Chapter 211 Volume 6, Chapter 21, Yalta: The World Peace Project

The hospitality of the Russians at the Vorontsov Palace February 4 Stalin's visit to the Oder and the Ardennes First plenary meeting February 5 Germany's future disintegration and compensation Mr. Roosevelt's important speech February 6 Second meeting There must be a French Occupation Zone in Germany Discussion on the Dumbarton Oaks meeting Stalin's view World Organization agrees with the Great Powers Molotov accepts new plan Some republics of Russia and World Organization February 8 I call the War Cabinet II On August 8, the agreement of the fourth meeting attended Stalin's banquet in the Yusopov Palace, and Stalin talked about the past in a serious and friendly manner.

The Soviet Union's headquarters in Yalta was located in the Yusopov Palace, where Stalin and Molotov and their generals handled Russia's government affairs and directed their ongoing military operations on the broad front.President Roosevelt was installed in a nearby, grander Livagia Palace, where our general meetings were held to accommodate his mobility.This took up all the undamaged housing in Yalta.I and the principal members of the British delegation were assigned to live at a large villa about five miles away.The villa was built in the early nineteenth century by an English architect for Vorontsov, a Russian prince who was for a time imperial ambassador to the court of St. James.

My daughter Sarah, Mr Eden, Sir Cadogan, Sir Brooke, Sir Cunningham, Sir Potter, Field Marshal Alexander, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, General Ismay and Lord Moran and some other people living with me.The rest of our delegation was accommodated in two guest houses about twenty minutes away.Five or six of them slept in one room, as did the senior officials, but none of them seemed to mind it.It had only been ten months since the Germans retreated from the neighboring area, and the surrounding buildings were severely damaged.We had been warned that the area, with the exception of the gardens around the villa, had not been completely cleared.The dacha was, as usual, closely patrolled by Russian guards.Before we came, more than a thousand people had worked here, the doors and windows had been repaired, and the furniture and supplies had been brought from Moscow.

The setting of our residence is fascinating.The villa is half Gothic and half Moorish, leaning against the rising snow-covered mountains, the peak of which becomes the highest peak in Crimea. In front of us, the dark and vast Black Sea is open. Although it is cold in this season, it still has a sense of warmth and comfort.There are several white stone lions guarding the gate, and there is a beautiful park outside the yard, in which subtropical plants, pines and cypresses are planted.On either side of the fireplace in the dining room were two pictures which I recognized as facsimiles of the Herberts' home in Wilton.It appears that Prince Vorontsov was married to one of the family's daughters and brought the portraits back from England.

Our hosts made every effort to make our stay comfortable, and even every word we accidentally blurted out was graciously attended to.Once Porter was admiring a large glass tank with plants and said that there were no fish in it.Two days later, a batch of goldfish arrived.Another time someone casually remarked that there was no lemon slice in a cocktail, and the next day there was a fruity lemon tree growing in the lobby.All this must have been brought in from far away by plane. On February 4, the day after our arrival, at three o'clock in the afternoon, Stalin came to see me.We talked freely about the war with Germany.He is optimistic.Germany was short of bread and coal, and was badly damaged in transport.I asked him what would happen to Russia if Hitler moved south, say to Dresden.

We chase him.He went on to say that the Oder was no longer an obstacle, since the Red Army already had several bridgeheads on the opposite bank, and the Germans were defending it with untrained, poorly organized and ill-equipped Volksturmen.They had intended to withdraw trained troops from the Vistula to defend the river, but Russian armor had bypassed them.Now they have only twenty or thirty poorly trained divisions as mobile or strategic reserves.They had a few good divisions in Denmark, Norway, Italy and the Western Front, but the general situation was that their lines had been breached and they were only trying to close the gaps.

I asked Stalin what he thought of Rundstedt's counteroffensive against the Americans.He called it a foolish maneuver that had damaged Germany and was done to restore prestige.Germany's military machinery has broken down, but it cannot be cured in this way.Their best generals are all gone, only Guderian is left, but he is an adventurer.If the few German divisions cut off in East Prussia had been withdrawn in time, perhaps these troops could have been used to defend Berlin, but the Germans were too stupid.They still had eleven armored divisions in Budapest, but they had not yet realized that they were no longer a world power and could no longer take troops at will.They will understand when the time comes, but it is too late.

