Chapter 23 Volume 1 Chapter 19 Prague‧Albania‧Britain's Guarantee to Poland

January 1939｜April Chamberlain's visit to Rome German troops rally to Czechoslovakia Cabinet optimism Hitler's invasion of Czechoslovakia Chamberlain's speech at Birmingham A radical change in policy Guaranteed Conversation with Colonel Baker Italian Landing in Albania 7th April 1939 Wrong Dispatch of the British Mediterranean Fleet My Speech in the House of Commons 13th April My Letter to Lord Halifax Goering, Musso Rini and Ciano's military planning conference Germany's strategic advantage after the annexation of Czechoslovakia Conscription by the British government Labour's and Liberal opposition's weak attitudes Organizational British coalition government agitation Sir Cripps' appeal Mr Stanley's willingness Resign.

Mr. Chamberlain still believed that the situation in the world could be greatly improved if he had only personally consulted with the two dictators.Little did he know that the two dictators had made up their minds.He hopefully suggested that he and Lord Halifax visit Italy in January.It took some time before Italy extended an invitation.The meeting will be held on January 11th.But now when we read "Ciano's Diary" mentioning Italy's comments on our country and our representatives behind the scenes, it can't help but make people blush.Ciano wrote: Essentially the visit was low-key and never really engaged with each other.How far we are from these people!That is another world.We talked about these things to the leader after dinner.These men, Mussolini said, were not made of the same material as Captain Francis Drake and other great adventurers who created the British Empire.In the final analysis, they are just the last descendants of a wealthy and noble family.Ciano added:

The British don't want to fight.They want to retreat as slowly as possible, but they don't want to fight. Our talks with the British are over, but to no avail.I called Ribbentrop and said it was a big failure but no harm As Chamberlain's train started to move, his fellow countrymen sang that he was a damn good man, and tears welled up in his eyes.Mussolini asked: What kind of song is this? Two weeks later, the diary again wrote: Lord Perth handed us the outlines of Chamberlain's speech to be delivered in the House of Commons, for our opinion, and said that we could make changes if we thought it necessary.The leader agreed with the outline of the speech and said: I think it is the first time that the head of the British government has sent the outline of his speech to a foreign government for approval.For them it was an ominous sign. [1] However, it was Ciano and Mussolini themselves who finally embarked on the road to perdition.

[1] "Ciano's Diary, 1939 | 1943" (edited by Malcolm Muggeridge), pp. 9 and 10. Meanwhile, on January 18, Ribbentrop arrived in Warsaw to launch a diplomatic offensive against Poland.Annexed the Czech Republic and encircled Poland.The first stage of this campaign was to assert that Germany had sovereignty over Danzig, and to extend Germany's control over the Baltic Sea region to Memer, an important seaport in Lithuania, in order to cut off Poland's access to the sea.The Polish government expressed strong opposition to this oppression.Hitler had to watch closely, waiting for the time to start the war.

During the second week of March, various rumors arose that there were frequent movements of troops in Germany and Austria, especially in the area between Vienna and Salzburg.Germany is said to have mobilized forty divisions on a wartime basis.The Slovaks, confident of having German support, were preparing to secede their country from the Czechoslovak Republic.Colonel Baker was relieved to see that the Teutonic gale had blown the other way.He publicly declared in Warsaw that his government was deeply sympathetic to the wishes of the Slovaks.Hitler received the leader of Slovakia, the Abbe Tissot, in Berlin with the courtesy of a chancellor.On the twelfth, when Mr. Chamberlain was asked in Parliament about securing the Czechoslovak frontier, Chamberlain reminded the House of Commons that this proposal was made against a gratuitous aggression which was not taking place.But he didn't have to wait long for the aggression to happen.

