Chapter 94 Volume 3, Chapter 21, Our Soviet Allies

Hitler's plan to attack Russia The Soviet Union asked Britain to open a second front immediately Russia didn't know how to land a war I called Stalin's military delegation to Moscow to contact the navy to suggest a military alliance Stalin urged a second front Our logical answer We supply the Russian army Ten thousand tons of rubber Attempts to establish friendly relations with Stalin Inconclusive Expansion of the German offensive Russia's attitude towards Poland Our opinion Russia was initially our burden. Hitler's attack on Russia changed the meaning and relationship of the war.Soviet preoccupation blinded them from taking the many steps necessary to ensure their own security on the basis of an understanding of the big picture and prudence.On the other hand, their indifference to the fate of others had bought them time, and when the moment of testing came on June 22, 1941, they were far more powerful than Hitler had imagined.Perhaps not only Hitler, but even his generals had formed a wrong opinion because of the poor tactics of the Soviet army in the Soviet-Finnish War.Nevertheless, it was the Russians who were attacked by surprise, and great disaster fell on them at the outset of the war.What this account can do is to present to the reader the salient features of this new great struggle in which the Russian army and civilians were engaged at the time.

The German front was drawn along the entire border from the Baltic to the Black Sea. The Northern Army Group under the command of Lieb has twenty-nine divisions, including three armored divisions and three motorized divisions, and will march from East Prussia to Leningrad.The Central Army Group under Bock's command has a total of fifty divisions, including nine armored divisions and six motorized divisions, and will advance from northern Poland to Smolensk.The South Army Group commanded by Rundstedt has 41 divisions, including five armored divisions and three motorized divisions, and will advance from southern Poland to the lower reaches of the Dnieper River.In addition, twenty-six divisions are reserved or will soon be assembled as a general reserve army.More than 2,700 aircraft supported the attack.In the north, twelve Polish divisions advanced towards Leningrad to support the main attack.In the south, eleven divisions of the Romanian army lined up along the Prut River to defend, and another six divisions participated in the attack of the South Road Army Group.A total of one hundred and sixty-four divisions rolled eastward.

According to the most reliable sources available, the invading army was met with resistance by 119 Russian divisions and at least 5,000 aircraft.In Finland, the Caucasus, and Central Russia, another sixty-seven divisions were available.The Russian army, although nearly equal in number to the German army, immediately fell back under the deep penetration of the German armor, and their air force suffered heavy losses.Other countries have been taken by surprise.Only Russia, which has a vast territory, enjoys the supreme advantage of its vast territory.This time it will prove to be its savior.During the first month, the Germans drove three hundred miles into Russian territory.Smolensk fell after a fierce battle. During the fierce battle, the Russian army made a fierce counterattack. However, Leningrad was not captured, and Kiev was still in the hands of the Russian army.

The Soviet government seemed to care about no one but itself until it was attacked by Hitler.Later, of course, this attitude became more pronounced.Until now, they have watched with indifference the collapse of the French front in 1940 and our futile efforts to open the Balkan front in 1941.They gave Nazi Germany important economic aid, and helped them in many minor ways, and now, after being deceived and surprised, they themselves were under the shining sword of Germany.It was their first desire and enduring policy to demand all possible assistance from Great Britain and her Empire.For the past eight months, Stalin and Hitler's possible plot to carve up the British Empire had been obsessing over the Soviet Union's attention to the German build-up of troops in Eastern Europe.They did not hesitate to appeal to Britain, which was struggling under the constant assault of the enemy, with urgent and chattering words, and asked to send them the munitions that the British army was sorely lacking.They urged the United States to transfer to them the bulk of the munitions we were counting on.In particular, even in the summer of 1941, they clamored for Britain to send troops to land in Europe regardless of danger and sacrifice, and open up a second front.The limited number of British communists who have been doing all the evil in our factories and condemning capitalism and imperialist wars have turned overnight and started scribbling on walls and sidings and immediately opened up a second front slogan.