Then I showed him my map room, which was completely set up by Colonel Pym.After describing our position on the Western Front, I asked Field Marshal Alexander to explain the situation in Italy.Stalin's point of view is very interesting.It is unlikely that the Germans will come to attack us.Can we keep some British divisions at the front and send the rest to Yugoslavia and Hungary to drive straight to Vienna?This allowed them to join forces with the Red Army here and outflank the German flank south of the Alps.He also said that we might need a fairly large force.It was easy for him to talk like that, and I didn't blame him.

I replied: The Red Army may not give us time to complete this operation. At five o'clock the President, Stalin and I reviewed the military situation, especially the Russian offensive on the Eastern Front.We heard details about the progress of the Russian Army, while also setting the scope for the next discussion between our respective Chiefs of Staff.I said that one of the things we should consider is how long it will take for the enemy to mobilize eight divisions from Italy to the front line against Russia, and what countermeasures we should take.Perhaps we should transfer a few divisions from northern Italy to strengthen our attack elsewhere.Another question was whether we should try to attack at the head of the Adriatic, meeting the Russian left flank through the Ljubljana Strait.

The atmosphere of the meeting was very harmonious and sincere.General Marshall gave us a brief account of the excellence of British and American warfare on the Western Front.Stalin said the Russian offensive in January was a moral obligation that had nothing to do with Tehran's decision, and asked how he could continue to help.I replied that the gathering of staff officers from the three countries was an opportune time to review the whole issue of military coordination among the allies. The first plenary meeting of the conference began at 4:15 p.m. on February 5th.We meet at the Livagia Palace and sit around a round table.Including the three interpreters, we have a total of twenty-three people.With Stalin and Molotov were Vyshinsky, Maisky, the Russian ambassador in London Gusev, and the Russian ambassador in Washington Gromyko.Pavlov as interpreter.The U.S. delegation was headed by President Roosevelt and Mr. Stettinius, and its members included Admirals Lehi and Bernas, Harriman, Hopkins, Matthews, Director of the European Department of the State Department, and Special Assistant to the State Department. Interpreter Pollan.Eden sat next to me, and my delegation included Sir Alexander Cadogan, Sir Edward Bridges and our Ambassador in Moscow, Sir Archibald Clarke Kerr.

Major Burls was our interpreter, as he had been since my first meeting with Stalin in Moscow in 1942. Discussions began with the future of Germany.I have of course given the matter much thought and written to Mr. Eden a month ago. Prime Minister to Foreign Secretary January 4, 1945 The treatment of postwar Germany.It is too early for us to decide on these big questions.Obviously, when organized resistance in Germany ceased, the first phase would be a period of strict martial law.This period may last many months, perhaps a year or two if the German underground is still active. 2. We still have to solve some practical problems of dividing Germany, such as industrial processing in the Ruhr and Saarland, etc.These issues may be discussed at an upcoming meeting, but I doubt that a final decision will be reached at that time.At present no one can foresee the state of Europe, or the relations between the great powers, or the mood of their peoples.I am sure that the hatred that Germany has inspired in so many countries will find its retribution here. 3. Whenever the policy of re-supporting suffering Germany caused me to express my opinion from the depths of my emotions, I was hit everywhere.I understand well the arguments that the heart of Europe cannot allow a toxic society to exist.I contend that, with all the troublesome work befalling us at the present time, we should not presuppose that what may turn into serious discussions and divisions in the future will surely occur. We will have a new parliament to consider, the opinion of which we cannot predict. 