In March, the British political scene was filled with a mood of perverse optimism.The British ministers and newspapers who supported the Munich agreement, despite the growing tension that Czechoslovakia was under strong German pressure inside and outside, remained confident in the policy that had brought Czechoslovakia to ruin.To give an example, on March 10, when the Home Secretary delivered a speech in his constituency, he said that he hoped to have a five-year peace plan, saying that with this plan, there would be a golden age and so on.At the time, they were still discussing, hopefully, a trade agreement with Germany.The famous Punch comic magazine published a caricature of John Bull waking up from a nightmare, gasping for breath, and flying out of the out the window.

On the day the caricature was published, Hitler delivered an ultimatum to the embattled Czech government, which had been stripped of its border defenses by the Munich Resolution. The German troops marching on Prague absolutely controlled the defenseless country. I remember that I was sitting with Eden in the drawing room of the House of Commons when the evening papers on this event came.Even those of us who were as disillusioned as we were, and who had been trying to justify the situation, were taken aback by this sudden act of violence.It is unbelievable that the British government, which has all the secret information, is so at a loss.On March 14, the Czechoslovak Republic was disintegrated and conquered.Slovaks officially declare independence.The Hungarian army, secretly supported by Poland, marched into Carpathian Ukraine, the eastern Czech province they claimed.Hitler arrived in Prague, declared the Czech Republic under German protection, and thus incorporated it into the German Reich.

On March 15th, Mr. Chamberlain had to tell the House that the German troops had begun to occupy Bohemia at six o'clock this morning.The Czech people have been ordered by the government not to resist.He then went on to say that he believed that his pledge to Czechoslovakia was no longer valid.Five months ago, when, after the Munich Conference, Sir Inskeep, Secretary of State for the Colonies, referred to this pledge: His Majesty's Government felt a moral duty to maintain the pledge to Czechoslovakia (which sounded like This guarantee is technically valid) So, in the event of an unprovoked act of aggression, the British government would of course have to act within its capabilities to ensure the territorial integrity of Czechoslovakia.So far, the Prime Minister has said:

This guarantee was still in force until yesterday.However, since the Slovak Congress declared the independence of Slovakia, the situation has changed.As a result of Slovakia's proclamation, the country whose frontiers we were supposed to keep intact was annihilated by internal divisions, the British Government is therefore freed from this obligation. This seems to be a foregone conclusion.The Prime Minister said at the end: Of course I should deeply regret what has happened now, but we must not get off track because of this.We should remember that the will of the peoples of the world is still focused on the hope of peace.

Mr Chamberlain is due to speak in Birmingham two days later.I thought he would accept what had happened in the most euphemistic terms.This would be consistent in tone with his speech in Parliament.I even imagined that he might say that, thanks to the foresight of the government in Munich, Great Britain was completely dissociated from the fate of Czechoslovakia, indeed the fate of Central Europe.He might say: last September, we decided not to get involved in the vortex of continental disputes, how lucky we are!We can now allow countries that have nothing to do with us to settle their disputes without bloodshed or expense.Now that the division of Czechoslovakia was agreed at the Munich Conference, and the majority of the British, within their knowledge of the situation, agreed, it was a logical conclusion to draw these ideas.This is also the view taken by some of the most vocal supporters of the Munich agreement.So I awaited Chamberlain's speech in Birmingham with contempt at first.

