany, especially considering that it could at any moment raise the question of the Sudeten Germans, or incite them to excruciating difficulty and increasing danger. So they didn't criticize or comment on this suggestion, just put it aside.The incident was not mentioned again for more than a year.By the autumn of 1936, the German high-level military sent President Benes a letter to the effect that if he was willing to take advantage of the Fuehrer's proposal, he should act quickly, because something important would happen in Russia soon, which would make him Any favors given to Germany became irrelevant. As Benes mused on this disturbing hint, he noticed that the Soviet embassy in Prague was passing letters frequently between important figures in the Russian and German governments.This is part of the treasonous plot of the so-called soldiers and the old Red Guards of the Communist Party.They wanted to overthrow Stalin and install a new regime based on pro-German policies.President Benes immediately informed Stalin of everything he could know. 【１】 [1] There are some facts that prove that the information about Benes was first notified to the Czech police by the Ministry of Political Security of the Soviet Union, because the Ministry of Political Security of the Soviet Union wanted to pass this information through a friendly country and then pass it on to Stalin, but this does not cancel it out. Benes helped Stalin, so it doesn't matter much. Then, Soviet Russia carried out a ruthless, but perhaps not unnecessary, military and political purge.A series of trials took place in January 1937.Prosecutor Vyshinski shines in these trials. While the old Red Guards of the Communist Party were unlikely to work hand-in-hand with the military generals, or vice versa, they must have been extremely jealous of Stalin because they were kicked out by him.Therefore, by the standards of a totalitarian state, it is naturally best to eliminate them at the same time.The old leaders of the revolutionary period, such as Zinoviev, Bukharin, etc., as well as Marshal Tukhachevsky, the Soviet representative who was sent to London to attend the coronation ceremony of King George VI, and many senior army officers, were all arrested. shot. There are more than 5,000 people who have been liquidated, including civil servants and military officers above captain. The Russian army purged Germanophiles at the expense of its military efficiency.The Soviet Russian government turned markedly towards anti-German tendencies.Stalin was personally indebted to President Benes; the Soviet Russian government was extremely willing to help him personally and his threatened country against the Nazi danger.Hitler of course knew all these things well.But I don't know whether the governments of Britain and France are very clear.In the eyes of Mr. Chamberlain and the British and French staffs, the purge of the Soviet Union in 1937 was mainly a division within the Russian army, which was caused by cruel hatred and revenge that tore the Soviet Union apart.This may be an extreme view.A system of government based on terror, with ruthless means of securing power, is likely to strengthen the government.The salient fact to be shown in this narrative is the close relationship between Russia and Czechoslovakia, between Stalin and Benes. However, the outside world does not know anything about the tension in Germany and the relationship between Benes and Stalin.The British and French envoys to the Czech Republic were also ignorant.The Siegfried Line, though incomplete, was a formidable obstacle nonetheless. The German Army is newly established, and its exact numbers and combat power are difficult to estimate accurately, and are obviously exaggerated.There is also the immeasurable danger of air raids on undefended cities.Most importantly, people in democracies hate war in their hearts. Nonetheless, on June 12, Daladier reiterated the pledge made by his predecessor