4. I would rather devote myself to studying some practical issues that will be at play in the next two or three years than to argue about Germany's long-term relationship to Europe.I remember well how after the last war I was shocked by the crude opinions of the House of Commons and the electorate, and outraged by Poincare's sending of the French into the Ruhr.A few years later, however, the mood of Parliament and the public has completely changed.Billions of dollars were lent to Germany by the United States.I lived through the period of leniency towards Germany, right up to the second half of the Locarno Pact and the Baldwin administration, on the grounds that Germany was powerless against us, but there has been a drastic change since then.Hitler was starting to gain power.After this I felt again that I had no sympathy for the general mood of the day. 5. What would the mixed emotions of a battered and trembling world look like, either immediately after the struggle, or when the emotional excitement was followed by the inevitable cooldown, wanting It would be a mistake to write it all out in a small space.This dreadful tide of emotion dominates the minds of most men, and those who do not go with it are often not only helpless but useless.The revelations we receive in these worldly events come step by step, or at best, only take one or two steps first. It is therefore wise to reserve as much personal decision as possible until all the present facts and forces which will become valid are revealed.Perhaps our upcoming Tripartite Conference will shed more light on this issue. At this time Stalin asked about how to dismember Germany.Do we need one or several governments, or just some form of administration?If Hitler surrendered unconditionally, should we save his government or refuse to deal with it?In Tehran, Mr. Roosevelt had suggested that Germany be divided into five parts, and Stalin had agreed.Instead, I hesitated, and only hoped to divide it into two parts, Prussia and Austrian Bavaria, and put the Ruhr and Westphalia under international condominium.He said now is the time for a definitive decision. I said that we all agreed that Germany should be dismembered, but that the methods of implementation were too complicated to be settled in five or six days.The historical, ethnographic, and economic realities required a very thorough examination and a lengthy review by a special committee which would examine the various proposals and then make an opinion .There are many things to consider.What should Prussia do?Which territories should belong to Poland and the USSR?Who should manage the Rhine Valley and the large industrial areas of the Ruhr and Saarland?These issues require in-depth study, and the British government will also carefully consider the attitudes of the two major allies. A body should be established at once to study these matters, and its report should be heard before we make a final decision. I was thinking about the future.If Hitler or Himmler came out and asked for unconditional surrender, my answer should be very clear that we do not negotiate with any war criminals.If they are the only ones the Germans can put forward, then we will have to keep fighting the war.However, it is more likely that Hitler and his associates will be killed or disappeared, and another group will come forward to demand unconditional surrender.If such a thing happened, the three powers should immediately discuss whether it is worth dealing with them.If it is worth it, the surrender conditions that have been prepared should be put in front of them. If it is not worth it, the war will continue and the whole of Germany will be placed under strict military control. Mr. Roosevelt proposes that our foreign ministers draw up within twenty-four hours a plan for the study of this question, and within a month a definite plan for the dismemberment of Germany.This is the end of the matter. Other issues were also discussed but not resolved.The president asked whether the French should have an occupation zone in Germany.We all agreed that part of the British and American occupied zone should be allocated to them, and that the foreign ministers should consider how this area should be managed. Stalin then asked Maisky to explain Russia's plan to order Germany to pay reparations and dismantle its arms industry.I say that the experience of the last war has been so disappointing that I do not believe it is possible to extract from Germany such sums as Maisky proposes to pay Russia alone.Britain also suffered heavy losses.Many buildings were damaged.We have lost a lot of foreign investment and are faced with the problem of how to increase exports so much that we need to pay for the food imports we need.I doubt that these burdens could actually be relieved by German reparations.Other countries have also suffered losses, which should also be taken into account.What would happen if Germany were to starve?Can we just stand by and do nothing, and even think that this is what we deserve?Or should we propose relief to the Germans, and if so, who will pay?Stalin said that these problems were always going to happen, and I replied that if you want the horse to run, you have to let the horse eat grass.In the end we agreed to refer the Russian proposal to a special committee, which should meet in secret in Moscow. Afterwards, we made arrangements for the next day's meeting, taking into consideration the two upcoming topics of discussion, namely the planning of the Dumbarton Oaks conference on world security and Poland. At this first meeting, Mr. Roosevelt made an important speech.He said the United States would