The Prime Minister's reaction took me by surprise.He had always thought that he knew Hitler's character so well that he could accurately estimate the limits of German action.He believed hopefully that the Munich Conference was a meeting of the heart, and that together with Hitler and Mussoheni he had rescued the world from the infinite horrors of war.Now it seemed as if a sudden explosion had shattered his beliefs and everything that had been created by his actions and words.He made a grave misjudgment of the facts, and not only deceived himself, but also imposed these errors on his compliant colleagues and unfortunate English public opinion. Overnight, he suddenly turned around from his past mistakes.If Chamberlain failed to understand Hitler, Hitler also completely underestimated the character of the British Prime Minister.Hitler mistakenly believed that the Prime Minister's gentle appearance and enthusiasm for peace could fully explain his character, and that his umbrella was his symbol. He did not know that Neville Chamberlain had a strong heart and would not be deceived. His speech at Birmingham was in a very different tone than before.His biographer said: "His tone was very different from before. He was better informed. He knew that Parliament, the public and the Dominions had expressed a firm position. So he put forward the long-drawn-out discussion on domestic problems and social welfare. Put aside the problematic speech, stand up bravely and fight against the difficulties.He accused Hitler of breaking his promise and breaking the Munich agreement.He invoked all the assurances Hitler had made: This is my last territorial claim to Europe, and I can assure you that I have no interest in the Czech Republic anymore.I will never ask for another Czech.The Prime Minister said in his speech: "I am sure that after the Munich meeting, the majority of the British people share my sincere hope that this policy will continue, but today I feel the same disappointment, the same outrage, and feel that Those hopes were unscrupulously destroyed by the other side.How can the events of this week be said to reconcile with the pledges I have just read to you? Who can not feel heartfelt sympathy for this proud and heroic nation which has been suddenly invaded, for which has been deprived of liberty and national independence?Now, we have heard that Czechoslovakia has had to occupy its territory because of the riots, and if there were riots there, were they not instigated by foreign countries?Is this the last attack on a small country?Or will there be another attack to follow?In fact, isn't this a step in an attempt to dominate the world by force? These remarks are completely different from the attitude and policy he adopted in his statement in the House of Commons two days ago, which is unimaginable.He must have gone through an extremely intense ideological struggle.On the 15th, he also said: Let us not get off track.But now there is a sudden and complete change. Not only that, Chamberlain's change of mind was not limited to lip service.The twentieth smallest country on Hitler's list was Poland.The Prime Minister is of course extremely busy during this period as he has important decisions to make and as he has to consult with many people.A fortnight later (March 31) the Prime Minister addressed Parliament: I now report to Parliament that in the event of any action which manifestly threatens the independence of Poland, and the Polish Government therefore deems it necessary to mobilize the forces of the whole country to resist, His Majesty's Government will immediately feel obliged to give the Polish Government its full and immediate support.The British Government has already offered Poland an assurance to the same effect. I also affirm that the Government of France has authorized me to state expressly that it takes the same position as His Majesty's Government on this question, and that (later said) the Dominions have been informed in detail. At this time, it is no longer the time for each other to pursue the past.Leaders of all parties in the House of Representatives have unanimously backed the pledge to Poland.God forbid, there is nothing else we can do.That's what I said at the time.We have reached this juncture, and this is a necessary action.Anyone who knew the situation at the time had no doubt that it probably meant a major war into which we were inevitably involved. The tragic tale of misjudgments