Instead of allowing our minds to be disturbed by these rather deplorable and shameful events, we contemplated the heroic sacrifice of the Russian people, and the zeal with which they defended their homeland, under the calamity their government had brought upon them.This will make up for everything as long as the fight lasts. The Russians had no idea of ​​the nature of the landing operations necessary to land and support a large army on a well-defended coast of the enemy.Even Americans were largely unaware of the difficulties at the time.At the point of attack, not only sea superiority must be obtained, but air superiority must also be obtained.In addition, there is a third factor that matters.A large fleet of specially-made landing craft, especially tank landing craft of various types, is the fundamental condition for a successful landing in front of a powerful enemy position.For the establishment of this fleet of landing craft, as has been said before and will be said later, I have for a long time tried my best.Even a small fleet of landing craft could not be ready before the summer of 1943, and its full strength, as is now widely recognized, would not be fully developed until 1944 come out.In the period we have reached now, in the autumn of 1941, we have no air supremacy in Europe, except in the Straits de Calais, where the German defenses are strongest.The landing craft are only under construction.We have not even built an army in England as strong, as well trained, and as well equipped as the enemy army with which we must contend on French soil.However, there is still a cascade of nonsense and misinformation about the Second Front.Indeed, there is no hope of convincing the Soviet government of this, at this or any other time.Later, Stalin even suggested to me on one occasion that he would be willing to send three or four regiments to do the job if the British were timid.To do what he said was beyond my power, for lack of ships and other material conditions.

The Soviet government expressed no attitude towards the radio speech I made to Russia and the world on the day of the German attack. Only Pravda and other Russian government newspapers published part of the speech and asked us to receive a Russian military delegation.The silence of the highest officials is embarrassing, so I thought I should break the dull situation.I fully understand that they may be ashamed, considering everything that has happened between the Soviet Union and the Western Allies since the outbreak of the war, and recalling what happened between me and the Bolshevik Revolutionary Government twenty years ago, so I call Stalin, said that we will give all assistance to the Russian people within our ability.

Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin July 7, 1941 In the meantime, we are very pleased to learn that the Russian army is putting up such a staunch and courageous resistance to the brutal and unprovoked Nazi aggression.We have the same admiration for the bravery and strength of the Russian army and people.We want to help you as much as time, geography and our growing resources allow.The longer the war lasts, the more we can help.Our Air Force is attacking all occupied German territory and the German mainland within our reach, day and night.About 400 sorties were carried out across the sea yesterday in daytime raids.Over two hundred heavy bombers, some carrying three tons of bombs each, struck German cities on Saturday night.There were about 250 heavy bombers dispatched last night.The bombing will continue.In this way, we hope to force Hitler to transfer some of his air force back to Western Europe, so as to relieve some of the pressure on you.In addition, our Admiralty has prepared according to my intention to take a major operation in the Arctic Ocean recently.After this, I hope, the British and Russian navies will be linked.Meanwhile, as a result of our sweeping along the Norwegian coast, we have intercepted a number of ships carrying supplies of all kinds sailing north for the war against Russia.

We welcome the Russian military delegation to negotiate future plans. We just have to keep fighting to get rid of these villains. Obviously, the first step is to establish contact with the Soviet Military Command through the channels agreed by the Soviet authorities.Therefore, immediately after obtaining the necessary consent of our new allies, a powerful military delegation was sent to Moscow.Building a relationship between the two navies is also an urgent matter.On July 10 I sent the following memorandum to the Admiralty: Prime Minister to Admiralty and First Sea Lord July 10, 1941 It seemed absolutely necessary to send a small mixed British fleet to the Arctic Ocean to establish contact with and fight alongside the Russian Navy.This should be done before our planned actions.A fleet known as the British Fleet going to the Arctic Ocean might have been of great value to the general resistance of the Russian Navy as well as the Russian Army, and spared the bloodshed of many Englishmen.

If the Russians at any rate can hold their positions until the approach of winter and continue to fight, the advantage to us is immeasurable.A premature peace between Russia and Germany would be a great disappointment to the majority of the people in our country.As long as they continued to fight, it didn't matter much where the battle lines were.The Russian people have shown that they are worthy of support, so we have to make sacrifices and take risks to keep their morale up, even if there are difficulties, and I know the difficulties, we will do it.That fleet should undoubtedly sail for Arkhangelsk.