take all sensible steps to keep the peace, but not at great expense maintaining a large army in Europe, three thousand miles away.The American occupation would therefore be limited to two years.Dreadful questions popped up in my mind.If the Americans left Europe, Britain would have to occupy all of West Germany alone.Such a task is far beyond our capabilities. When we met for the second time on February 6th, I urged the French to help carry such a burden.Designating an occupation zone for France does not mean that the matter is over.Germany will definitely be revived again. One day the United States will go back to its hometown, and the French will have to live next to the Germans.A strong France is not only important to Europe, but equally important to Britain.Only France could eliminate its rocket launchers along its Channel coast and build up an army to keep the Germans at bay. We then turn to the world's instruments for peace.The president said that in the United States public opinion plays a decisive role.If it were possible to agree to the Dumbarton Oaks proposal, or something like it, it seemed more likely that his country would go all out for the organization of world peace, for such a world organization would have broad support in the United States.However, as stated in an earlier chapter, the Dumbarton meeting ended without full agreement on the all-important issue of voting rights in the Security Council. On December 5, 1944, the President made new proposals to Stalin and me.The proposal read as follows: Each member of the Security Council should have one vote.Any resolution must be approved by seven of the eleven members of the council before it can be implemented.This is sufficient in procedural detail.As for all major matters, such as admitting new member states into the organization or expulsion from the organization, stopping and resolving disputes, limiting armaments and providing armed forces, etc., all permanent members should be unanimously agreed.In other words, unless the four major powers agree, the Security Council has no real power.If the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom or China disagree, then they can refuse to agree and prevent the Council from taking any action.This is the right of veto. Mr. Roosevelt's proposal contained another subtlety.Disputes can be resolved by peaceful means.In this case, seven votes must be obtained, and the permanent members mean that all four major countries must agree.But if any member of the Security Council (including the Big Four) is involved in that dispute, that member can only have the right to discuss but not to vote.Such a plan was proposed by Mr. Stettinius at the second meeting on February 6th. Stalin said he would study the proposal to see if it could be understood, but it was not fully understood yet.He said that what he worried about was that although the three major powers are allies today and none of them will engage in aggression, after ten years or less, these three leaders will retire and disappear, and a new generation will rise to power. Lived through this war and therefore will forget what we have been through.He added: We all want to keep peace for at least fifty years.The greatest danger is a conflict among ourselves, for if we remain united the German threat will not be very serious.For this reason, we must now consider how to maintain our future unity and how to ensure that the three major powers (possibly including China and France) can maintain a united front.A system had to be worked out to prevent conflict between the major powers. He then expressed regret that other matters had prevented him from taking a close look at the American plans so far.According to his understanding, this proposal can divide all conflicts into two categories. The first category refers to those that must be sanctioned, whether economic, political or military; the second category refers to those that can be resolved by peaceful means.Both categories should be fully discussed.Sanctions can only be exercised when the permanent members of the Security Council agree.If one of these members is itself a party to the dispute, it may participate in both the discussion and the voting.On the other hand, if the dispute can be resolved peacefully, the parties involved in the dispute cannot participate in the vote.The Russians have been accused of talking too much about voting rights, he said.Indeed, they thought it was very important, because everything was decided by a vote, and they cared very much about the result of the vote.For example, assuming that China is a permanent member of the Security Council and it wants to take back Hong Kong, or Egypt wants to take back the Suez Canal, he thinks they will not be alone, they will have friends in the General Assembly or in the Security Council or maintainer's. I said that, as I understood it, if Britain had not been persuaded and consented, the powers of the World Organization