of well-meaning and capable men has now reached its climax.The fact that we are all in trouble means that those responsible, however honorable their motives, are to be condemned by history.Please look back at what we have accepted or given up in the past: Germany was disarmed by a solemn treaty; Germany broke a solemn treaty to rearm; The Rhineland was taken by force, the Siegfried Line was built or was being built; the Berlin-Roman Axis was established; Austria was annexed and assimilated by Germany; Czechoslovakia was betrayed and destroyed by the Agreement of Munich, its Since then, the powerful Skoda Arsenal has manufactured arms for the German army; President Roosevelt wanted to use American intervention to stabilize or clarify the situation in Europe, but he was ignored; and the Soviet Union was obviously willing to unite with Western countries to do their best to rescue Czechoslovakia, but no one paid attention to it; Thirty-five Czech divisions, which would have been able to deal with the imperfect German army, were thrown away when Britain could supply only two divisions to strengthen the defense of the French frontier.It all melted away. And now, when all these advantages and favorable conditions have been thrown away, Britain is leading France single-handedly, marching forward to ensure the integrity of Poland's territory.This Poland, only six months ago, participated like a hungry wolf in the plunder and destruction of the Czechoslovak Republic.If we had fought for the Czech Republic in 1938, it would have been wise, because the German army was not yet able to send five or six trained divisions to the Western Front. At that time, France, with its sixty or seventy The strength of the division can cross the Rhine River and enter the Ruhr as fast as possible.But at that time, as long as this kind of war was mentioned, it would be considered unreasonable, rash and reckless, and did not conform to the ideological and moral level of modern people.Now, in the last days, the two Western democracies have declared their readiness to sacrifice their lives for the territorial integrity of Poland.History, for the most part, it is said, is the record of human crime, folly, and suffering.Such a sudden reversal of the policy of appeasement and appeasement that had been casually adopted for five or six years changed its position almost overnight, and it was willing to accept what was obviously an imminent war. The conditions of this war were much worse than before, and its scale was much larger. To the extreme, we might as well do a good search in history to see if we can find similar examples. Besides, how can we protect Poland and honor our pledges? That would be to declare war on Germany, to attack the stronger Western Wall and the stronger German Army that had scared us back in September 1938.It was a succession of milestones on the way to disaster.This is a record of successive submissions to ever-increasing German might, which at first we had the strength to deal with easily and then with increasing difficulty.Now, at last, Britain and France have given up their capitulation, and at the worst possible moment and under the most unfavorable conditions have finally taken a decision that must inevitably lead to the massacre of millions.First squandering all the assets and advantages, and then using upside-down elaborate rhetoric, he declared his determination to fight to the death for a just cause.If you can not fight for justice when you can easily win without bloodshed, or not fight when the odds are certain and the price is cheap, then one day you will have to do so under the most adverse circumstances, when there is only a sliver of survival Forced to fight.There could be even worse. It may be necessary to fight when there is no hope of victory, because it is better to die in battle than to live as a slave. The Birmingham speech brought me very close to Mr. Chamberlain.I wrote him a letter saying: I take the liberty of repeating the proposal I made to you yesterday afternoon in the drawing room of the House of Representatives, namely, that air defense should be adequately prepared in the future.We will not be seen as aggressive in doing so, but will reinforce the seriousness of the actions of the British Government on the Continent.Gather these officers and soldiers together and make them a whole, and their efficiency will increase day by day.The domestic impact of this will