Chapter 225 Volume 6, Chapter 35, The End of the Coalition Government

The achievement of a coalition government The strength and weakness of the two party organizations running for election My speech to the House of Commons October 31, 1944 Once Germany is defeated, it will be necessary to appeal to the national electorate The choice between June and October I desire Correspondence with Mr. Eden to postpone the general election until the surrender of Japan. I suggested that the coalition government should be extended until after the victory over Japan. Mr. Attlee rejected this suggestion. Scheduled for July 26. Few issues, whether national or personal, have weighed heavily on my mind as deciding on election day.The war parliament has almost gone through ten years, or double its normal term.The supreme task for which the parties were united in May 1940 has been accomplished.A coalition of all parties in the country is strong enough to withstand the long years of misfortune, misfortune, and disappointment caused by mistakes and accidents in war, and no power but a coalition can make Britain arouse her spirits. Great potential and staying power.Now the task of Europe for which we are united is accomplished.Its fruit is yet to be gathered.

This process involves a series of less intense but no less important issues that affect everything we have ever fought for.No productive, let alone lasting peace, can be achieved without wartime energy and not handled well. No other Prime Minister could have hoped for more loyal and committed colleagues than I have had in the Labor Party.Nevertheless, as the prospect of the complete defeat of Germany loomed ever closer, their partisan machinery came into play with widespread and increasing activity.This is of course their right.When the war deepened and the scene became bleak, the cadre of the Conservative Party was almost entirely involved in wartime work.Many younger ones enlisted.The Labor Party, or the Socialist Party as we called it in the heat of the debate, had at its heart the trade unions.Of course many leaders in the trade unions want to go to the front, but the whole process of organizing our production and striving for the highest results day by day does not allow them to get away.They all did a job on the home front that no one else could, and at the same time they maintained who could blame them?Their party affiliations; and they became more and more partisan once our mortal peril had passed.In this way, the parties on one side give up partisanship altogether, while the parties on the other side continue to do so unhindered.This is not a condemnation but a fact.Partisanship and partisan government should not be downplayed.In times of peace, when national security is not threatened, it is one of the conditions of a free parliamentary democracy, and nothing is known to permanently replace it.

On the Conservative side we are keenly aware that, as the danger of war recedes and the dawn of victory looms on our horizon, we are at a very disadvantaged position as far as political organization is concerned.We are suddenly confronted with a constitutional need to appeal to the people of the country through a general election vote.As the election drew closer, members of the government felt they were parting ways in opposite directions, and it became increasingly apparent that a whole new set of standards was emerging.We are no longer comrades-in-arms but rivals in the struggle for power.In Britain, what is called a partisan difference is really mainly a difference of point, and there is bound to be a struggle for every vantage point, and crowds of men and women are busy day and night lobbying for support for their views and organizations.

On October 31, 1944, when I moved the extension of Parliament, I said to the House of Commons: Let us suppose that the war with Germany ends in March, April, or May, and that some or all of the other parties participating in the coalition withdraw their ministers from the government, or wish to end the coalition from those days onwards.In this way, there will be many people who will think this is a regrettable matter, both in public and in private; But once Germany has been defeated, such a thing will not be a reproach or a deplorable thing among us, either in this government, or in this House

When we consider the entire Japanese issue, it would be imprudent to assume that Japan's fighting spirit or combat capability could be completely destroyed in less than eighteen months after the defeat of Hitler from a military point of view. This period must also be continually revised every few months by the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. Extending the life of this Parliament for another two years or three years would be a grave constitutional mistake.Right now, no one under the age of thirty has ever voted in a general election, or even in a by-election, because voter registration stopped at the beginning of the war.Therefore, in my opinion, unless all parties decide to maintain the current coalition government until the defeat of Japan, we can only use the end of the anti-Nazi war as a guideline for determining the date of the general election.