could not be used against her. Stalin asked if that was true and I told him it was. Mr. Eden went on to explain that in this case, China or Egypt could lodge a complaint, but no resolution involving enforcement could be taken without the consent of the British government.Mr. Stettinius also confirmed that sanctions cannot be imposed unless the permanent members of the Security Council agree.Steps towards a peaceful settlement, such as through arbitration, may also be recommended. Stalin said he feared that a dispute over Hong Kong or Suez might undermine the unity of the three powers. I replied that I was aware of the danger, but that the world organization would never disrupt normal diplomatic relations between nations, big or small.The world organization exists independently, and its individual member states can still discuss matters among themselves, and it would be foolish to raise issues in the world organization that might undermine the unity of the great powers. Stalin said: My colleagues in Moscow will not forget what happened during the Soviet-Finnish war in December 1939, when the British and French used the League of Nations against us and succeeded in isolating and Expelled from the League of Nations, and they later mobilized against us, talking about sending crusaders against Russia.Shouldn't we take assurances that this kind of thing won't happen again? Mr Eden pointed out that the US proposal would make this impossible. Stalin asked: Can't we create more guarantees? I said that there is already a special article on the unanimity of the great powers. He replied: "We just heard it for the first time today. I admit that there is a danger of inciting against a great power, let's say to the British I can only say that at the same time normal diplomacy can continue to play its role.I don't think the President would provoke or support an attack on Great Britain, and I'm sure he would do everything in his power to prevent it.I am also equally convinced that Marshal Stalin would not launch an attack on the British Empire without first addressing us and seeking an amicable solution, in words of course. He replied: I agree. Mr. Roosevelt said that there will be differences among the great powers in the future.Everyone will be aware of these differences and they will be discussed at the General Assembly.But taking these differences to the Security Council for discussion will not create disunity.On the contrary, it will show that we trust each other and believe in our ability to solve such problems. This will strengthen our unity, not weaken it. Stalin said that this was correct, and promised to study the plan and continue the discussion tomorrow. When we talked again the next afternoon, Molotov accepted the new plan.He explained that at the Dumbarton Oaks meeting the Russians had done everything they could to preserve the unity of the three post-war powers, and they believed that the plan put forward by this meeting would guarantee cooperation between all countries, large and small.They are now satisfied with the new voting procedure and the clause that the three powers must agree.Only one thing remained to be settled.Should the republics of the Soviet Union be members of the World Organization and have voting rights in the General Assembly?The issue had been discussed at the Dumbarton Oaks meeting, but he was now demanding something else.The Soviet delegation felt satisfied that their three republics, Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania, or at least two of them, could become founding members.All these Union republics were important, and all made great sacrifices in the war; they were the first to be invaded and suffered greatly.The Dominions of the Commonwealth of Nations are gradually and steadily gaining independence.This was an example for Russia, so they decided to make this much smaller proposal.He concluded his remarks by saying: We fully agree with the President's proposal concerning voting rights, and we demand that three, or at least two of our Union republics should become founding members of the World Organization. This was a great relief for all of us, and Mr. Roosevelt immediately congratulated Molotov. The next step, the president said, is to invite all countries to the meeting.When will it open and who will it invite?The Soviet Union had many masses of people organized in the republics; the British Empire had many large independent groups far from each other, and the United States was a single unit with only one foreign minister and no colonies.Then there are some countries, like Brazil, which is smaller than Russia and larger than the United States, and there are many small countries on the other side.Can we insist in the General Assembly that one country, one vote, or that larger countries should have more than one vote?He suggested that all these issues be handed over to the foreign ministers of the three countries for study. I also thank Stalin for