only strengthen people's confidence rather than cause panic.But it was Hitler who stuck with me the most.He must have been extremely nervous at this time.He knows we are forming a joint force to stop his further aggression.A man like him can do anything.They might attempt a surprise attack on London or on the aviation industry which worries me more.If he had known in advance that we were all prepared, the temptation might not have existed.Sudden attacks are virtually impossible, and therefore the incentive to extreme violence must be removed in favor of more prudent calculations. In August, 1914, I suggested to Mr. Asquith that I send the fleet north, so that it might pass the Straits of Dover and Ireland before the diplomatic situation became hopeless.In my opinion, there is a similar situation in the current air defense personnel.Please don't mind me reminding you of this. The Poles shamefully took Teszin when they wiped out the Czechoslovak Republic, but they will soon have to pay their fine.On March 21, Ribbentrop received the Polish ambassador to Palin, Mr. Lipski.His tone of voice had become much harsher than it had been in previous discussions.As Germany occupied Bohemia and created the satellite state of Slovakia, German troops moved as far as Poland's southern border.Lipski told Ribbentrop that ordinary people in Poland could not understand why Germany adopted a protection system for Slovakia, thinking that this protection was directly aimed at Poland.He also asked about the recent talks between Ribbentrop and the Lithuanian foreign minister, and whether they had affected Memmer.Two days later (March 23), Lipsky had his answer.The Germans occupied Memmer. On the Eastern European side, any means sufficient to organize resistance to German aggression are now almost lost.Hungary had thrown itself into the German camp.Poland, which at first took an attitude of watching the Czechs from the other side, is now unwilling to cooperate closely with Romania. Neither Poland nor Rumania would allow Russian troops to cross their territories to interfere with Germany.The key to the Grand Alliance is an understanding with Russia.On March 19, the Russian government, which was deeply affected by the situation at that time, although it was kicked out of the door during the Munich crisis, proposed to convene a conference of six countries at this time.For this question, Mr. Chamberlain also has his established views.In a personal letter dated March 26, he wrote: I have to admit that I have great distrust of Russia.Even if it wanted to, I don't know if it would be capable of sustaining a strong offensive.Nor do I trust its motives; they seem to me to have nothing to do with our conception of liberty.It just sows right and wrong, lest the world will not be chaotic.Not only that, many small countries hate it and suspect it, especially Poland, Romania and Finland. [1] Thus, the proposal of the Six-Power Conference of the USSR was thus treated with indifference and dismissed. [1] Fayling, op. cit., p. 403. The possibility of luring Italy off the axis, which had been so hoped in official British calculations, was now fading away.On March 26, Mussolini delivered a fiery speech addressing France's claim to the Mediterranean.He was secretly planning to expand Italian influence in the Balkans and the Adriatic in order to bring him into balance with German advances in Central Europe.His plan to invade Albania was ready. On March 29, Mr. Chamberlain announced in Parliament his plan to double the size of the Home Guard, including a paper increase of 210,000 men (unequipped). On April 3, Keitel, Hitler's chief of staff, issued a secret order against Poland: the Armed Forces Command from 1939 to 1940 was code-named the White Plan.The head of state gave instructions on this order: the preparation work must be such that military operations can be launched at any time from September 1st. On April 4th, the government invited me to a lunch at the Savoy Hotel with Colonel Beck, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland.The Polish foreign minister is in London for an official and important visit.I met him on the Riviera last year when the two of us had dinner together.Now I ask him: When you go back, will your special car go back to Poland through Germany without incident?He replied: I think we will have time to go back safely. A new crisis has now unfolded before us. At dawn on April 7, 1939, Italian