I regret that the current government is so efficient that it should be dismantled. Not only has this government been waging war with unprecedented success, but it has drawn up or has been carrying out an innovative and socially progressive program during the past two years.This is likely to take up to five or six years for a full session of Parliament under normal circumstances.In fact, I can say, and I do quite frankly on this point, that in the forty-two years I have served in this Parliament, I have never seen a government which I have been able to give more faithfully, more trustingly, and more consistently. Always support. (laughing out loud).Though I regret and regret that these forces, woven together by personal goodwill, by the friendship of combat in a great cause, and the growing sense of victory that spring from such friendship, should be dismantled, I do not regret any People advocate that after the danger in Germany is eliminated, the people should be appealed to, but they cannot be blamed.Indeed, I see clearly myself that it would be a mistake to continue the present Parliament after the period of the war with Germany is over.

I can assure this House that, if the Labor and Liberal parties do not show great sincerity, I cannot fail to refer the dissolution of Parliament to the King's sanction after the effective and formal end of the war with Germany.I am convinced that this is an honest, just and constitutional way of dealing with what is in many respects an unprecedented situation, although not one that would undermine our flexible institutions in the UK.At the same time I must admit that our situation is not going to get better and better.The smell of disbandment is already spreading and the parties are tending to look sideways at each other on both sides of Parliament with a growing sense of impending disintegration

Announcing the dissolution of parliament would necessarily mark the end of the current government.The Conservatives have a majority of more than 100 seats in this parliament over all other parties and independents, so it is up to us to plan for the inevitable general election.I don't think anyone would want an election to be held in such a hurry, or while celebrating victory and thanking God for saving us from trouble.There is bound to be a gap period.Also, we need to be especially careful that virtually everyone who is entitled to vote has a fair chance to vote.This is especially true for soldiers, many of whom are serving far from their home countries

It is therefore certain that there will be a period of two or three months from the day when the King approves the dissolution.It is also fair to the various parties and candidates, who are usually in a state of vigour, to take up the contest with each other. Finally, it is against the usual practice and to adopt that Instances of a class are also very unsound. It can be seen how firmly I myself promised last autumn to hold elections at the end of the war against Germany.In retrospect, it would have been more appropriate if I had asked for a wider deadline than I requested.It was easy to do at that time.

I did not, and from the moment of Germany's capitulation, public thought quickly shifted from national celebration to partisanship.The choice now lies between June and October.I now hope and urge that we shall remain together until Japan is defeated, peace is made, and the troops return home.Mr Herbert Morrison, at the forefront of party business, has finally proposed that Labor ministers should remain in government until the end of October.The sense of our deliverance from the German scourge will gradually wane, and the burden of our redeployed forces to fight Japan will increase, so the introduction of new voter registration on October 15th will be considered to be of greater benefit to the Labor Party .We have pooled local and national suffrage, thereby doubling the number of urban electorate groups who might expect victories in local elections as an encouraging prelude to parliamentary struggles.These same reasons, in turn, make Conservative party managers lean toward June.At a meeting of key Conservative ministers, I uncharacteristically asked everyone to write his opinion on a slip of paper.All but two were in favor of June.Of course, this cannot be considered a resolution.The right to petition the King for dissolution rests solely with the Prime Minister.Besides, when my colleagues saw from my manner how much I did not welcome partisanship, they immediately assured me that they would support whatever decision I made.