taking the leap to accept the President's suffrage package, and say that the agreement we have reached will bring comfort and satisfaction to people all over the world. Molotov's proposal was also a great advance.President Roosevelt was right when he said that the status of the United States is different from that of the United Kingdom in the matter of voting rights.We have four Dominions which have played a prominent role during the past twenty-five years in that International Peace Organization which collapsed in 1939.All four dominions have contributed to the advancement of peace and democracy.When the United Kingdom declared war on Germany in 1939, they all went to war, even though they knew how weak we were.We could not force them to do so at the time.They did it voluntarily, and there was only very limited consultation with them about it.We must therefore never agree to any system which excludes them from the rightful place they have acquired over a quarter of a century.For these reasons, I cannot but listen to the proposal of the Soviet government with great sympathy.My heart is focused on mighty Russia, which, though bleeding from its wounds, continues to purge tyrants from its path one by one.I realize that a nation of 180 million people is likely to view with suspicion the constitutional arrangement of the Commonwealth of Nations that gives us more than one voice in the General Assembly, and I feel that Happily, President Roosevelt has given an answer which must not be regarded as a refusal of Mr. Molotov's request. However, I declare that I must not exceed my personal authority.I hope to have time to discuss Mr. Molotov's proposals with Mr. Eden, and perhaps to send a telegram to the Cabinet, so I beg pardon for not being able to give a final reply that day.So we agreed to turn the whole thing over to our foreign ministers.Mr. Roosevelt also proposed that the countries should meet separately in March to establish a world organization.I said that I have doubts about this issue, because by then it will be the peak of the war against Germany, but I have no objections at the moment. I telegraphed Mr. Attlee late that night. Prime Minister to Deputy Prime Minister February 8, 1945 (2:49 a.m.) Things are much better today.The American proposal for the Dumbarton Oaks organization has been fully accepted by the Russians, who say it is mainly because of our explanations that they feel compelled to accept the plan wholeheartedly.They also reduced their required sixteen seats in the General Assembly to two votes, arguing that since Belarus and Ukraine had suffered so badly and fought so valiantly, their inclusion must be considered. among the founding members of the new world organization.The president did not reject the plan, despite the obvious difficulties from the American standpoint.He suggested that this issue should be submitted to a United Nations meeting, which he plans to hold in the United States in March. It seems to me that our positions are somewhat different.We have four or five seats, six if India is included, and Russia has only one, and in this respect she has a great deal to ask of the Assembly. Given that they have already made other important concessions, and some of them are still pending, I would love to be able to show Russia goodwill on this issue.They would have two seats in addition to the primary, which would not be too much to ask, and we would be in a strong position, in my judgment, because we would no longer be the only voting nation with multiple votes in this regard. What I am asking at present is that the Cabinet should authorize us to assure the Russians that when the time comes to decide the matter, whether it be here or at a meeting in America in March, we will agree with them.I trust that the Cabinet will give us this power, to be used or not as the case may be.This pledge should be a gentleman's agreement, the same as we pledged our support to them on the Curzon Line a long time ago. If increased representation to Russia is promised, or substantially promised, the whole business at Dumbarton Oaks will be settled by consensus, and I think it will be successful in any case.This matter should be regarded as a great good thing. Americans believe that this good thing has great value in politics, advantages and propaganda. It will also be part of our general plan for the organization of the world. Despite the gloomy warnings and omens, Yalta has gone fairly well so far.It's shaded, a little Riviera-like, with Cornish paths winding in all directions.The more or less undamaged villas and palaces are the relics of some nobles from the imperial era.In these houses we enjoyed furniture brought in from Moscow with great difficulty.The generosity of our hosts was unbelievable in having the water pipes installed and the road repaired in a matter of days at any cost.All the chiefs of staff are off today to visit the battlefield at Balaklava [1].This matter was not