troops landed in Albania and, after a short battle, occupied the entire country.Just as Czechoslovakia would become the base from which Germany would invade Poland, so Albania would become the launching pad from which Italy would attack Greece and neutralize Yugoslavia.The British government has long been committed to the peaceful interests of North-East Europe.What about the threat to Southeastern Europe?This great ship of peace has leaked everywhere. On April 9th ​​I wrote to the Prime Minister: I hope to reconvene Parliament by Tuesday at the latest.The reason I am writing to you is to say how much I would like your statement to be delivered in Parliament to also propose a united front, as it did with the Polish agreement. In my opinion, now time is important after all.Restoring the diplomatic initiative is urgent.This is no longer a matter of mere proclamations, or the scrapping of the Anglo-Italian agreement, or the withdrawal of ambassadors. The newspapers on Sunday mentioned bluntly that we were giving guarantees to Greece and Turkey.I also noticed that several newspapers spoke of Corfu being taken by the British Navy.If we do take this step, we have our best chance of preserving peace. If we do not take this step, which of course requires the consent of Greece, it seems to me that Corfu will soon be pre-occupied by Italy, now that the papers have announced the idea and it is evident that the situation requires it. .At that time, it may not be possible to regain it again.On the other hand, had we captured Corfu first, a few British warships would have been attacked at that time, and that would have exposed Mussolini to the prospect of starting a war of aggression against Britain.The immediate result will be to give the best chance to all those in Italy who oppose a war with England.Far from exacerbating the serious crisis that is presently present, it will make it less dangerous, but action must be taken tonight.The Balkans are very dangerous right now.If these countries are still under the pressure of Germany and Italy, and we appear to be as incapable of action as they estimate, then they will have to compromise with Berlin and Rome to obtain the best terms.How hopeless our situation will be then!We would have to take responsibility for Poland, which would embroil us in the disputes of Eastern Europe, while at the same time abandoning all hope of a grand alliance that would be salvageable once constructed. When I wrote the above words, I did not know the current situation of our Mediterranean Fleet.Our Mediterranean Fleet should of course be concentrated, and should be at sea in a suitable, but not too close, position of mutual support. In fact, at this time the British Mediterranean Fleet was scattered everywhere.Of our five capital ships, one is in Gibraltar, the other is in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the remaining three are in and out of various Italian ports at great distances, and two of them are not yet escorted by a small fleet.Destroyer fleets are scattered along the coasts of Europe and Africa.Another large group of cruisers was concentrated in the port of Malta, without the cover of the powerful anti-aircraft guns of the battleships.Whilst our fleet was thus impaired by this dispersion, it was heard that the Italian fleet was concentrated in the Straits of Otranto, and that Italian troops were concentrating on board ships, for a plot of some serious nature. On April 13th I attacked this neglectful deployment in the House of Commons: Foreign countries have studied the habits of the British on weekends and the importance that the British attach to holidays that coincide with church festivals.Good Friday, which happens to be the first day after the dissolution of Parliament.It is said that on that day the British fleet was still carrying out the plans announced earlier according to the usual routine.Therefore, the fleet will be scattered in all directions, and I am sure that Italy would not have ventured into Albania if our fleet had by then been concentrated and cruised around the southern Ionian Sea. After twenty-five years of experience in peace and war, I believe that British intelligence work is the best in the world, yet in the two events of the conquest of Bohemia and the invasion of Albania, I heard that the British Empire The ministers seemed to have no idea, or at least not quite exactly, what was going to happen.I do not believe this