Regarding this matter, Wu Xi will inform you as soon as possible. We also hope at this early stage to establish the general basis for a military alliance between the two countries. Prime Minister to Sir Stafford Cripps July 10, 1941 Please forward the following telegram from the Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin immediately: Ambassador Cripps reported on the process of his talks with you, and listed the content of the proposed joint Anglo-Russian declaration in two items.Namely: (1) Mutual assistance not specified in quantity or nature. (2) Neither country makes a separate peace.I had immediately called a meeting of the War Cabinet.The current Prime Minister of the Dominion of New Zealand, Mr. Fraser, also attended the meeting.We need to consult with Canada, Australia and the Dominions of South Africa, but, in the meantime, I would like to assure you that we are fully in favor of the joint declaration you propose.We think that as soon as we get the reply from the Dominions, we should sign it immediately and make it public to the whole world.

2. For your own reference, we intend to publish a manifesto that includes the following: His Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the Soviet Union have mutually agreed to declare as follows: (1) The Governments of the two countries have mutually agreed to render all assistance to each other in the present war against Germany. (2) The Governments of the two countries have mutually agreed that in this war no armistice or peace will be negotiated or signed unless both parties agree. 3. Do not inform Stalin of the original telegram for the time being because it is necessary to negotiate with the Dominion.However, this will help you understand our intentions and help you provide Stalin with any explanations he might ask for. There were official correspondence between the foreign ministries of the two countries, but it was not until July 19 that I received the first direct telegram from Mr. Stalin.On that day, Mr. Maisky, the Soviet ambassador to London, visited me and submitted the following telegram: Mr. Stalin to the Prime Minister July 18, 1941 Please allow me to thank you for your two personal telegrams. Your telegram was the starting point that later brought the governments of the two countries into agreement.Now, as you say with good reason, the USSR and Great Britain have become allies in the fight against Hitler's Germany.I have no doubt that, against all odds, our two nations will be strong enough to destroy our common enemy. Perhaps, I should say, the situation with the Soviet troops on the front remains tense.Hitler's unexpected breach of the non-aggression pact and his sudden attack on the Soviet Union took advantage of the German army, whose consequences are still being felt by the Soviet army. If the Soviet army resisted the German attack in the areas of Kirchnev, Lvov, Brest, Kaunas and Vyborg, but in Odessa, Kamenets｜Podolsky, Ming It is easy to imagine that the situation for the German army will be many times more favorable if we defend the Sk area and around Leningrad. So, in my opinion, the military situation in the USSR and the UK would be greatly improved if a front could be opened against Hitler in the west (i.e. northern France) and in the north (i.e. the Arctic). Opening up a battlefield in northern France would not only contain Hitler's forces in Eastern Europe, but would also make it impossible for Hitler to invade Britain.It was in keeping with the wishes of the British Army and of the whole people of southern England that this field should be opened. I fully understand the difficulties involved in opening up such a field.But I believe that, notwithstanding the difficulties, this field should be opened, not only to the benefit of our common cause, but to the benefit of Great Britain itself.Now is the most opportune time to open up this battlefield, because Hitler's army has been transferred to Eastern Europe and has not yet had time to consolidate the positions he has occupied in Eastern Europe. It was easier to open up a field to the north.Here, on the British side, there was only naval and air action to be taken, no landing of troops or artillery.The army, navy and air force of the Soviet Union will participate in this battle.It would be welcome if England could send a light division or more from the Norwegian Volunteer Army to this field to organize resistance against Germany in northern Norway. Thus, at the beginning of our correspondence, Russia urged the opening of a second front, and in our subsequent correspondence, except in the extreme north, this subject was repeatedly brought up regardless of material conditions.This telegram from Stalin, which I received for the first time, contains the only expression of regret I have ever seen regarding the attitude of the Soviet Union.In this telegram he automatically justifies the Soviet Union's transfer to our side, defends his compromise with Hitler before the outbreak of war, and, as I have stated in the first volume, emphasizes that Russia's efforts to prevent the deployment of German troops as far as possible The strategic need to gain time to fully develop Russia's extensive military power in western Poland.I have never taken this argument lightly, so I can reply in understandable terms. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin July 20, 1941 I was very pleased to receive your telegram and to hear from many quarters the heroic battles and the many powerful counter-offensives of the Russian troops in defense of the Fatherland. I am well aware of the military advantage you have gained by forcing the enemy to deploy his forces on a front to the west to fight a portion of his initial efforts. 2. We will do all possible and effective things that are helpful to you, but I ask you to understand our limitations in terms of resources and geographical location.From the first day of the German attack on Russia, we carefully considered the possibility of attacking German-occupied France and the Low Countries.Our Chiefs of Staff can't see any way to take action on a scale that might be of any benefit to you.Germany had forty divisions in France alone, and the Germans had been working tirelessly for more than a year to fortify the coast of France, so there were artillery, barbed wire, pillboxes, and beach mines.The only place where we could temporarily gain air superiority and fighter cover was from Dunkirk to Boulogne.The area was full of forts, and the entrance to the sea was controlled by many heavy guns, many of which had range across the Channel.The night was dark for less than five hours, and even during that time the whole area was illuminated by searchlights.A forced landing would have been repulsed with heavy casualties, while a small attack would have resulted in a defeat that would have done more harm than good to both of us.When the enemy does not need to draw an army from the Russian front, it will be defeated by the enemy. 3. You must remember that we have been fighting alone for more than a year.And, while our resources are growing, and will be growing rapidly from now on, our Army and Air Force are under extreme strain both at home and in the Middle East.In addition, despite the strength of our navy, the Atlantic campaign, on which our life depends, to protect the convoys sailing under the blockade of German submarines and Fokker-Wulf bombers, has left us with no spare power. 4. We must therefore look to the north for any possibility of prompt assistance.For the past three weeks, our Naval Staff has been planning operations to attack German ships with carrier-based aircraft north of Norway and Finland, hoping to destroy the enemy's transport of troops by sea to attack your Arctic flank.We have asked your staff to keep Russian ships out of certain waters from July 28th to August 2nd, when we intend to attack.Second, we are sending cruisers and destroyers to the Spitzbergen Islands, from where they can coordinate with your navy to attack enemy ships.Thirdly, we are about to send a submarine force to intercept German shipping off the Arctic coast, although this task is especially dangerous because of the arctic day.Fourthly, we are about to send a minelayer to Arkhangelsk with various supplies. That's the best we can do right now.I wish I could do more.Be sure to keep it a secret until we tell you that there is no harm in disclosing these things. 5. There are actually no Norwegian light divisions.Moreover, in Arctic daylight, it was impossible for either British or Russian troops to land in German-occupied territory without first obtaining considerable fighter air cover.We have had the harrowing experience of attempting such ventures last year in Namsos and this year in Crete. 6. As a further development, we are also looking into stationing several British fighter squadrons in Murmansk.This first required the delivery of a batch of anti-aircraft guns, and then the delivery of the aircraft there.Some aircraft can be flown from aircraft carriers, others can be transported by ship.When these aircraft are stationed, our fleet stationed in the Spitzbergen Islands can sail to Murmansk to cooperate with your naval operations.We have reason to believe that Germany has sent a strong dive-bomber fleet, and these bombers are reserved for us to shoot down if we are stationed in the area.Therefore, it has to be done step by step.But all this will take a few weeks. 7. If you think of any other suggestions, please don't hesitate to ask us.We are also trying to think of other ways to fight our common enemy. From the very beginning I have endeavored to support Russia with arms and supplies, on the one hand by a large transfer of supplies from the United States, and on the other by direct British sacrifices.In early September, the equivalent of two squadrons of Tornado fighters were transported by the British ship Argos to Murmansk to assist Russia in defending the naval base and to cooperate with Russian forces in the area.By September 11th these fighter squadrons were in action and fought heroically for three months.I know there's not much we can do in the early days of our league, so I wanted to fill that void with etiquette. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin July 25, 1941 I am pleased to inform you that the War Cabinet has decided to send two hundred Tomahawks to Russia as soon as possible, although this will seriously reduce our fighter force.One hundred and forty of these planes will be transported from here to Arkhangelsk, and another sixty will be allocated from what the United States supplies us with.The details of the spare parts and the American personnel who installed the aircraft are yet to be agreed with the United States Government. 2. Two to three million pairs of ankle boots will soon be ready for shipment in our country.We also manage to supply rubber, tin, wool, woolen cloth, jute, lead, and shellac in bulk this year.All your other needs for raw materials are being carefully considered by us.If it is not available here, or if the supply is limited, we will discuss it with the United States. As for the details, it shall be notified through the usual official channels. 3. We are watching with admiration and excitement the great battle of Russia. All our information indicates that the enemy's losses are heavy and that there is a great deal of anxiety.Our air raids on Germany should continue with increasing force. Rubber is scarce and precious, but Russia's demand for rubber is very great.I even dipped into our small reserves. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin July 28, 1941 As for the rubber, we shall send it from here or America by the most convenient and quickest route.Please specify exactly what kind of rubber is required and which route you wish to ship it from.Preliminary orders have been issued. 2. The great war of resistance waged by the Russian army for the defense of the homeland has united us all.Germany faced a dreadful winter of bombing, and they would be hit harder than ever.The naval operation I mentioned in my previous call is ongoing. I am very grateful that you have experienced the difficulty of our doing more in the great battle.We should do our best. Prime Minister to Mr. Stalin July 31, 1941 After I personally took care of it, it has now been arranged to ship 10,000 tons of rubber from our country to a port in northern Russia. In view of your urgent needs, we do not hesitate to risk this amount from our domestic reserves, which are not very large and will take some time to replenish.The British ships which loaded this shipment of rubber and certain other supplies, should be loaded within a week or ten days at the most, and will sail to a port in your North as soon as the Admiralty has arranged for escorts.This 10,000 tons is in addition to the 10,000 tons of rubber already allocated from Malaya. I did everything in my power to establish, through frequent private telegrams, a happy relationship like the one I had developed with President Roosevelt.In my frequent correspondence with Moscow, I have suffered many setbacks and only occasionally heard a good word.There were many times when telegrams were sent that went unanswered at all, or were left on hold for days before being answered. The Soviet government had an idea that they were doing us a great favor by fighting for their own survival on the homeland.The longer they fight, the heavier our debt becomes.This is not a fair opinion.Two or three times during the long correspondence I had to protest in blunt language, especially against the inappropriate use of our sailors who took such great risks to transport supplies to Murmansk and Arkhangelsk to go.But I almost always endure intimidation and reprimands and return them with a patient shrug, because for anyone who has to deal with the Kremlin: tolerance is the mark of qualification.And I have often sympathized with the pressures on Stalin and his indomitable Russian nation. The German troops that invaded Russia have penetrated deep into Russian territory.However, by the end of July, Hitler and Commander-in-Chief Brauchitsch had a fundamental conflict of opinion.Brauchitsch believes that the Timoshenke Army Group deployed in front of Moscow is the main force of the Russian army, so it must be defeated first.This is the orthodox doctrine of war.Therefore, Brauchitsch advocated the capture of Moscow, because it is the military, political and industrial nerve center of the whole of Russia.Hitler strongly disagreed.He wanted to seize territory and crush the Russian army on the widest front.In the north, he demanded the capture of Leningrad, and in the south, he demanded to plunder the industrial areas of the Donets River Basin, the Crimea Peninsula, and the access to Russia's