seriously raised in our conversations with our Russian friends. [1] The Balaklava Field was a field of the Crimean War (1853-1856).In the war, Britain, France, Turkey, and Sardinia were on one side, and Russia was on the other.translator As time is short, I will act on the advice of this message unless we are informed of your objections. The remaining details were quickly settled.When we met again on the afternoon of February 8th, we agreed to support the Russian request for the admission of the two Soviet republics into the United Nations, and agreed to hold the first General Assembly of the World Organization on Wednesday, April 25th.Invitations are limited to countries that declared war on a common enemy before March 1, or that have signed the UN declaration.I agree with Stalin that doing so meant inviting certain countries that were not actively engaged in the war and watched until it was seen who would win and who would lose, however it did a great deal to demoralize Germany. That evening we all attended a dinner at Yusopov Palace with Stalin.I have written down all the speeches I made at that time, so I might as well attach them here.Among other things I said: Without exaggeration, and without extra flamboyant flattery, I say that we consider the life of Marshal Stalin to be extremely precious to the hopes and hearts of us all.There have been many victors in history, but few of them were statesmen, and most of them threw away the fruits of victory in the difficulties that came with war.I sincerely wish Marshal Stalin a long and healthy life with the people of the Soviet Union and help us all to move forward to a period of less suffering than we have recently experienced.When I find myself in a friendly and intimate relationship with this great man, I have more courage and hope to go out in this world, and his fame is spread not only throughout the Soviet Union, but throughout the world world. Stalin responded with flattering words: I propose a toast to the leader of the British Empire, the bravest of all prime ministers in the world.He embodies the paragon of combining political experience with military leadership.When all Europe was ready to bow to Hitler, he said Britain would stand tall without allies and fight Germany alone.He said she would keep fighting even if current allies and possible future allies turned their backs on Britain.A toast to the health of this man who appears only once in a hundred years, and to the health of this soldier who bravely raised the flag of Great Britain! I spoke what I felt, what was in my heart and what I realized. I went on to say something more serious: I must say that not since the beginning of this war, even in the darkest hours, have I felt such a weight of responsibility as in this conference.Now, however, for the reasons mentioned by Marshal Stalin, we understand that we are reaching the summit, that a vast vista opens before us, but we must not underestimate our difficulties.In the past, many peoples, many comrades-in-arms, were always separated by a war of five or ten years.This is how millions of toiling people go round and round in a vicious circle, first falling into hell, and then finally extricating themselves by their own sacrifices.如今我們已有機會免於重蹈前輩錯誤，而且致力於建立鞏固的和平了。人民為和平與歡樂而歡呼。一個個家庭能重得團圓嗎？每個戰士能返回家園嗎？殘破的家屋能重建嗎？辛勤的勞動者能看到自己的家庭嗎？保衛自己的國家固然光榮，然而更大的征戰就擺在我們的面前。我們面前的任務就是要實現窮苦人們的夢想就是讓他們過著和平生活，用我們戰無不勝的力量來保衛他們不受侵略，不罹禍害。我把這樣的希望寄託於德高望重的美國總統和斯大林元帥，從他們兩人那裡我將找到和平的衛護者，他們在打敗敵人之後，將引導我們從事於消滅貧窮、混亂、動盪與壓迫。這就是我的希望，至於講到英國，我們將盡量努力，不甘落後。在支持你們努力方面我們也必將盡力而為。元帥談到了將來，這是一切事情中最為重要的事。不然，血流成河也是枉然的，也是很殘忍的。我提議為勝利的和平的陽光普照大地而乾杯！ 斯大林答了話。我從來沒想到他會談得這樣滔滔不絕。他說：我像一個老頭子那樣講話，所以話講得很多。不過我要為我們的同盟關係而乾杯，希望這一同盟保持著親密無間和坦率發表意見的特點。在外交史上，我從未見過像這樣密切的三大國同盟，而且盟國之間有機會這樣坦率地交換意見。我知道某些方面的人士會認為這種講法有點天真。 在一個同盟之中，盟國不應該彼此欺騙。或許這也算是天真嗎？老練的外交家可能會說，我欺騙我的盟友有什麼不應該？但是就算我是一個天真的人吧，我認為最好不要欺騙我的盟友，即便他是一個笨蛋。我們的同盟之所以這樣牢固，可能就是因為我們彼此不相欺騙；或是因為彼此要欺騙也不是那麼容易？我提議為我們三大國同盟的鞏固乾杯！祝它堅強而穩固。希望我們盡量開誠相見。 Then he said: 讓咱們為那一群工人們乾杯吧！他們只有在戰爭中才被認識，戰爭一過，他們的功績很快地也就被遺忘了。在進行戰爭的時候，這些人不僅受到與他們同類的人敬愛，也受到女士們的敬愛。戰爭一過，他們的聲望下降，女士們對他們掉轉了頭，連理睬也不理睬了。 讓我向各位軍事領導人舉杯祝酒吧。 他對我們面前存在的困難不抱幻想。 在這些日子裡，歐洲歷史上已經發生了變化，一個根本的變化。在戰爭中一些主要國家結成同盟，這是一件有益的事。沒有這個同盟就不可能贏得這場戰爭的勝利。然而，一個對付共同敵人的同盟是顯然易於為人所理解的，然而更為複雜得多的是在戰爭過後為著保持永久和平與勝利果實的同盟。過去我們並肩作戰是一件好事，而且也不甚困難；另一方面，在這些日子裡，敦巴頓橡樹園會議的工作已告完成，保障安全與加強和平的法律基礎的確立就是一個很大的成就。 這是一個轉折點。 我提議為敦巴頓橡樹園會議的圓滿結束而乾杯，祝我們在戰爭壓力之下結成的同盟將在戰後鞏固與發展，希望我們這些國家不僅致力於自己的事務，而且將銘記除自己的問題以外，還有共同的事業，因此，他們在和平時期也應該像在戰爭時期一樣，以同樣的熱情來保衛團結一致的事業。 就連莫洛托夫也顯得和藹高興，他說： 我提議為先於我們投入戰爭的國家的陸海空三軍代表們乾杯。他們擔負了艱鉅的任務，而且遭受了重大的損失，我們必須承認他們已毫無遜色地完成了任務。我祝願他們贏得勝利，並迅速結束歐洲戰爭，從而盟國的勝利大軍將進入柏林，把他們的旗幟在這個城市的上空升起。我為英國的陸海空三軍代表，布魯克陸軍元帥、坎寧安海軍中將和波特爾空軍中將以及亞歷山大陸軍元帥乾杯！ 當我們在這樣友好的氣氛中坐在宴會桌上時，斯大林開始和我談起過去。他的話有一部分是記錄下來的。 他說：芬蘭戰爭是這樣開始的。芬蘭的國境線離開列寧格勒（他常稱它為彼得堡）大約有二十公里。俄國人要求芬蘭人後移三十公里，而以北部領土作為交換，但是芬蘭人拒絕了。後來有幾個俄國邊防軍人被芬蘭人開槍打死。邊防軍支隊即向紅軍部隊申訴，紅軍就對芬蘭人開火。他們曾向莫斯科請示，復示中有還擊的命令。事情接踵而來，戰爭就打起來了。俄國人是不願意對芬蘭打仗的。 如果英國人和法國人在一九三九年派遣一個代表團到莫斯科，其中有真正要跟俄國達成協議的人，蘇聯政府就不會跟里賓特洛甫簽訂條約。 里賓特洛甫在一九三九年告訴俄國人說，英國人和美國人只是商人，他們絕不懂得打仗。 如果我們三大國現在團結在一起，其他強國就動不了我們一根毫毛。