I don't like June or October.Six months ago, when the question of beating Germany overwhelmed all other questions, it was not difficult to talk with detachment about what was to come.But now with the new and serious problems described in the previous chapters weighing on me, I earnestly hope that the friendship and unity of the country will be maintained until the end of the war with Japan.This will likely require another year or even a year and a half of joint.Is this asking too much of a country we serve well?It appears that this is indeed in the national interest.But this is only possible with a friendly agreement between the two parties.In light of what I said in the fall of 1944, it seems to me that we should ask voters to approve, by referendum or otherwise, the extension of our limited and reasonable term. The electioneering atmosphere which has weighed on us since the day of defeating Germany has been drawing nearer, will at any rate dissipate before the end of the year, and perhaps we will all be able to cope with the great tasks that lie ahead and require our combined efforts. work together.In my opinion, of all the solutions to our problems, there is nothing worse than elections in October.This time is too short to allow the political tension to truly breathe a sigh of relief. That tension will inevitably intensify month by month in the next four or five months, and it will inevitably damage our thinking about domestic and foreign issues. and processing.If elections must be held within 1945, the sooner the better. No one can tell what the future outcome will be.For the reasons given above, the Conservative Party is much less prepared than the Labor Party to organize.On the other hand, many people believe that the people of the country will probably not take back the power I have wielded.Opinions are divided as to what the outcome will be, and opposite speculation prevails.I myself am deeply saddened by the prospect of being degraded from being the leader of the nation to being the leader of a party.I naturally hope that I will still be given the power to try to solve the European problem, end the war with Japan, and bring the soldiers home.This is not because private life seems less enjoyable than running state affairs.By this time I was so tired and so debilitated that after a cabinet meeting on the ground floor of the new building it required marines to carry me upstairs in a chair.Yet I still have the world situation in mind, and I am confident that I have the knowledge, influence, and even authority to make a difference.So I think it's my duty, but also my right, to try it.I can't believe I won't be allowed to do this. I put this June or October question bluntly to Mr. Eden in San Francisco. May 11, 1945 domestic political issues.Regarding the period between June and October, I have not yet made a final decision.The election registration for June 28 must be decided by May 17 at the latest, so a decision must be made within these three or four days.The unanimous opinion on our side is that June is better for our party; October will prolong the current uneasy election atmosphere.In such an atmosphere, many of the issues that need to be addressed will be considered in partisan terms, and the government may be paralyzed.You left in favor of June.Please let me know if your opinion changes.If you and Cranbourne fail to return by the sixteenth, the matter will have to be settled in your absence. 2. On the other hand, I think the danger from Russia is great, but we can manage it better if we remain united. I expect the Labor Party to keep the proposal until October, no doubt to their advantage. In his reply, he gave a clear answer after explaining the matter fairly. Foreign Secretary (in San Francisco) to Prime Minister May 12, 1949 I agree that an election in June is probably better for my party than October, and while Labor will blame us for ending the Coalition, I am sure the nation would like to keep it for a while longer.But as the campaign unfolds, any advantage they might have gained from it will probably disappear as well. 2. It is also unavoidable that the extension of the coalition government until October, when it is inevitable to break up, is an uncomfortable thing.Faced with this situation, it may have been advantageous from a national point of view that the present Labor Secretary (Mr. Ernest Bevan) could continue to be in charge of DDR during that period. The third big problem is diplomacy.The dangers of the current situation cannot be overemphasized. Sometimes I feel that we are entering what appears to be the Second Balkan War on the world stage.We are clearly in a stronger position to handle diplomacy as a National Coalition Government, and we need to use our full strength in the coming months.In this case, will the international situation be more relaxed by October, or will there be less need for a coalition government by then?In my judgment, every indication is that October will be more difficult than it is today.Holding elections by then is likely to be more harmful in terms of international relations than holding elections in June.But in October it was impossible to postpone it any further.So, on the basis of trepidation, extend the coalition government until October to gain limited benefits, or go to fake elections in October when international affairs are even worse than they are now, and the socialists have better chances of winning danger, we must balance the two.Having weighed these contradictory ideas carefully, I still stand by my formerly expressed opinion that, from the national point of view, the case for elections in June is stronger. Prime Minister to Mr. Eden (in San Francisco) 1 May 13th, nine hundred and forty-four I have received your telegram, and your opinion generally agrees with my own and that of most of us here.Allow me to say how admirable your measure of the situation is. 2. However, I subsequently received a telegram from the President on May 12 concerning Trieste[1], which I have forwarded to you.I must regard it as one of the most far-sighted, down-to-earth, and determined telegrams I have ever had the pleasure of reading.I have already replied to express my willingness to support him with all my strength.I shall send you the text of my reply in an ensuing telegram.There is another telegram, of which I have also sent you a copy, concerning not to disband our army before all the fruits of victory have been harvested.I am confident that when you meet with the President, you will be able to articulate our position well on all these issues, especially on the point of stopping the disbanding of our military. 