is the fault of British secret intelligence. On the eve of the German atrocities against Bohemia, why should British ministers still indulge in so-called warm talks and predict a golden age?Why should the old rules of last week's holiday continue to apply when it is clear that an event of an extraordinary nature and unpredictable consequences is about to occur?I think that if the ministers arbitrarily select, whitewash and reduce the influence and importance of the intelligence collected by the intelligence agencies and provide them in time, if they preconceived and only valued the sincerity with which they believe that world peace should continue to be maintained. And honorable desires coincide with intelligence, and they are running the most dire perils. All things are activated at the same moment.Year after year, month after month, these things have been moving forward in unison.When we think of a certain situation, in fact, others have actually reached a certain situation.Now that the crisis is looming, most European countries have mobilized on a large scale.Millions of people are preparing for war.The borders of the nations are heavily defended, and the imminence of a new attack is felt everywhere.If war does break out, is there any doubt that we will be drawn into the whirlpool?What we are living now is not what it was two or three months ago.We have fulfilled our obligations in every respect.I see it as a matter of course after seeing what has happened.It is not necessary now to enumerate the countries to which we have directly and indirectly guaranteed or are giving guarantees.We were powerful in every way a year ago, and we are doing things that we could not even have dreamed of doing then, or even a month ago.Of course, if we really want to bring Europe back from the brink of the abyss to the plateau of law and peace, we must set an example of the highest order.We cannot back down from anything.How, under these circumstances, can we go on living in comfort at home, unwilling to even utter the word coercion, or even take the necessary steps to replenish and equip the promised army?The black bitter water flooded everywhere rapidly.How can we go on, let me say this very frankly and sincerely, without incorporating the National Guard into the military? A few days later I expressed again my displeasure with the disposition of our fleet in a private letter to Lord Halifax: The deployment of our fleet is indeed inexplicable.First, on the night of Tuesday, April 14th, the Secretary of the Navy reported the state of the Home Fleet on the alert, saying that it was so tense that the anti-aircraft gunners could not even leave their guns and go down below.This was the result of a shocking telegram.In my opinion, this exceeds the requirement of alert.On the other hand, the Mediterranean Fleet, as I said in the House of Commons, was scattered all over the Mediterranean in a state of great vulnerability; the pier.Now the Mediterranean Fleet is concentrated and is where it should be.On the Mediterranean side, therefore, no doubt everything was in order.However, the lack of vigilance has moved to domestic waters.Except for a few anti-aircraft guns, the Atlantic Fleet has actually lost its combat effectiveness for a few days because most of the people are on vacation.At such a moment, anyone would think that the vacation can be staggered at least a little bit.All minesweepers are still being reequipped and are not yet active.How could this situation reconcile with the said tense situation on Tuesday?This appears to be a serious violation of the continuation of reasonable precautions.After all, the situation we are in now is basically the same as it was last week.The First Sea Lord is now seriously ill, so I expect much to befall Stanhope. I am writing this letter to you personally, so that you may find out the facts for yourself.So I ask you to keep this letter a secret, because I don't want to bother the Prime Minister with this matter, but I think you should know these things. On April 15, 1939, after Germany announced the protection of Bohemia and Moravia, Goering held talks with Mussolini and Ciano, the purpose of which was to explain to the Italians that Germany The state of war preparations.A record of this meeting has been found, which contains a passage from Goering: In any case, the heavy weapons of Czechoslovakia show how dangerous the situation would be in the event of a serious