Caucasus oil-producing areas.In the meantime, the attack on Moscow can wait. After a heated debate, Hitler overwhelmed his army commanders.After receiving reinforcements from the center, the North Army Group was ordered to attack Leningrad quickly.The German Center Army Group was ordered to take a defensive position.The army group was ordered to send an armored corps to outflank the Russian flank across the Dnieper, pursued by Rundstedt's men.In this operation, the German army won every victory.By the beginning of September, the Russian army formed a huge pocket-shaped position in the triangular area of ​​Konotop｜Kremenchug｜Kiev. During the desperate battle throughout September, more than 500,000 people were killed or killed. captured.In the north, the German army could not achieve such success.Leningrad was surrounded, but not captured.Hitler's decision was not correct.He then decided to turn back to the middle.The forces besieging Leningrad were ordered to send mobile units and partly supporting air forces to reinforce the renewed attack on Moscow.The armored regiment that had been sent south to support Rundstedt returned to join the attack.By the end of September, the plan to break through the middle that had been abandoned before was ready to be implemented again.At this time, the various armies in the south moved eastward toward the lower reaches of the Don River, thus gaining a glimpse into the Caucasus. Russia's attitude toward Poland became a fundamental problem in our early relations with the Soviet Union. Germany's attack on Russia was not a surprise to Poles abroad.Since March 1941, Polish underground operatives had been reporting to the Polish government-in-exile in London news of German troops massing on Russia's western frontier.In the event of war, fundamental changes would inevitably occur in the relationship between Soviet Russia and the Polish government-in-exile.The first question was: to what extent should the Polish clause of the German-Soviet Pact of August 1939 be abolished without endangering the coherence of an established Anglo-Russian military alliance.When news of Germany's attack on Russia spread around the world, it became important to re-establish the Polish-Russian relations that had been severed in 1939.Talks between the two governments began in London on July 5 under British sponsorship.Poland was represented by its Prime Minister in exile, General Sikorski, and Russia by Mr. Maisky, the Soviet ambassador to England.Poles serve the following two purposes: The Soviet government recognized the invalidity of the 1939 German-Russian partition agreement; released all Polish prisoners of war and civilians transferred to the Soviet Union after Russia occupied eastern Poland. Throughout July, negotiations have been carried out in a frosty atmosphere.The Russians obstinately refused to undertake any definite commitment to the wishes of the Poles.Russia believes that the question of its western border should not be discussed.Can it be trusted to do justice to the matter when hostilities in Europe end, possibly in the distant future?The British government has been caught in a dilemma from the start.Our war against Germany is a direct result of our guarantees to Poland.We have an inescapable duty to defend the interests of our first ally.At this stage in the war we cannot recognize the legitimacy of Russia's occupation of Polish territory in 1939.Now, in the summer of 1941, with Russia less than a fortnight on our side in the war against Germany, we cannot compel our seriously threatened new ally to abandon, even in empty words, its world Those adjoining its borders have been considered by generations to be the most important to its national security.There is no way to fix this.The question of the future territory of Poland must be postponed until the situation improves.We have the unthankful duty of persuading General Sikorski to rely on the Soviet Union's sincerity in resolving Russian-Polish relations in the future, without insisting at this time on any written assurances for the future.For my part, I sincerely hope that the major allies, having deepened their experience of the partnership with which Hitler fought together, will be able to resolve territorial issues through friendly discussions at the conference table.At this critical juncture of the war, when the front lines are clashing, everything must be subordinated to strengthening the common military effort.Moreover, a revived Polish army based on the thousands of Poles now left in Russia will play an eminent role in this war.The Russian side is ready to agree to this in a cautious manner. On July 30, after many intense discussions, an agreement was reached between the Polish and Russian governments.Diplomatic relations were restored, and a Polish army was to be established on Russian soil under the Supreme Command of the Soviet government.Except for one catchphrase: Except that the 1939 