【1】See Chapter 33, page 483 (translator of the original page number). 3. All this creates a new element in the question of elections.In a serious risk-taking enterprise like this, we must not ask for the support of our fellow Laborers and then tear up the government.The support of men like Attlee, Bevin, Morrison and George Hall is absolutely necessary if troubles of this kind arise and the cause of the matter is brought to the nation.In that case, I would never agree to an election in October, but simply say that we must extend our joint term.The end of an alliance like ours should depend on common goals and not on fixed dates.However, in the next two or three days, don't worry about this matter, I will pay attention to every step.There is a good chance that there will be an election on the fifth of July, which will give us another week to put it all together. Labor is meeting in Blackpool, where Mr Morrison is the recognized leader of party strategy.Mr. Bevin's reluctance to bring down the Coalition may have been for similar reasons to those which have guided me.Mr. Attlee has now returned from America, and came to see me in Downing Street before going to Blackpool.I had a long talk with him, in which I urged that we should do everything possible to postpone the elections, not only until October, but until the end of the war against Japan.Nor did he approach the issue from a narrowly partisan point of view, and apparently heeded my appeal sympathetically.When he left I did have the impression that he was going to do his best to keep us together, and so I told my colleagues as such.However, the wave of party sentiment was too strong. I had no satisfactory news, so I sent Mr. Attlee the following letter: My dear Attlee: May 18, 1945 From my conversations with you and with your leading colleagues in the Labor Party, I get the impression that the Labor Party does not want to leave the government when Germany is defeated, but is willing to keep the coalition government in place until the autumn. Having given this proposal the most careful and earnest consideration, I regret to say that, as it stands, I do not think it is in the public interest.A coalition of all parties like the current one should bring everyone together and work together.Not for a particular date, regardless of world affairs; but for some great national purpose, above all partisan differences. During the past five or six months, our ministries and parliamentary affairs have been more and more affected by the perception that after the war in Germany a general election is coming.As far as domestic affairs are concerned, this situation is not conducive to the national interest. I therefore make the following proposal to you, which I urgently hope you will not reject lightly, that we should focus our common efforts on another object, and defer the question of our separation until the attainment of this object.The Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Alexander), in his speech in the City of London, had already expressed his regret that a general election should be called before the end of the war in Japan.If you and your friends express your determination to go on with us until a decisive victory over Japan is achieved, that will give me great reassurance.At the same time I will collectively do our best to implement the social security and full employment package contained in the white paper we have presented to Parliament.On this basis we can work together with all the energy and camaraderie that characterize our long and honorable union. Nevertheless, because of the high responsibility of our office, I am aware that we should strengthen ourselves through the direct expression of the national will.If you decide to continue to stand with us and unite until Japan is forced to surrender, then let us discuss how to solicit the opinions of the whole country, such as a referendum, to resolve whether this parliament is in this situation. It should be a matter of prolonging its life. I am sending letters of the same wording to Archibald Sinclair and Mr. Ernest Brown. Winston S. Churchill In reply to my letter Mr. Attlee rejected my proposals for prolonging the coalition government, so I sent him a second letter as follows: My dear Attlee: I am sorry to have received your letter of May 21st.In your letter you rejected the proposal to continue our cooperation until the defeat of Japan and the completion of our mission. In this letter you told me that our only course of action is to extend the present Coalition Government until the October General Election.This will mean that between now and October, we will be constantly preparing for elections, outside government and even inside government.For months we have been affected by this campaign atmosphere, which I am convinced has affected the efficiency of the administration, and our country may soon be weakened in front of the world at a time when it is most in need of strengthening status. I agree with your letter that the sharpest partisan differences lie in the construction of the economic life of the country.You say: what is needed is decisive action.This can only come from a government united in principle and policy.I also agree with you that my colleagues and I believe that it is impossible to put the political debate aside once the anticipation of the election has captured the national attention.As for me, I am convinced that in the long run this instability and agitation will be injurious to the whole process of restoring trade and altering