conflict even after Munich!As a result of Germany's actions, the positions of the two Axis countries have improved.For, among other reasons, the economic potential of the Axis powers increased as a result of the transfer of the enormous productive power of Czechoslovakia to Germany.The productivity of Czechoslovakia greatly strengthened the power of the Axis powers against the Western powers.Also, even if Germany is now engaged in a large-scale war, not even a single division needs to be used to defend the country.In the final analysis, this is also a favorable condition for the two Axis countries to enjoy the benefits. Germany's actions in Czechoslovakia should be considered for the interests of the Axis countries.Germany could now flank the country (Poland) on both wings, and be within a twenty-five-minute flight of the new Polish industrial center.The new industrial center of Poland, because of its proximity to the border areas, has now moved to the interior and is relatively close to other industrial areas in Poland. 【１】 [1] "Nuremberg Papers", Part II, p. 106. A few years later, General Jodl said in a speech: In the autumn of 1938 and the spring of 1939, we resolved the Czech conflict and annexed Slovakia without bloodshed, completed the restoration of the territory of Greater Germany, and made Germany It is now possible to consider the Polish question on the premise that it is more or less strategically advantageous. [1] On the day Goering visited Rome, President Roosevelt sent a private letter to Hitler and Mussolini, urging them to pledge that within ten years, or, if we look further, even in two No more aggression for fifteen years.The Italian leader initially refused to read the letter, but later added a comment: Consequences of polio!It did not occur to him that he himself would be tormented much more severely in the future. [1] Ibid., page 107. The Prime Minister had repeatedly promised that there would be no conscription, but on April 27 he decided to impose it.Much credit for this belated awakening must go to Hall-Belizar, Secretary of State for War.He was indeed prepared to sacrifice his political life and had several conversations of a very serious nature with the Prime Minister.In this severe ordeal I saw something of him.During this period, he never dared to say that this day was not the last time to go to work. Of course, the introduction of conscription at this stage cannot immediately form an army. Only men of twenty were recruited; they had to be trained; after training, they had to be armed.However, for France, Poland and other countries that have received assurances of our generosity, this is the most important symbolic gesture.During the debate, the opposition failed to do their part.自由黨和工黨在英國自古以來根深蒂固反對徵兵的偏見面前退縮下來了。工黨領袖提出如下動議： 在我們準備採取一切必要步驟來保衛國家的安全和履行國際義務的時候，本院對於政府違背諾言廢棄志願入伍的原則深表遺憾；從來志願原則不曾使國防所需要的人力有所缺乏。本院認為現在所提出的措施，實有考慮不周之處。非但不能顯著增強國防實力，反而會招致分裂，並且使全國的努力受到挫折。這進一步證明政府在這緊急時期所採取的措施不能取得全國人民和本院的信任。 自由黨領袖也找出種種理由來反對這個步驟。這兩個政黨的領袖對於他們根據黨的立場而不得不採取的這種態度，頗為苦惱。但是他們還是採取了這種立場，並且提出了一大堆理由。在表決時，他們各自根據自己政黨的路線投票。投票結果，保守黨以三百八十票對一百四十三票通過了他們的政策。我在發言中曾盡力勸告反對黨要擁護這個必不可少的措施；可是我的努力沒有產生效果。我完全了解他們的困難，尤其是在對付他們所反對的政府的時候。我必須把這件事記錄下來，因為這件事使自由黨和工黨以後再也沒有權利來批評當時的政府了。他們極其明白地表明他們對當前局勢所採取的手段。不久他們就表明採取了一種更為真實的手段。 雖然張伯倫先生仍然希望避免戰爭，可是一旦爆發戰爭，他顯然是不害怕戰爭的。他的傳記作者法伊林先生說，首相在日記中寫道：戰爭可能性越大，邱吉爾（參加政府）的機會就越多，反之亦然。【１】這句話不免帶點蔑視的口氣。我除了想再度入閣當大臣之外，我心裡還有許多別的思想。可是，我還是很了解首相的見解。他很明白，如果爆發戰爭，他就會找我幫忙，而且他也準確地相信我一定會答應的。但是，在另一方面，他又怕希特勒見我參加政府就認為是一種敵對的表示，因而會使僅存的和平機會也消失了。這是一種自然的、然而是錯誤的看法。雖然如此，張伯倫先生不願因為下院某一議員加入政府致使那麼嚴重而微妙的局面更惡化，這也是無可厚非的。 【１】法伊林，前引書，第四百零六頁。 三月間，我曾聯合艾登先生和三十個保守黨議員提出成立聯合政府的議案。在夏季，國內掀起一陣風，要求成立聯合政府。有的主張至少要我和艾登先生入閣。站在獨立的立場的克里普斯爵士對這次國內危機非常擔憂。他曾訪問我和各位大臣，極力主張組織他所說的舉國一致政府。我是無能為力的。但貿易大臣斯坦利先生卻十分贊同。他寫信給首相說，如果他的去職有助於政府的改組，他就願意辭職。 斯坦利先生致首相 一九三九年六月三十日在這個時候，當你不勝焦思煩慮之際寫信給你，我很猶豫，但鑒於事情緊急，請你原諒。我想我們都認為，唯一可能避免今秋爆發戰爭的機會，就是讓希特勒確實知道我們必定履行我們對波蘭的義務，而他的侵略就勢必引起大戰。至於我們所有的人，一定都在思索：我們是不是可以採取某種行動，一方面不會具有引起對方報復的威脅性，但卻具有引人注意的戲劇性。除了現在就成立一個在戰爭爆發時必須成立的那種政府之外，我自己也實在想不出別的更有效的辦法來。組織這樣的政府，就是舉國一致、協力同心的戲劇性證明。我設想，這不但對於德國，而且對於美國，都會有重大的影響，而且，如果在最後的時刻，還有可能獲致滿意的解決的話，那麼，由這樣一個政府來進行和解，也會容易得多。 你一定考慮過這個可能性的，而且對於可能遇到的種種困難，也一定比我知道得多。但是我想，我還是要寫信給你，使你知道我的想法，並且向你保證，如果你確實曾考慮成立這種政府的可能性，我我相信我們所有的同僚和我一樣一定很樂意擔任任何職位，不管職位怎麼小，不管是在政府之內或在政府之外。 首相只表示正式收到這封信。 過了幾個星期，差不多所有的報紙，由《每日電訊報》（七月三日）開頭，《曼徹斯特衛報》加以強調，紛紛響應這個意見。我看到這種輿論的日日提出和一再表達，至為驚訝。寫著要邱吉爾回到政府去的海報多得不得了，貼在首都招貼板上，一直持續了幾個星期。許多自願參加的青年男女，在身前身後掛著貼有同樣標語的廣告板，在下議院門前走來走去。這種宣傳鼓動的方法與我無關，但是，如果政府向我提出邀請，我當然是會加入政府的。這次我個人又走運了。其他一切事情都按照邏輯的、自然的而又可怕的順序演變下去。