on March 14, declaring that France's obligations to the Czechs were sacred and inescapable.In the past, some people thought that the Locarno Convention thirteen years ago meant that all issues in Eastern Europe were unresolved before the signing of the Locarno Convention in Eastern Europe; The smoke cleared.Earlier in history, the treaty concluded between France and the Czech Republic in 1924 was beyond doubt legally and de facto in full force; The Führer has repeatedly reiterated this point. On this question, however, Hitler was convinced that only his own judgment was correct, and on June 18 he announced the final order for an offensive against the Czech Republic.In the middle of this, he once again assured those generals who were anxious. hitler to keitel I decided to attack Czechoslovakia only when I was convinced that France would not march, as we had reoccupied the Rhineland Demilitarized Zone and Austria, and therefore Britain would not intervene. 【１】 [1] "Nuremberg Papers", Part II, No. 10. In order to confuse the public, Hitler sent his entourage, Captain Wiedemann, to London.Lord Halifax received the envoy on July 8, making the appearance that the German embassy was also ignorant.He said the Führer was unhappy that Britain had not responded to his proposal.Whether the British government can let Goering come to London for more detailed discussions.Under certain circumstances, Germany will postpone the attack on the Czech Republic for a year.A few days later, Chamberlain discussed this possibility with the German ambassador.Prior to this, in order to clarify the situation in Prague, the British Prime Minister had suggested to the Czechs that an inspector be sent to Czechoslovakia in order to facilitate an amicable compromise.The Emperor's visit to Paris on July 20 gave Halifax an opportunity to discuss the proposal with the French Government, and after a brief exchange of views the two Governments agreed to mediate. On July 26, 1938, Chamberlain announced in Parliament that he would send Lord Runciman to Prague in order to facilitate a peaceful settlement between the Czechoslovak government and Henlein on the spot.The next day, the Czech government published a draft bill on domestic minorities as a basis for negotiations.On the same day, Lord Halifax said in Parliament: "I do not believe that at the moment the heads of state in Europe want to go to war.On August 3rd Lord Runciman arrived in Prague to engage in a long and intricate series of negotiations with all parties concerned.Within two weeks, those talks finally broke down, and the situation has burgeoned since then. On August 27, Ribbentrop, who was now Minister of Foreign Affairs, reported that the Italian ambassador in Berlin had visited him, and the ambassador said that he had received a written order from Mussolini asking Germany to inform him in time. Date of possible action against the Czech Republic.Mussolini asked to be informed so that he could take the necessary measures at the French border in due course. During August, the worrying situation intensified.On the twenty-seventh I said to my constituency voters: We are in this old forest of Seyton Bois, whose name alone reminds us of Norman times, and it is hard for a peaceful, law-abiding Englishman to understand the ferocity that prevails in Europe.During this anxious month, you must have read all kinds of reports in the newspapers, a good week, a bad week, a better week, a worse week.But I must tell you that the whole situation in Europe and the world is constantly moving towards a culmination that will never be delayed any longer. War is certainly not inevitable.But the threat to peace could not be removed until the great army drawn up from German families had been disbanded.A country that is neither threatened nor feared by others, to place one and a half million soldiers on a war-time basis is a very serious step in my opinion, and I must tell you frankly, that this