German-Russian Treaty on the change of Polish territories had expired, there was no mention of borders.My Foreign Secretary stated our opinion in an official note to the Polish Government dated 30 July: On the occasion of the signing of the Soviet-Polish Agreement, I would like to take this opportunity to inform you that the Government of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom, in accordance with the provisions of the Mutual Assistance Treaty of August 25, 1939 between the United Kingdom and Poland, has not entered into any agreement with the Soviet Union. Conclude any agreement affecting the country's relations with Poland.I would also like to assure you that His Majesty's Government does not recognize any change in Polish territory since August 1939. Mr Eden quoted the note in the House of Commons on the same day, saying: The first section of the Soviet-Polish agreement stated that the Soviet government recognized that the 1939 Soviet-German treaty concerning the change of the Polish territory was invalid.The attitude of His Majesty's Government in relation to such matters was summed up by the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on 5th September 1940, when he said that His Majesty's Government had no intention of recognizing any territorial change.This also applies to the territorial changes in Poland since August 1939, which is why I informed the Polish government in my official note. And, Mr. Eden, concluding his answer to a question, said: The ex parte note I have just read to this Court does not involve any assurances by His Majesty's Government concerning the frontiers. This is where the matter develops.During the autumn of that year the Poles were engaged in the dreary work of gathering up their fellow countrymen who remained in the Soviet internment camps. We welcomed Russia's entry into the war, but Russia's entry did not help us at once.The German army was so strong that it seemed that for many months they could keep up the threat of an invasion of England while penetrating deep into Russia.Almost all military personnel in charge believed that the Russian army would soon be defeated, and largely routed.The Soviet government exposed their air force to surprise attacks on the ground, and Russia's military preparations were far from complete, which put them at a disadvantage from the start.The Russian army was hit hard.Despite valiant resistance, competent and assertive operational orders, utter disregard for human life, and ruthless guerrilla warfare in the rear of the German advance, the entire 1,200-mile stretch south of Leningrad The Russian army's front still retreated about four to five hundred nautical miles across the board.The strength of the Soviet government, the strength of the Russian people, their inestimable human potential, the vastness of their country, the harshness of the Russian winter were the factors that finally brought down Hitler's army.However, these factors did not emerge in 1941.When President Roosevelt declared in September 1941 that the Russian front would hold and that Moscow would not fall, people thought he was very bold.The glorious strength and patriotism of the Russian people confirm this view. Even in August 1942, when I visited Moscow and held a conference there, General Brooke, who had accompanied me, echoed the view that the Germans would cross the Caucasus and take control of the Caspian region.We have therefore prepared, on the greatest scale possible, a defensive campaign against Syria and Persia.I have always taken a more optimistic view than my military advisers of Russia's ability to resist.Prime Minister Stalin assured me in Moscow that he would hold the Caucasus front and that not one German soldier would reach the Caspian Sea, and I firmly believed in that.But they have told us so little about Soviet resources and intentions that any opinion about either possibility is nothing more than speculation. Indeed, Germany's air raids on Great Britain were diverted and the threat of invasion lessened by Russia's entry into the war.This has brought us a major relief in the Mediterranean region.But, on the other hand, we had to make the greatest sacrifices and export vast quantities of supplies.We're finally starting to get well equipped.Our munitions factory is finally producing all kinds of munitions continuously.Our armies in Egypt and Libya are fighting fiercely and need the latest weapons, especially tanks and aircraft.英國國內的軍隊正在殷切地等待早就許給他們的新式裝備。現在我們終於能夠把類型日益繁多的新式裝備源源不斷地供應他們了。就在這時，我們卻不得不撥出大批武器和包括橡膠、汽油的各種重要的物資。落在我們肩上的負擔是組織英國供應品、尤其是美國供應品的運輸船隊冒著北極航道的種種危險和嚴寒開往摩爾曼斯克和阿爾漢格爾斯克。所有這些美國供應物資事實上是從已經、或將要成功地運過大西洋供我們自己使用的物資中撥出的。為了大批調撥這類物資，為了日益增長的美援物資不能源源運來的情況下不影響我們在西部沙漠的作戰，我們就只好限制那些為了慎重而必須針對日本日益增長的威脅去防衛馬來半島和我東方帝國及屬地的準備。 我們絲毫也不懷疑歷史將要加以肯定的結論：俄國的抵抗粉碎了德軍的力量，並給予日耳曼民族的有生力量以致命的創傷。但是應當明白指出：在俄國參戰後一年多的時期內，它在我們的心目中，與其說是一種幫助，毋寧說是一種負擔。 雖然如此，我們仍然歡迎這個強大的國家同我們並肩作戰。並且，我們都覺得，即便蘇聯軍隊退到烏拉爾山，俄國仍然會發揮巨大的力量，而且，如果它堅持作戰的話，會發揮最大的決定性力量。