industrial production.It is not in the interest of any country, and impossible for any coalition government, to endure such a long period of time, lured by the upcoming general election.This is even more impossible in a world as volatile and dangerous as it is now. I think it's a pity that you even said that you are going to surprise the election.You will recall that we discussed the whole procedure at length in the War Cabinet in anticipation of what would happen at the end of the war with Germany.The normal period between the dissolution of Parliament and the vote at the election is seventeen days, and it is you and your colleagues who propose that, in view of the extraordinary circumstances of the moment, there should be an additional interval of at least three weeks.We gladly accepted this reasonable request, and the unanimous resolution of the Cabinet was announced by you on January 17th, when you declared in the House of Commons that you had the King's permission to announce him at least three weeks in advance. to dissolve Parliament. Winston S. Churchill On the 23rd of May, facing a decisive rupture between the parties, I submitted my resignation to the King.This is pretty much the only constitutional prerogative a British prime minister has.But as it concerns the end of government, it is a fairly solid foundation of power.I, of course, made an account of it to the king, who kindly accepted my resignation, and asked if I could form another government.Since the Conservative Party had a majority of a hundred seats in the House of Commons over all other parties combined, I took up the task and proceeded to form what I took to be a national government, but which could really only be called caretaker government.Its main backbone and core are of course our Conservative and Liberal colleagues, but there are also those who do not belong to any political affiliation, that is, non-partisan figures, who played a very important role in the war cabinet, so Without exception, they remain in their posts.These included Sir John Anderson, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Leathers, Sir Andrew Duncan, Sir James Grigg, Mr Gwilim Lloyd George and others. Organizing a modern-style British cabinet is a complex affair, comprising nearly eighty people and functions.When I think of the delicacy of the Gladstone era, of organizing governments to use private correspondence or meetings, I can be forgiven for using the telephone only in extreme emergencies.Within forty-eight hours a new government had been formed.There is no criticism of its character or quality.It controls the majority in the House of Commons, so necessary fiscal and other bills can be passed.On the 28th, I held a tea party in Downing Street in honor of the main ministers of the former government.The mood was friendly, but also emotional.Many people are genuinely sad to leave their jobs, but no one is more saddened to lose their help than I am.We've been through so much together; we all look at the past five years as a highlight of our lives.History will recognize such estimates. The caretaker cabinet list is as follows: Cabinet Mr Winston Churchill Prime Minister and Secretary of Defense Mr Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Sir John Anderson Lord Woolton Lord Beaverbrook Mr Oliver Littleton, Minister of Trade and Minister of Production Mr. R.A. Butler, Minister of Labor and Military Service home secretary donald somerville Lord Cranborne Mr L‧S‧Amory, Minister of India and Myanmar Affairs Colonial Affairs Secretary Oliver Stanley Lord of the Admiralty Brendan Bracken Secretary of State for War Sir James Grieg Air Secretary Mr Harold Macmillan lord rosebery, secretary of state for scotland Mr. R. S. Hudson, Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries other ministers at cabinet level Lord Chancellor Simon Mr Richard Law H.U. Willink, Secretary of Health Sir Andrew Duncan, Minister of Munitions Aircraft Production Secretary Ernest Brown Minister of Public Works Mr Duncan Sands food secretary colonel llewellyn Lord Leathers Fuel and Power Secretary Major Gwilym Lloyd George Mr Morrison, Minister of Town and Country Planning, Crown Counsel Leslie Hall, Minister of National Insurance｜Mr. Berisha civil aviation secretary lord swinton Mr Geoffrey Lloyd postmaster captain crookshank Mr William Mabain, Secretary of State Sir Edward Grieg, Minister to the Middle East captain balfour Sir Arthur Salter, Lord Chancellor of the Duke of Lancaster Lord Cherwell Pensions Secretary Sir Walter Walmersley Attorney General Sir David Maxwell Fife, Crown Counsel Scottish Attorney-General Mr. Reed, Royal Counsel Solicitor General Sir Walter Monckton, Crown Counsel Sir David King Murray, Solicitor General of Scotland, Crown Counsel The dates and times of the various electoral phases have been arranged to the satisfaction of the other parties.The King has given permission to announce that three weeks have elapsed since I received his new appointment, and that he will consent to the dissolution of Parliament.Accordingly, Parliament was dissolved on June 15th.There should be ten days before the nomination of candidates, and another ten days before the election day, July 5th.With regard to the repatriation of candidates from the front, the rationing of uniforms and petrol, everything was arranged in strict accordance with equal treatment, and those who wielded these powers were not in the slightest censure.Since the soldiers' votes had to be counted in practice after the ballot papers had been mailed back, another twenty-one days had elapsed between the time of the election in the United Kingdom and the counting of the votes and the announcement of the results.This final segment is scheduled for July 26.Some Continental countries have expressed their astonishment at hearing that the ballot-boxes will be kept by the British Government for three weeks, assuming the results to be suspicious.However, in our country these events are treated as strictly as cricket matches or other sporting competitions and hopefully this will continue in the long run.