The wartime organization of a large number of forces is intended to achieve a certain result in a very short period of time The government has sent Lord Runciman to Prague, and we fully agree.We hope really, and we pray for him that his mission of mediation will be successful.It now appears that the Czechoslovak government is also doing its best to adjust their domestic situation and is ready to accept any demands that do not divide their country. However, greater and more violent ambitions may prevent an agreement. .If so, Europe and the civilized world would have to face the demands of Nazi Germany, or some sudden rampage on the part of the German Nazi Party, to attack and conquer country after country.Such an incident is probably not only an attack on Czechoslovakia, but an atrocity that destroys civilization and freedom all over the world. Whatever happens, the nations of the world should know that our government should let them know that Great Britain and the British Empire must be able to play their part and do their part, as they did in those great events that history has not forgotten Same. During these days, I have had some contacts with ministers.My relations with Lord Halifax were, of course, affected by serious political differences between me and the government in matters of defense and foreign affairs.I agree with Eden in major respects, but I cannot say the same about his successor.Still, when we met, we were still friends and longtime colleagues.Sometimes I also write to him.Occasionally, he also invites me to visit him. Mr Churchill to Lord Halifax If, on August 31, 1938, Benes made a concession, which Runciman considered fair and reasonable, but was rejected by the other party, then, in my opinion, in order to strengthen the suppression of Hitler's atrocities, Resistance, there are only two things you can do this week, neither of which will make you liable for the dreaded promise. First, whether it is possible for Britain, France and Russia to submit a joint note stating: (1) their desire for peaceful and friendly relations; (2) their deep anxiety about Germany's military deployment; (3) their unanimous interest in the peaceful settlement of the Czechoslovakian dispute; important issues of the country.After drafting this note, the ambassadors of the three countries to the United States should give it to Roosevelt for review.We should also try to get Roosevelt to be as supportive as possible on this issue.I think it is possible that he would send Hitler a letter emphasizing the seriousness of the situation, saying that he believed that the invasion of Czechoslovakia would lead to a world war and that he was eager for an amicable solution. It seemed to me that this approach would give the official German pacifists a good chance of standing their ground, and that Hitler might find a way to negotiate with Roosevelt.Of course, all these things are difficult to predict and can only be regarded as hope.The important thing is to come up with a joint note. The second step, which may save the situation, is to mobilize the fleet and integrate the reserve flotilla and cruiser fleet into the active fleet.I don't mean to call up the Royal Reserve Fleet or mobilize, but I think that five or six small fleets can be raised to the size of the First Fleet, and about two hundred trawlers can be used for anti-submarine use.These measures, and others, will create a prestige in the naval ports as a deterrent against Germany's war; and if war does occur, it will be a timely precaution, which will only benefit us anyway. I venture to hope that you will not take offense to these suggestions from a man who has lived through such days himself before.Clearly, swift action is critical. On the afternoon of September 2, I received a letter from the Soviet Russian ambassador, saying that he had an urgent matter and wanted to come to Chartwell to see me immediately.I have had a personal friendship with Ambassador Maisky for a long time.He also meets with my son Randolph from time to time.I met with the ambassador, and after some pleasantries, he told me the following in detail.Before he had spoken for long, I felt that the reason for this private conversation with me was that the Soviet government preferred to make proposals through me rather than directly to the Foreign Office, lest they might be rejected.They obviously wanted me to report everything I heard to the government. The ambassador did not say so, but he did not ask me to keep it a secret, as can be imagined.I felt at the time that the matter was important, and I had to be very careful in conveying it to the government, not to join my own opinion, and not to use language that might put us into dispute with each other, lest it be considered in Halifax and Chamberlain. have biased effects. Mr Churchill to Lord Halifax On September 3, 1938, I personally received the following information from absolutely reliable sources.I feel it is my duty to report to you, although I was not asked to do so. Yesterday, September 2, the Chargé d’Affaires of France in Moscow (the ambassador is on vacation) visited Litvinov and asked him, on behalf of the French government, what assistance Russia would give when Czechoslovakia was attacked by Germany, especially in view of Poland and Russia. Romania may remain neutral due to difficulties.Litvinov asked what France was going to do. He pointed out that France had direct obligations, while Russia's obligations were determined by France's actions.The Chargé d'affaires of France did not answer this question.Nevertheless, Litvinov said to him: First, the Soviet Union is determined to fulfill their obligations.He recognized the difficulties caused by the attitudes of Poland and Romania, but he believed that the difficulties on the Romanian side could be overcome. In recent months, the policy of the Romanian government has been clearly friendly to Russia, and relations between the two countries have improved considerably.Litvinov believed that the best way to overcome Romanian reluctance was through the League of Nations.例如，如果國際聯盟決定捷克斯洛伐克是被侵略國，德國是侵略國，這就有可能使羅馬尼亞決定讓俄國的陸軍和空軍過境。 法國代辦指出，國聯行政院或許不能達成一致的決議。李維諾夫答稱，多數票的決議就夠了，同時羅馬尼亞可能在行政院表決時加入多數的一方。李維諾夫因此建議，以出現戰爭危險作為理由，根據第十一條的規定，召集國聯行政院開會，國聯各會員國可在一起進行磋商。他認為時間也許已十分短促，要做就越早越好。後來他又告訴法國代辦說，俄國、法國和捷充斯洛伐克的參謀部應立即舉行會談，研究援助的方法和措施，蘇聯準備參加這種會談。 第四，李維諾夫提起他在三月十七日的談話，外交部當然有這次談話的副本。在那次談話中，他主張應由愛好和平的各國就維護和平的最妥善辦法進行商談，也許最好能發表一個包括法、俄、英三大國在內的聯合聲明。他相信美國對這一聲明會在道義上加以支持。他這些話，都是以俄國政府的名義說的，是俄國政府認為阻止戰爭的最好方法。 我要指出，今天的消息似乎表明希特勒的態度比較溫和些，所以我認為除非亨萊因與貝奈斯的談判出現新的破裂（如果出現破裂則過錯不會在捷克斯洛伐克政府一方），英國政府不會考慮採取進一步的行動。如果希特勒確實改變態度，轉而採取和平解決的辦法，我們就不要激怒他。 你當然可以從別的渠道獲悉這些消息，但我認為李維諾夫的話是極端重要的，我不應該置之不理，不向你報告。 我把報告口授寫好以後，立即送給哈利法克斯勳爵。他在九月五日以謹慎的口吻答覆說，他認為現在如根據第十一條規定採取行動，對時局不會有什麼幫助，但他可以把這件事記在心裡。我認為在現在，正如你所指出的，我們應該根據亨萊因從貝希特斯加登帶回來的報告重新檢討整個局勢。 他又說，局勢仍然使人十分憂慮。 《泰晤士報》在九月七日的社論中說： 捷克政府已表示願意接受蘇台德人最近的建議，如果現在他們又提出新的要求，那麼唯一可能的結論就是：德國的目的不僅在於為那些在捷克斯洛伐克共和國中感到不自在的人解除疾苦而已。在那種情況下，捷克斯洛伐克政府值得考慮的是，他們是否應該完全排除為某些方面所贊成的計劃，即割讓某些異族居民居住的並與其同種族的國家接壤的邊緣地區，從而使捷克斯洛伐克成為一個更加單純的國家的計劃。 這當然是意味著把波希米亞要塞防線的全部地帶交出來。雖然英國政府立即聲明《泰晤士報》這篇文章不能代表政府的意見，但國外的輿論，尤其是法國的輿論並不因此安心。就在同一天九月七日法國駐倫敦大使往訪哈利法克斯勳爵，代表法國政府請求英國政府闡明英國將採取的立場，如果德國進攻捷克斯洛伐克的話。 當時的法國外交部長博內先生宣稱，他在一九三八年九月十日曾向我們駐巴黎大使埃里克‧菲普斯爵士提出如下的問題：明天希特勒也許就要進攻捷克斯洛伐克了，如果是這樣的話，法國就立即動員。法國會回頭問問你，我們要進軍了；你們是不是和我們一同進軍？英國將如何答覆呢？ 下面是經過內閣同意的答覆。這是由哈利法克斯勳爵在十二日交菲普斯爵士轉交法國的： 我當然知道我國政府對這個問題的明白答覆對法國政府來說是多麼重要。但是，正如你向博內指出的，這個問題的本身雖然簡單明白，但決不能同可能會發生這個問題時的情況分隔開來，而在現階段，這樣的情況顯然純屬假定。 此外，在這種事件中，英皇陛下政府不可能只關心自己的處境，因為不論它作出什麼決定或採取什麼行動，事實上都使各自治領承擔同樣的義務。各自治領政府當然不願意在情況尚未發生之前由別人代它們作出決定，它們希望自己來作出判斷。 所以，在現階段，我對博內先生的問題所能提出的答覆只是：雖然英國政府決不會讓法國的安全受到威脅，但是他們不能準確地說明，在現時尚難預料的形勢中將採取的未來行動的性質和採取行動的時間。 【１】 【１】喬治‧博內：《從華盛頓到法國外交部》，第三百六十｜三百六十一頁。 法國政府針對英國政府決不會讓法國的安全受到威脅這一點提出問題：如果法國受到威脅時可以得到英國什麼援助。根據博內的記載，倫敦的答覆是兩個沒有摩托化的師，在戰爭開始的六個月內將派出一百五十架飛機。如果博內先生的目的不過是為了找個借口，以便把捷克交由命運支配，那麼，我們應該承認他的目的已經達到了。 九月十二日同一天，希特勒在紐倫堡黨員大會上發表演說，對捷克人大肆攻擊。第二天，捷克在國內某些地區實施戒嚴令，作為回答。九月十四日，他們同亨萊因的談判完全破裂了。十五日，這個蘇台德領袖就逃往德國了。 現在已到了危機的頂點。